Dissertations by Nicolas Bertrand
![Research paper thumbnail of Doctoral Thesis: L’ordre des mots chez Homère: structure informationnelle, localisation et progression du récit [Word order in Homer: information structure, localization, and narrative progression]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/37411841/thumbnails/1.jpg)
"Dans ce travail, j’étudie les principes de l’ordre des mots en grec homérique. Dans un premier t... more "Dans ce travail, j’étudie les principes de l’ordre des mots en grec homérique. Dans un premier temps, je m’attache à montrer que, comme en prose classique, le principe fondamental est que les constituants sont alignés en fonction de la structure informationnelle (SI) de l’énoncé, c’est-à-dire de l’expression des relations de topique et de focus. Après avoir décrit l’expression de la SI dans la proposition et les contextes d’emploi des différentes constructions (en particulier dans la poésie homérique), j’explore les marges de la proposition : expressions topiques détachées à droite ou à gauche, vocatifs, etc. ; je montre également que la construction des interrogatives se fait à travers un enchâssement de propositions dotées d’une SI propre. La partition prosodique de l’énoncé, telle qu’elle se révèle à travers la position des postpositifs et de certaines expressions topiques, est mise à profit dans la démonstration. Puis, après une étude comparée de l’hyperbate en grec classique et homérique, je montre que la tmèse est, chez Homère, un procédé de pseudo-incorporation nominale.
Dans un second temps, cette analyse linguistique sert de base à une étude de la poétique de la localisation des mots dans l’hexamètre. J’opère d’abord une réévaluation de l’enjambement chez Homère en tenant compte de la nature orale de la diction épique, puis je tente de mettre au jour un trope de la poésie homérique (que j’appelle « σῆμα narratif »), qui consiste à placer un mot en position initiale dans le vers pour jalonner la progression du récit. Le premier terme que j’étudie, καλός, permet, lorsqu’il est en rejet et qu’il introduit ainsi une description, de marquer la nature symbolique de l’objet qui est décrit, mais souvent aussi l’importance, dans la marche du récit, de la scène où cet objet est décrit. De même, les formes στῆ/ἔστη semblent, outre leur sens littéral, indiquer des moments clés du récit et permettre au narrateur d’en indiquer les articulations ; même l’opposition entre formes avec ou sans augment est signifiante dans cette optique. Ainsi, l’étude linguistique est mise à profit pour une analyse littéraire du texte homérique."
Dans ce mémoire, je montre d’abord que les descriptions homériques d’objets manufacturés ont des ... more Dans ce mémoire, je montre d’abord que les descriptions homériques d’objets manufacturés ont des ressemblances de structure avec les descriptions mycéniennes, si l’on considère l’ordre des différents éléments descriptifs qui les composent. Puis j’analyse les modalités de surgissement du descriptif dans la trame du texte narratif, à travers l’emploi d’adjectifs apposés en rejet, avant de considérer les objets qui sont qualifiés de καλός et leur fonction dans la progression du récit.
Papers by Nicolas Bertrand
Glossa: a journal of general linguistics, May 19, 2023
In ancient Greek, relative pronouns are, as a rule, subject to wh-movement and obligatorily surfa... more In ancient Greek, relative pronouns are, as a rule, subject to wh-movement and obligatorily surface at the left edge of the relative clause. However, the archaic poet Pindar sometimes allows material belonging to the relative clause to appear in front of the relative pronoun, which is then postponed within its clause. In this paper, I survey all relative clauses in the surviving texts by Pindar and study the possible differences in semantics and syntax between relative clauses with initial and postponed relative pronouns, which turn out to be indistinguishable in both respects. I suggest that postponed relative pronouns do move syntactically to the Spec of their relative clause but are then optionally treated as postpositive words and surface in second position in the relative clause. Phonological arguments, based on the distributional properties of postpositive words and on the metrical makeup of Pindar’s texts, are put forward to show how postponed relative pronouns select a host at the left edge of the relative clause and incorporate phonologically to it. The informational status of relative pronouns as ratified (given) topics triggers their phonological demoting, which turns them into postpositive words, a regular process in ancient Greek. Approaching the position of relative pronouns as a conflict between syntactic and (informationally driven) phonological alignment explains why Pindar’s strategy for relativization remained rare in ancient Greek and eventually disappeared: It took one specific poetic genre to allow phonology to outrank syntax.
Studia Linguistica, 2022
This article explores the problem of information structure in ancient Greek direct constituent qu... more This article explores the problem of information structure in ancient Greek direct constituent questions from the perspective of wh-placement. It begins with the observation that wh-items are intrinsically focused and that typologically, wh-placement is predictable based on the focusing properties in some languages, such as Indonesian (in situ strategy) and Basque or Hungarian (focus position strategy), but not in others, such as English (specific wh-position strategy). Ancient Greek has multiple ways to express narrow focusing, e.g., in situ or in a preverbal devoted position. Puzzlingly, with respect to whPs, the former way is only marginally attested and there is no good evidence for the latter way. Instead, based on syntactic and prosodic tests, we show that ancient Greek offers a third strategy, in which a high position in the structure is available. Nevertheless, when this result is recast in the framework of Phase Theory, the tests of wh-duplication and stranding indicate that whPs must go through all three positions, receiving their argument function in situ, checking their focus feature preverbally and verifying their wh-feature in the high position. The specificity of 'why' questions is addressed along the way.
Ὀνομάτων ἵστωρ. Mélanges offerts à Charles de Lamberterie (Collection Linguistique de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, 106), ed. Claire Le Feuvre & Daniel Petit, Louvain-la-Neuve : Peeters, 2020
Revue de Philologie, de Littérature et d'Histoire anciennces, 2019
Cet article étudie les emplois de l’adjectif καλός en rejet qui permet au narrateur homérique d’i... more Cet article étudie les emplois de l’adjectif καλός en rejet qui permet au narrateur homérique d’introduire un certain nombre de descriptions. Je montre que cet emploi n’est pas intégré à un système formulaire, mais qu’il permet, par le procédé de la référentialité traditionnelle, d’indiquer le statut particulier de l’objet décrit. Celui-ci est fréquemment un symbole (σῆμα) de son possesseur ou un objet d’une grande importance symbolique dans le récit, et la fonction de καλός est de le marquer comme tel. De plus, lorsque καλός introduit la description d’un objet apparemment anodin, il peut servir à marquer des tournants dans le récit ou à en souligner la structure.
In this paper I study the uses of the runover adjective καλός, which is a means for the Homeric narrator to introduce many descriptions. I show that this use is not part of a formulaic system but indicates through traditional referentiality the special status of the object described. That object is frequently a symbol (σῆμα) of its owner or has a great symbolic force in the narrative, and the function of καλός is to mark it as such. Moreover, when καλός introduces the description of a seemingly unimportant object, it can be used to signpost decisive steps in the narrative or to highlight its structure.
Proceedings of the Colloquium on Ancient Greek Linguistics (Rome, 2015), 2017
Some Homeric utterances contain both a demonstrative pronoun at the beginning and a coreferent NP... more Some Homeric utterances contain both a demonstrative pronoun at the beginning and a coreferent NP at the end. In most cases, the pronoun is analyzed as a non-ratified topic expression and the NP as a ratified topic expression: the former is used to reestablish the referent as a topic of the new utterance, whereas the latter clarifies the identity of the referent, which is already ratified as a topic at this point of the utterance. Each phrase is located in its dedicated slot in the Ancient Greek word order template: the non-ratified topic expression at the beginning of the clause and ratified topic expression immediately after the verb, hence the discontinuity. This discontinuous topic construction is not to be confused with another similar one, in which the NP is a presentative focus expression; in the latter construction, the initial anaphoric pronoun may be an expletive topic expression.
Francescal Dell'Oro & Odile Lagacherie (éd.), Πολυφόρβῃ Γαίῃ. Mélanges de littérature et linguistique offerts à Françoise Létoublon, 2015
An exhaustive analysis of the all the tokens of the demonstrative pronoun ὅ followed by the parti... more An exhaustive analysis of the all the tokens of the demonstrative pronoun ὅ followed by the particle γε in Homer shows that we must recognize a true pronoun ὅγε. Its function is to create an exclusive anaphora, i.e. to refer back to a referent evoked in the preceding discourse, excluding explicitly all other possible candidates. Due to this process of exclusive anaphora, ὅγε marks either identity or referential continuity, which explains its role in discourse. The semantic mechanism ὅγε generates makes it apt to express Ratified Topics, which explains its positional properties in the utterance (it is generally postpositive).
Georgios Giannakis (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Greek Language and Linguistics, 2014
Information structure, i.e., the grammatical component allowing speakers to shape their sentences... more Information structure, i.e., the grammatical component allowing speakers to shape their sentences according to the
pragmatic context and their communicative goals, is a major aspect of Ancient Greek grammar, since it is the main
factor of word-order variation in that language. The basic concepts of information structure (assertion and
presupposition; indentifiability and activation; topic and focus) are explained and their relevance for Ancient Greek
grammar (mainly word order) is dealt with.
Georgios Giannakis (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Greek Language and Linguistics, 2014
Modifiers are elements used to modify the meaning of the head of their phrase. They are optional ... more Modifiers are elements used to modify the meaning of the head of their phrase. They are optional in that they may be removed without changing the syntactic structure of the sentence in which they occur. In AGk, adjectives are typically noun modifiers, whereas adverbs and adpositional phrases (APs) are universal modifiers, since they can be used to modify any kind of head, including nouns. This paper deals first with noun modifiers, then with modification outside the NP
Georgios Giannakis (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Greek Language and Linguistics, 2014
The division of information into foregrounded and backgrounded parts is called grounding. Probabl... more The division of information into foregrounded and backgrounded parts is called grounding. Probably a universal property of discourse, grounding is expressed through language-specific devices. In Greek, some aspectual, morphological, and syntactic features have been connected to grounding distinctions.
Georgios Giannakis (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Greek Language and Linguistics, 2014
The expression of 'focus' (a key notion of information structure) is explored here in detail. The... more The expression of 'focus' (a key notion of information structure) is explored here in detail. The two focus constructions observable in Ancient Greek word order, broad focus and narrow focus, are sucessively described and related to universal focus structures. In the course of the article, more specific matters are dealt with, namely the unmarked status of the broad-focus construction, polarity focus and thetic statements.
Georgios Giannakis (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Greek Language and Linguistics, 2014
The notion of apposition includes various syntactic constructions, the manifestations of which in... more The notion of apposition includes various syntactic constructions, the manifestations of which in Ancient Greek are reviewed in this section: binominal noun phrases (close apposition), parenthetical NPs coindexed with another NP in the matrix clause (loose apposition), as well as other types of appositive relations, including modifier apposition.
Annamaria Bartolotta (ed). The Greek verb : morphology, syntax, semantics (Proceedings of the 8th International Meeting on Greek Linguistics, Agrigento, October 1–3, 2009) (Bibliothèque des Cahiers de l’Institut de Linguistique de Louvain 128)., 2014
"Présentation synthétique de l'état de la recherche sur la transmission de l'épopée grecque archa... more "Présentation synthétique de l'état de la recherche sur la transmission de l'épopée grecque archaïque.
A synthetic presentation of the state of the art about the transmission of Greek epic."
"Cet article étudie la place des pronoms postpositifs dans l’ordre des mots en grec ancien. Après... more "Cet article étudie la place des pronoms postpositifs dans l’ordre des mots en grec ancien. Après avoir établi quel est l’ordre des mots orthotones (Mobiles), dont les règles de placement sont déterminées par la fonction informative, et proposé, à la suite de Dik (1995) et Matić (2003a), un modèle opératoire de cette linéarisation, je décris le comportement syntaxique des pronoms anaphoriques postpositifs, et le rapproche de celui des expressions topiques non ratifiées, ou Topiques continus (TopCn), qui apparaissent comme des « clitiques pragmatiques » : les deux types d’éléments ont une préférence pour la deuxième position (P2) et la position immé-diatement postverbale (PV), ne peuvent se trouver au début de l’énoncé, et peuvent être postposé à un constituant pragmatique accentué. La similitude entre ces deux comportements m’amène alors à élaborer des règles syntaxiques communes aux pronoms postpositifs et aux TopCn.
Postpositive pronouns in AG word order: syntactic and pragmatic domains
In this paper, I study the position of postpositive pronouns in the Ancient Greek word order. First I try to show what is the order of orthotone words (Mobiles), the ordering rules of which are a product of their informative function, and, following Dik (1995) and Matić (2003a), I submit a functional template of this linearization. Then I describe the syntactic behavior of anaphoric postpositives, and compares it to the behavior of non-ratified topic expressions, or Continuous Topics (ConTops), which turn out to be “pragmatically clitic”, so to speak: both kinds prefer second position (P2) and postverbal position (PV), both are forbidden at the beginning of an utterance, and both may be postponed to an accented pragmatic constituent. The similarity of these behaviors leads me to draw up several syntactic rules which ap-ply to both postpositive pronouns and ConTops."
"À partir de la constatation que les formes intransitives du verbe ἴστημι (en particulier στῆ et ... more "À partir de la constatation que les formes intransitives du verbe ἴστημι (en particulier στῆ et ἔστη) sont surlocalisées au début de vers par rapport à leur forme métrique abstraite, cet article cherche à montrer que ce phénomène est lié à un emploi particulier de ces formes verbales en tant que σῆμα narratif. Leurs occurrences correspondent en effet, malgré la variété de leurs significations de base, à un petit nombre de contextes narratifs (arrivée d’un personnage, etc.) qu’elles servent à marquer dans le cours du récit. De plus, ces formes sont employées par le poète pour baliser, lors de la performance, le cheminement de la narration, qu’Homère désigne par le terme d’οἴμη, le « chemin du chant ». Στῆ etc., au début du vers, ont la valeur d’un signe, un σῆμα, dont la fonction métanarrative est de guider l’auditeur sur ce chemin, en marquant les grandes étapes du récit. Enfin, la comparaison des emplois de la forme augmentée ἔστη avec ceux de la forme sans augment confirme la théorie récente d’Egbert BAKKER selon lequel l’augment a une valeur déictique qui indique la proximité du procès avec le moment du discours : les variations entre les deux formes ne sont pas aléatoires, mais s’expliquent comme les variantes marquée et non-marquée du σῆμα narratif qui a été mis au jour, permettant ainsi un balisage plus précis et subtil encore de l’avancée du récit.
The localization of the intransitive forms of ἵστημι: the function of στῆ and ἔστη in the Homeric narrative
Observing that the intransitive forms of the verb ἵστημι (in particular στῆ and ἔστη) are overlocalized at line beginnings in comparison with their abstract metrical shape, I try to show in this paper that this phenomenon is grounded on a specific use of these verbal forms as a narrative σῆμα. The occurrences correspond, however varied their basic significations, to a small number of narrative contexts (arrival of a character, etc.), which they serve to mark out in the course of the narrative. Furthermore, these forms are a means to signpost, during the performance, the course of the narration, which Homer calls οἴμη “song-path”. Line-initial στῆ and its cognates act as a sign, a σῆμα, the metanarrative function of which is to guide the audience along this path, by marking out the important stages of the narrative. Finally, the comparison between the uses of the augmented verb-form ἔστη and the uses of the unaugmented form provides a confirmation of Egbert Bakker’s recent theory claiming that the augment has a deictic value pointing to the proximity of the process to the moment of utterance: variations between the two verb-forms are not random and are best explained as the marked and unmarked variants of the same narrative σῆμα, allowing for a signposting of the narrative course that is even more subtle and specific."
Talks by Nicolas Bertrand
New Ways of Analizing Ancient Greek 2, 2024
In classical Greek prose, adpositions are bona fide prepositions. However, in ancient Greek verse... more In classical Greek prose, adpositions are bona fide prepositions. However, in ancient Greek verse, they can be postponed to the first word of the adpositional phrase. Through a thorough study of the extant texts by lyric poet Pindar, I show that non-initial adpositions are really postpositive (i.e. surfacing in the so-called Wackernagel position in their syntactic domain) and that such a behavior cannot be explained by syntactic movement. Then, using a novel method for assessing the strength of prosodic breaks in Pindar's verse, I provide arguments to explain why, although postpositive, non-initial adpositions are reluctant to surface last in their phrase.
A tentative explanation of Pindar's ability to place the relative pronoun second in the relative ... more A tentative explanation of Pindar's ability to place the relative pronoun second in the relative clause.
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Dissertations by Nicolas Bertrand
Dans un second temps, cette analyse linguistique sert de base à une étude de la poétique de la localisation des mots dans l’hexamètre. J’opère d’abord une réévaluation de l’enjambement chez Homère en tenant compte de la nature orale de la diction épique, puis je tente de mettre au jour un trope de la poésie homérique (que j’appelle « σῆμα narratif »), qui consiste à placer un mot en position initiale dans le vers pour jalonner la progression du récit. Le premier terme que j’étudie, καλός, permet, lorsqu’il est en rejet et qu’il introduit ainsi une description, de marquer la nature symbolique de l’objet qui est décrit, mais souvent aussi l’importance, dans la marche du récit, de la scène où cet objet est décrit. De même, les formes στῆ/ἔστη semblent, outre leur sens littéral, indiquer des moments clés du récit et permettre au narrateur d’en indiquer les articulations ; même l’opposition entre formes avec ou sans augment est signifiante dans cette optique. Ainsi, l’étude linguistique est mise à profit pour une analyse littéraire du texte homérique."
Papers by Nicolas Bertrand
In this paper I study the uses of the runover adjective καλός, which is a means for the Homeric narrator to introduce many descriptions. I show that this use is not part of a formulaic system but indicates through traditional referentiality the special status of the object described. That object is frequently a symbol (σῆμα) of its owner or has a great symbolic force in the narrative, and the function of καλός is to mark it as such. Moreover, when καλός introduces the description of a seemingly unimportant object, it can be used to signpost decisive steps in the narrative or to highlight its structure.
pragmatic context and their communicative goals, is a major aspect of Ancient Greek grammar, since it is the main
factor of word-order variation in that language. The basic concepts of information structure (assertion and
presupposition; indentifiability and activation; topic and focus) are explained and their relevance for Ancient Greek
grammar (mainly word order) is dealt with.
A synthetic presentation of the state of the art about the transmission of Greek epic."
Postpositive pronouns in AG word order: syntactic and pragmatic domains
In this paper, I study the position of postpositive pronouns in the Ancient Greek word order. First I try to show what is the order of orthotone words (Mobiles), the ordering rules of which are a product of their informative function, and, following Dik (1995) and Matić (2003a), I submit a functional template of this linearization. Then I describe the syntactic behavior of anaphoric postpositives, and compares it to the behavior of non-ratified topic expressions, or Continuous Topics (ConTops), which turn out to be “pragmatically clitic”, so to speak: both kinds prefer second position (P2) and postverbal position (PV), both are forbidden at the beginning of an utterance, and both may be postponed to an accented pragmatic constituent. The similarity of these behaviors leads me to draw up several syntactic rules which ap-ply to both postpositive pronouns and ConTops."
The localization of the intransitive forms of ἵστημι: the function of στῆ and ἔστη in the Homeric narrative
Observing that the intransitive forms of the verb ἵστημι (in particular στῆ and ἔστη) are overlocalized at line beginnings in comparison with their abstract metrical shape, I try to show in this paper that this phenomenon is grounded on a specific use of these verbal forms as a narrative σῆμα. The occurrences correspond, however varied their basic significations, to a small number of narrative contexts (arrival of a character, etc.), which they serve to mark out in the course of the narrative. Furthermore, these forms are a means to signpost, during the performance, the course of the narration, which Homer calls οἴμη “song-path”. Line-initial στῆ and its cognates act as a sign, a σῆμα, the metanarrative function of which is to guide the audience along this path, by marking out the important stages of the narrative. Finally, the comparison between the uses of the augmented verb-form ἔστη and the uses of the unaugmented form provides a confirmation of Egbert Bakker’s recent theory claiming that the augment has a deictic value pointing to the proximity of the process to the moment of utterance: variations between the two verb-forms are not random and are best explained as the marked and unmarked variants of the same narrative σῆμα, allowing for a signposting of the narrative course that is even more subtle and specific."
Talks by Nicolas Bertrand
Dans un second temps, cette analyse linguistique sert de base à une étude de la poétique de la localisation des mots dans l’hexamètre. J’opère d’abord une réévaluation de l’enjambement chez Homère en tenant compte de la nature orale de la diction épique, puis je tente de mettre au jour un trope de la poésie homérique (que j’appelle « σῆμα narratif »), qui consiste à placer un mot en position initiale dans le vers pour jalonner la progression du récit. Le premier terme que j’étudie, καλός, permet, lorsqu’il est en rejet et qu’il introduit ainsi une description, de marquer la nature symbolique de l’objet qui est décrit, mais souvent aussi l’importance, dans la marche du récit, de la scène où cet objet est décrit. De même, les formes στῆ/ἔστη semblent, outre leur sens littéral, indiquer des moments clés du récit et permettre au narrateur d’en indiquer les articulations ; même l’opposition entre formes avec ou sans augment est signifiante dans cette optique. Ainsi, l’étude linguistique est mise à profit pour une analyse littéraire du texte homérique."
In this paper I study the uses of the runover adjective καλός, which is a means for the Homeric narrator to introduce many descriptions. I show that this use is not part of a formulaic system but indicates through traditional referentiality the special status of the object described. That object is frequently a symbol (σῆμα) of its owner or has a great symbolic force in the narrative, and the function of καλός is to mark it as such. Moreover, when καλός introduces the description of a seemingly unimportant object, it can be used to signpost decisive steps in the narrative or to highlight its structure.
pragmatic context and their communicative goals, is a major aspect of Ancient Greek grammar, since it is the main
factor of word-order variation in that language. The basic concepts of information structure (assertion and
presupposition; indentifiability and activation; topic and focus) are explained and their relevance for Ancient Greek
grammar (mainly word order) is dealt with.
A synthetic presentation of the state of the art about the transmission of Greek epic."
Postpositive pronouns in AG word order: syntactic and pragmatic domains
In this paper, I study the position of postpositive pronouns in the Ancient Greek word order. First I try to show what is the order of orthotone words (Mobiles), the ordering rules of which are a product of their informative function, and, following Dik (1995) and Matić (2003a), I submit a functional template of this linearization. Then I describe the syntactic behavior of anaphoric postpositives, and compares it to the behavior of non-ratified topic expressions, or Continuous Topics (ConTops), which turn out to be “pragmatically clitic”, so to speak: both kinds prefer second position (P2) and postverbal position (PV), both are forbidden at the beginning of an utterance, and both may be postponed to an accented pragmatic constituent. The similarity of these behaviors leads me to draw up several syntactic rules which ap-ply to both postpositive pronouns and ConTops."
The localization of the intransitive forms of ἵστημι: the function of στῆ and ἔστη in the Homeric narrative
Observing that the intransitive forms of the verb ἵστημι (in particular στῆ and ἔστη) are overlocalized at line beginnings in comparison with their abstract metrical shape, I try to show in this paper that this phenomenon is grounded on a specific use of these verbal forms as a narrative σῆμα. The occurrences correspond, however varied their basic significations, to a small number of narrative contexts (arrival of a character, etc.), which they serve to mark out in the course of the narrative. Furthermore, these forms are a means to signpost, during the performance, the course of the narration, which Homer calls οἴμη “song-path”. Line-initial στῆ and its cognates act as a sign, a σῆμα, the metanarrative function of which is to guide the audience along this path, by marking out the important stages of the narrative. Finally, the comparison between the uses of the augmented verb-form ἔστη and the uses of the unaugmented form provides a confirmation of Egbert Bakker’s recent theory claiming that the augment has a deictic value pointing to the proximity of the process to the moment of utterance: variations between the two verb-forms are not random and are best explained as the marked and unmarked variants of the same narrative σῆμα, allowing for a signposting of the narrative course that is even more subtle and specific."
In this talk I analyse Homeric constructions (262×) in which a same referent is evoked twice, first as an anaphoric pronoun ὁ, ἡ, τό at the beginning of the clause, then as a NP at the end. I show that this construction consists of the cooccurrence in the same clause of a non-ratified topic expression (the pronoun) and a coreferent ratified topic expression (the NP) and I analyse its function in the Homeric discourse.
This construction must be distinguished from another similar one (19×) where the NP is in fact a presentative focus expression and the pronoun a kind of dummy topic expression.
In this presentation of my dissertation's chapter 6, I come back to the idea that there is a trope — viz. the runover detached epithet – that triggers the switch to a descriptive discourse mode. When this epithet is καλός, then it can be shown that the described object has a special status in the narrative and tha its description may be used to signpost the narrative progression.
The ICAGL Series
The 11th International Colloquium on Ancient Greek Linguistics (ICAGL) (4th in the new series) will be held in Nice in June 2025. The original series started in Amsterdam 1986 and in 2015 merged with the Italian series of conferences on Greek linguistics (Incontro Internazionale di Linguistica Greca), to start the new regular series of colloquia held every three years. This series of conferences aims to provide an international forum to present high-calibre ongoing research, or results already achieved, by scholars in the field of Ancient Greek linguistics.
PREVIOUS MEETINGS
2015 | Università Tor Vergata in Rome (Italy)
2018 | University of Helsinki (Finland)
2022 | Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (Spain)
CALL FOR PAPERS
We invite any interested linguist working on Ancient Greek to present their work at the ICAGL conference in Nice, either as papers or posters. We will accept proposals related to any aspect of Ancient Greek linguistics, including phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics, and discourse. The orientation of the papers can be diachronic and/or synchronic.
The conference will start on Wednesday morning June 25th and will finish on Friday June 27th, 2025. An official dinner will take place on Thursday June 24th.
Those interested should submit their abstracts before November 30th, 2024, using the online form (https://icagl2025.sciencesconf.org/submission/submit). The outcome will be communicated no later than February 15th, 2025.
FORMAT OF THE ABSTRACTS
The abstract for papers and posters should be entirely anonymous and contain the following elements:
1. Indication whether the author(s) intend to present a paper or a poster (or either).
2. The aim of the paper, the methodology employed in the investigation and the main results the author expects or has obtained. This portion of the abstract must be no more than 800 words in length (excluding references).
3. Bibliographical references (excluding all references by the author(s) of the paper or poster).
4. A choice of maximum 3 keywords.
One person may submit at most one abstract as sole author and one abstract as co-author (or two co-authored abstracts).
Each presentation will last 20 minutes, followed by 5 minutes of discussion. The working languages of the colloquium are English, French, German, Greek, Italian, and Spanish.
KEYNOTE SPEAKERS
Claire Le Feuvre, Sorbonne Université
Silvia Luraghi, Università di Pavia
Jeremy Rau, Harvard University
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE
Nicolas Bertrand (Université Côte d’Azur, BCL, CNRS)
Richard Faure (Université de Tours, CeThis)
SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE
Rutger Allan (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Netherlands)
Klaas Bentein (Universiteit Gent, Belgium)
Nicolas Bertrand (Université Cote d’Azur, France)
Giorgios Giannakis (Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης, Greece
Daniel Kölligan (Universität zu Köln, Germany)
Dagmar Muchnová (Univerzita Karlova, Czech Republic)
Paolo Pocetti (Università di Roma 4 Tor Vergata, Italy)
Philomen Probert (University of Oxford, United Kingdom)
Araceli Striano (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain)
Marja Vierros (Helsingin yliopisto, Finland)
Information on registration, venue and other practical matters will be announced soon on the ICAGL website (https://icagl2025.sciencesconf.org), which will be up-dated regularly.