Papers and Studies in Contrastive Linguistics, Oct 31, 2023
The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf &#3... more The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to disappear, to decrease' and przybyć.perf/przybywać.imperf 'to arrive, to increase'-with a view to shedding light on the structure of existential unaccusatives. The two above-mentioned verbs appear in two distinct paradigms-the disappearance/motion verb and the existential one-both of which are taken to represent subtypes of existential structure. Existential verbs are treated here as monadic predicates with a single small clause complement, whose internal structure may vary, depending on the predicate. The two existential unaccusatives analysed in the paper may select two different types of small clause complement, which are different from the small clause selected by the existential być 'to be'. Thus, Polish seems to make use of three different small clause structures in existential clauses. The paper also provides evidence that in Polish, like in English, existential unaccusatives are structurally distinct from change of state unaccusatives, and thus in the two languages there is more than one way to be structurally unaccusative. The account bears on the analysis of the genitive of negation in Polish, especially the issue of its inapplicability to existential unaccusatives versus its presence with the existential być 'to be'.
This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć ‘to s... more This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć ‘to suffice’ in Polish. We argue that this verb is polysemous. Besides its idiosyncratic meaning ‘to suffice’, it may also mean ‘to be enough’ or ‘to have enough’. The three above-mentioned meanings of the verb wystarczać/wystarczyć are associated with three different syntactic structures. The idiosyncratic meaning of this verb is found with the nominative argument. The second meaning of the verb surfaces in existential clauses with the genitive DP and an optional locative PP. The third - possessive meaning - arises when the verb appears with the dative possessor and the genitive theme.
An na B o nda r uk a nd An na Pra żm ow ska is paper examines the syntax of dative possessors fou... more An na B o nda r uk a nd An na Pra żm ow ska is paper examines the syntax of dative possessors found with existential unaccusative verbs in Polish, called lack-type verbs. ese verbs cannot be viewed as dyadic unaccusatives in Polish, since the dative possessor they contain behaves like an external argument, because it can bind subject-oriented anaphors. e dative possessor differs from items introduced in the specifier of a high or low ApplP, which can never bind anaphors in Polish. e unaccusativity of lack-type verbs and the external argument status of the dative possessor are reconciled by merging the dative possessor in the specifier of VoiceP, the position typical of external arguments, which is nonetheless non-thematic (expletive). Adopting Myler's ('()*; '(),) predicative possession, we argue that the possessor role of the dative DP does not come from the lack-type verb itself but is mediated by the possessed DP, denoting the relation between the possessor and the possessee. e dative does not merge within the possessed DP, but it saturates the possessor theta role once it is merged in the specifier of expletive VoiceP via Delayed Gratification.
This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish.... more This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish. This alternation is viewed here as distinct from the causative/anticausative alternation, because eventive EO verbs do not pattern like change of state (COS) verbs, and their reflexive ES alternants are unergative, not unaccusative. Eventive EO verbs share a common base with their ES counterparts, which corresponds to an unergative vP, with the experiencer merged in a low external argument position, viz. Spec, vP (Tollan 2018), not in Spec, VoiceP. The difference between causative EO verbs and their ES cognates lies in the Voice layer; in the former, the causer argument occupies the specifier of thematic VoiceP, while in the latter the Voice is expletive, filled with the reflexive marker się. Despite sharing the common base, eventive EO verbs and their reflexive ES variants are not derivationally related by a syntactic rule, as neither of the two structures can be treated as the basic one. The same reflexive marker with the same function and structural position is found in Polish anticausatives, which also share a common base with their causative counterparts. The common base, this time, however, corresponds to an unaccusative, not unergative, vP.
The paper confronts the typology of copular sentences proposed by Higgins (1979) for English with... more The paper confronts the typology of copular sentences proposed by Higgins (1979) for English with the Polish data. Higgins distinguishes in English four types of copular sentences, such as predicational, specificational, equative and identificational. The paper shows that these four types of sentences are also present in Polish although their inventory is much bigger than in English because, in addition to the verbal copula, Polish also has a pronominal copula to , and even shows the co-occurrence of these two elements in the same clause (the so-called dual copula sentences). All these three types of copula sentences may have a predicational function, but the remaining three functions can only be associated with the clauses containing to or those with both to and byc . The paper presents examples of ambiguous sentences and the tests to eliminate the ambiguity. An attempt has also been made to reduce Higgins’ typology. It has been shown that Polish inverted equative sentences show properties typical of specificational sentences. As for identity statements, arguments have been provided in favour of the claim that both in English and in Polish they can be classified as either specificational or equative.
The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to dis... more The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to disappear, to decrease' and przybyć.perf/przybywać.imperf 'to arrive, to increase'-with a view to shedding light on the structure of existential unaccusatives. The two above-mentioned verbs appear in two distinct paradigms-the disappearance/motion verb and the existential one-both of which are taken to represent subtypes of existential structure. Existential verbs are treated here as monadic predicates with a single small clause complement, whose internal structure may vary, depending on the predicate. The two existential unaccusatives analysed in the paper may select two different types of small clause complement, which are different from the small clause selected by the existential być 'to be'. Thus, Polish seems to make use of three different small clause structures in existential clauses. The paper also provides evidence that in Polish, like in English, existential unaccusatives are structurally distinct from change of state unaccusatives, and thus in the two languages there is more than one way to be structurally unaccusative. The account bears on the analysis of the genitive of negation in Polish, especially the issue of its inapplicability to existential unaccusatives versus its presence with the existential być 'to be'.
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature, 2023
This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć [to s... more This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć [to suffice] in Polish. We argue that this verb is polysemous. Besides its idiosyncratic meaning 'to suffice', it may also mean 'to be enough' or 'to have enough'. The three above-mentioned meanings of the verb wystarczać/wystarczyć are associated with three different syntactic structures. The idiosyncratic meaning of this verb is found with the nominative argument. The second meaning of the verb surfaces in existential clauses with the genitive nominal argument and an optional locative PP. The third-possessive meaning-arises when the verb appears with the dative possessor and the genitive theme.
The chapter examines agreement in Polish dual copula clauses, hosting both the verbal and the pro... more The chapter examines agreement in Polish dual copula clauses, hosting both the verbal and the pronominal copula. The focus is on predicational and specificational dual copula clauses, in which the verbal copula agrees in φ-features with the post-verbal item, not with the pre-verbal one, when both nominal expressions are 3rd person. T in Polish dual copula clauses is taken to be a multiple probe, which has its φ-features valued by one of the goals it undergoes Agree with, while T’s EPP-feature is eliminated by the other goal. Divorcing the satisfaction of the EPP-feature of T from its φ-feature valuation accounts for the agreement with the post-verbal DP in both types of clauses analysed. The person hierarchy, in which 3rd person is subordinate to 1st and 2nd person, explains why in dual copula clauses with the 1st or 2nd person pronoun, the 1st or 2nd person pronoun always determines verbal agreement.
O wykładniku zwrotnym się z czasownikami z eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie Artyk... more O wykładniku zwrotnym się z czasownikami z eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie Artykuł dotyczy analizy składniowej wykładnika zwrotnego się, występującego z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie. Analizowane są głównie te czasowniki zwrotne z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu, które regularnie alternują z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji dopełnienia. Podane są dowody na to, że analizowane się nie ma interpretacji zwrotnej i dlatego nie może być uznane za zmienną związaną. Wykładnik zwrotny się również nie ma funkcji operatora redukującego walencję czasowników alternujących z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu. W analizie zaproponowanej w artykule, osadzonej w Programie Minimalistycznym Chomsky’ego (Minimalist inquiries: The framework, Derivation by phase i dalsze), się występujące z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu nie ma roli tematycznej, nie jest więc argumentem. Dodatkowo się nie ma cech φ i jest scalane w v. Ponieważ t...
Abstract The aims of this paper are twofold. The first objective is to check whether Polish antic... more Abstract The aims of this paper are twofold. The first objective is to check whether Polish anticausatives are causative in their lexical semantic or syntactic representation. Four diagnostics supporting the presence of a cause in anticausatives are examined against the Polish data, including cause PPs, modification by by itself, the interpretation of negation, and the occurrence of dative causes. Evidence is provided that none of these diagnostics proves the presence of a cause in syntax or semantics of Polish anticausatives. The causative meaning of anticausatives comes from the complex event structure built in the syntax, but interpreted as causative at the syntax-semantics interface. The paper also aims to offer a syntactic analysis of Polish anticausatives in the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (2000 , et seq.). The validity of three approaches to the structure of anticausatives is tested against the Polish data, including the unaccusative analysis of Schafer (2008) , the reflexive account of Koontz-Garboden (2009) and Cuervo, 2014 , Cuervo, 2015 , and the predication-based approach of Den Dikken and Dekany (2019) . Schafer's (2008) analysis seems to best fit the Polish data, since Polish anticausatives are unaccusative and contain a reflexive marker, equipped with φ-features, but lacking a theta role, hence functioning as an A-expletive.
The paper addresses the question of the interplay between the morphosyntactic concept of case and... more The paper addresses the question of the interplay between the morphosyntactic concept of case and the semantic notion of theta role on the basis of so-called nominativeless construc-tions with dative Experiencers in Polish. Another vital and closely related ...
The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is arg... more The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is argued that the two structures are similar as regards argument realization, i.e. in both constructions, the theme argument appears in the structural subject position. The two structures also have a dispositional meaning in common. However, they show a number of differences. They differ in the presence of a syntactically active agent, their aspectual properties, the availability of episodic interpretations, the obligatory presence of an adverbial modifier, and verb class restrictions. Although these differences seem to argue against a common syntactic derivation for the two structures analysed here, they do not preclude classifying the modal dać się structure as a subtype of the dispositional middle. If middles are seen as a notional category, understood as a special meaning that different grammatical structures can have, along the lines postulated by Condoravdi (1989), then the modal dać si...
The paper aims to verify Landau's (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (... more The paper aims to verify Landau's (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (OE) verbs to form verbal passives is directly linked to their unaccusativity. In the first part of the article it is shown that given the polysemous nature of OE verbs in Polish, the collected corpus data confirm that unambiguously stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives in Polish. However, it is argued that this fact cannot be taken as evidence for the unaccusativity of these predicates. A number of arguments are provided against the claim that Polish stative OE verbs are unaccusative. Firstly, in contrast to their English equivalents, stative OE verbs in Polish cannot co-occur with an expletive subject. Secondly, the accusative case of the Experiencer is clearly structural in Polish, as it is affected by the Genitive of Negation. The second part of the article (to be published in a forthcoming issue of this journal) focuses on the mutual hierarchy of the two arguments of OE verbs: the Experiencer and the Target/Subject Matter (T/SM). The evidence based on Condition A, pronominal variable binding, and Condition C effects is inconclusive, and hence does not allow us to determine which of the two arguments is projected higher in the structure. For this reason, it is assumed after Landau (2010) that the Experiencer is projected higher than the T/SM. The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that stative OE verbs in Polish are not syntactically unaccusative, and therefore their immunity to the verbal passive must be sought elsewhere. The answer to the question why stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives crucially relies on their having a complex ergative structure as in Bennis (2004), where both arguments are internal, while the external argument is missing altogether.
Papers and Studies in Contrastive Linguistics, Oct 31, 2023
The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf &#3... more The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to disappear, to decrease' and przybyć.perf/przybywać.imperf 'to arrive, to increase'-with a view to shedding light on the structure of existential unaccusatives. The two above-mentioned verbs appear in two distinct paradigms-the disappearance/motion verb and the existential one-both of which are taken to represent subtypes of existential structure. Existential verbs are treated here as monadic predicates with a single small clause complement, whose internal structure may vary, depending on the predicate. The two existential unaccusatives analysed in the paper may select two different types of small clause complement, which are different from the small clause selected by the existential być 'to be'. Thus, Polish seems to make use of three different small clause structures in existential clauses. The paper also provides evidence that in Polish, like in English, existential unaccusatives are structurally distinct from change of state unaccusatives, and thus in the two languages there is more than one way to be structurally unaccusative. The account bears on the analysis of the genitive of negation in Polish, especially the issue of its inapplicability to existential unaccusatives versus its presence with the existential być 'to be'.
This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć ‘to s... more This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć ‘to suffice’ in Polish. We argue that this verb is polysemous. Besides its idiosyncratic meaning ‘to suffice’, it may also mean ‘to be enough’ or ‘to have enough’. The three above-mentioned meanings of the verb wystarczać/wystarczyć are associated with three different syntactic structures. The idiosyncratic meaning of this verb is found with the nominative argument. The second meaning of the verb surfaces in existential clauses with the genitive DP and an optional locative PP. The third - possessive meaning - arises when the verb appears with the dative possessor and the genitive theme.
An na B o nda r uk a nd An na Pra żm ow ska is paper examines the syntax of dative possessors fou... more An na B o nda r uk a nd An na Pra żm ow ska is paper examines the syntax of dative possessors found with existential unaccusative verbs in Polish, called lack-type verbs. ese verbs cannot be viewed as dyadic unaccusatives in Polish, since the dative possessor they contain behaves like an external argument, because it can bind subject-oriented anaphors. e dative possessor differs from items introduced in the specifier of a high or low ApplP, which can never bind anaphors in Polish. e unaccusativity of lack-type verbs and the external argument status of the dative possessor are reconciled by merging the dative possessor in the specifier of VoiceP, the position typical of external arguments, which is nonetheless non-thematic (expletive). Adopting Myler's ('()*; '(),) predicative possession, we argue that the possessor role of the dative DP does not come from the lack-type verb itself but is mediated by the possessed DP, denoting the relation between the possessor and the possessee. e dative does not merge within the possessed DP, but it saturates the possessor theta role once it is merged in the specifier of expletive VoiceP via Delayed Gratification.
This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish.... more This paper focuses on the Experiencer Object (EO)/Experiencer Subject (ES) alternation in Polish. This alternation is viewed here as distinct from the causative/anticausative alternation, because eventive EO verbs do not pattern like change of state (COS) verbs, and their reflexive ES alternants are unergative, not unaccusative. Eventive EO verbs share a common base with their ES counterparts, which corresponds to an unergative vP, with the experiencer merged in a low external argument position, viz. Spec, vP (Tollan 2018), not in Spec, VoiceP. The difference between causative EO verbs and their ES cognates lies in the Voice layer; in the former, the causer argument occupies the specifier of thematic VoiceP, while in the latter the Voice is expletive, filled with the reflexive marker się. Despite sharing the common base, eventive EO verbs and their reflexive ES variants are not derivationally related by a syntactic rule, as neither of the two structures can be treated as the basic one. The same reflexive marker with the same function and structural position is found in Polish anticausatives, which also share a common base with their causative counterparts. The common base, this time, however, corresponds to an unaccusative, not unergative, vP.
The paper confronts the typology of copular sentences proposed by Higgins (1979) for English with... more The paper confronts the typology of copular sentences proposed by Higgins (1979) for English with the Polish data. Higgins distinguishes in English four types of copular sentences, such as predicational, specificational, equative and identificational. The paper shows that these four types of sentences are also present in Polish although their inventory is much bigger than in English because, in addition to the verbal copula, Polish also has a pronominal copula to , and even shows the co-occurrence of these two elements in the same clause (the so-called dual copula sentences). All these three types of copula sentences may have a predicational function, but the remaining three functions can only be associated with the clauses containing to or those with both to and byc . The paper presents examples of ambiguous sentences and the tests to eliminate the ambiguity. An attempt has also been made to reduce Higgins’ typology. It has been shown that Polish inverted equative sentences show properties typical of specificational sentences. As for identity statements, arguments have been provided in favour of the claim that both in English and in Polish they can be classified as either specificational or equative.
The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to dis... more The paper examines the syntax of two unaccusative verbs in Polish-ubyć.perf/ubywać.imperf 'to disappear, to decrease' and przybyć.perf/przybywać.imperf 'to arrive, to increase'-with a view to shedding light on the structure of existential unaccusatives. The two above-mentioned verbs appear in two distinct paradigms-the disappearance/motion verb and the existential one-both of which are taken to represent subtypes of existential structure. Existential verbs are treated here as monadic predicates with a single small clause complement, whose internal structure may vary, depending on the predicate. The two existential unaccusatives analysed in the paper may select two different types of small clause complement, which are different from the small clause selected by the existential być 'to be'. Thus, Polish seems to make use of three different small clause structures in existential clauses. The paper also provides evidence that in Polish, like in English, existential unaccusatives are structurally distinct from change of state unaccusatives, and thus in the two languages there is more than one way to be structurally unaccusative. The account bears on the analysis of the genitive of negation in Polish, especially the issue of its inapplicability to existential unaccusatives versus its presence with the existential być 'to be'.
Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature, 2023
This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć [to s... more This paper examines the syntax and semantics of the unaccusative verb wystarczać/wystarczyć [to suffice] in Polish. We argue that this verb is polysemous. Besides its idiosyncratic meaning 'to suffice', it may also mean 'to be enough' or 'to have enough'. The three above-mentioned meanings of the verb wystarczać/wystarczyć are associated with three different syntactic structures. The idiosyncratic meaning of this verb is found with the nominative argument. The second meaning of the verb surfaces in existential clauses with the genitive nominal argument and an optional locative PP. The third-possessive meaning-arises when the verb appears with the dative possessor and the genitive theme.
The chapter examines agreement in Polish dual copula clauses, hosting both the verbal and the pro... more The chapter examines agreement in Polish dual copula clauses, hosting both the verbal and the pronominal copula. The focus is on predicational and specificational dual copula clauses, in which the verbal copula agrees in φ-features with the post-verbal item, not with the pre-verbal one, when both nominal expressions are 3rd person. T in Polish dual copula clauses is taken to be a multiple probe, which has its φ-features valued by one of the goals it undergoes Agree with, while T’s EPP-feature is eliminated by the other goal. Divorcing the satisfaction of the EPP-feature of T from its φ-feature valuation accounts for the agreement with the post-verbal DP in both types of clauses analysed. The person hierarchy, in which 3rd person is subordinate to 1st and 2nd person, explains why in dual copula clauses with the 1st or 2nd person pronoun, the 1st or 2nd person pronoun always determines verbal agreement.
O wykładniku zwrotnym się z czasownikami z eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie Artyk... more O wykładniku zwrotnym się z czasownikami z eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie Artykuł dotyczy analizy składniowej wykładnika zwrotnego się, występującego z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu w polszczyźnie. Analizowane są głównie te czasowniki zwrotne z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu, które regularnie alternują z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji dopełnienia. Podane są dowody na to, że analizowane się nie ma interpretacji zwrotnej i dlatego nie może być uznane za zmienną związaną. Wykładnik zwrotny się również nie ma funkcji operatora redukującego walencję czasowników alternujących z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu. W analizie zaproponowanej w artykule, osadzonej w Programie Minimalistycznym Chomsky’ego (Minimalist inquiries: The framework, Derivation by phase i dalsze), się występujące z czasownikami z Eksperiencerem w pozycji podmiotu nie ma roli tematycznej, nie jest więc argumentem. Dodatkowo się nie ma cech φ i jest scalane w v. Ponieważ t...
Abstract The aims of this paper are twofold. The first objective is to check whether Polish antic... more Abstract The aims of this paper are twofold. The first objective is to check whether Polish anticausatives are causative in their lexical semantic or syntactic representation. Four diagnostics supporting the presence of a cause in anticausatives are examined against the Polish data, including cause PPs, modification by by itself, the interpretation of negation, and the occurrence of dative causes. Evidence is provided that none of these diagnostics proves the presence of a cause in syntax or semantics of Polish anticausatives. The causative meaning of anticausatives comes from the complex event structure built in the syntax, but interpreted as causative at the syntax-semantics interface. The paper also aims to offer a syntactic analysis of Polish anticausatives in the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (2000 , et seq.). The validity of three approaches to the structure of anticausatives is tested against the Polish data, including the unaccusative analysis of Schafer (2008) , the reflexive account of Koontz-Garboden (2009) and Cuervo, 2014 , Cuervo, 2015 , and the predication-based approach of Den Dikken and Dekany (2019) . Schafer's (2008) analysis seems to best fit the Polish data, since Polish anticausatives are unaccusative and contain a reflexive marker, equipped with φ-features, but lacking a theta role, hence functioning as an A-expletive.
The paper addresses the question of the interplay between the morphosyntactic concept of case and... more The paper addresses the question of the interplay between the morphosyntactic concept of case and the semantic notion of theta role on the basis of so-called nominativeless construc-tions with dative Experiencers in Polish. Another vital and closely related ...
The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is arg... more The paper compares the modal dać się structure with the dispositional middle in Polish. It is argued that the two structures are similar as regards argument realization, i.e. in both constructions, the theme argument appears in the structural subject position. The two structures also have a dispositional meaning in common. However, they show a number of differences. They differ in the presence of a syntactically active agent, their aspectual properties, the availability of episodic interpretations, the obligatory presence of an adverbial modifier, and verb class restrictions. Although these differences seem to argue against a common syntactic derivation for the two structures analysed here, they do not preclude classifying the modal dać się structure as a subtype of the dispositional middle. If middles are seen as a notional category, understood as a special meaning that different grammatical structures can have, along the lines postulated by Condoravdi (1989), then the modal dać si...
The paper aims to verify Landau's (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (... more The paper aims to verify Landau's (2010) claim that the inability of stative Object Experiencer (OE) verbs to form verbal passives is directly linked to their unaccusativity. In the first part of the article it is shown that given the polysemous nature of OE verbs in Polish, the collected corpus data confirm that unambiguously stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives in Polish. However, it is argued that this fact cannot be taken as evidence for the unaccusativity of these predicates. A number of arguments are provided against the claim that Polish stative OE verbs are unaccusative. Firstly, in contrast to their English equivalents, stative OE verbs in Polish cannot co-occur with an expletive subject. Secondly, the accusative case of the Experiencer is clearly structural in Polish, as it is affected by the Genitive of Negation. The second part of the article (to be published in a forthcoming issue of this journal) focuses on the mutual hierarchy of the two arguments of OE verbs: the Experiencer and the Target/Subject Matter (T/SM). The evidence based on Condition A, pronominal variable binding, and Condition C effects is inconclusive, and hence does not allow us to determine which of the two arguments is projected higher in the structure. For this reason, it is assumed after Landau (2010) that the Experiencer is projected higher than the T/SM. The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that stative OE verbs in Polish are not syntactically unaccusative, and therefore their immunity to the verbal passive must be sought elsewhere. The answer to the question why stative OE verbs do not form verbal passives crucially relies on their having a complex ergative structure as in Bennis (2004), where both arguments are internal, while the external argument is missing altogether.
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