Anamed

The act of visiting holy sites transformed a pilgrim into a symbolic witness to the sacred. As a memento of the experience, Byzantine pilgrims acquired objects such as pilgrim flasks or tokens from the sacred land. These items were meant to be carried or displayed by the pilgrim during their lifetime and were buried with the pilgrim upon their death. The primary function of these objects was to protect the pilgrim from evils. However, they also contributed to a pilgrim's identity throughout life. The placement of the pilgrims within the symbolic scene of the Crucifixion on pilgrim flasks demonstrates how the pilgrims were portrayed as witnesses to the sacred event before the eyes of other Christians. This paper examines the Christian pilgrimage regarding its effect on the identity of the Byzantine individuals by examining lead pilgrim flasks from the sixth and the seventh centuries.

This dissertation explores the concept of protection and its development in Byzantium over the centuries. In this context, protection is understood as magical, apotropaic, spiritual, and/or pseudo-medical protection against a tangible or intangible danger. This dissertation primarily examines the ways that this concept was reflected in the material world of Byzantium. The source material for this examination is a core group of objects including pendants, flasks, tokens, coins, appliques, badges, and small-size icons dated from the sixth to the fourteenth century from museums and private collections in Turkey.

This study explores three unpublished and undated objects within the context of magic and apotropaic protection in the Early Byzantine period. These objects are identified as amulets and dated to the sixth and seventh centuries on the basis of a careful reading of their inscriptions and interpretation of their iconography. In this study, it is observed that these amulets make allusions to the same oral traditions and scriptural stories derived from the Old Testament. The same visual and literary images are frequently depicted with different combinations on these amulets or similar examples. This interpretation points to the likely existence of a “shared manual” or a magical handbook, which was used by the creators of these objects but has not survived until today. This type of small objects without an archaeological context is oftentimes overlooked by art historians and archaeologists alike. However, the study of the elements on these objects and their connection with the written sources will hopefully help and improve the study of similar objects discovered in archaeological contexts.

This study explores the use of sacred and profane elements in daily life in Byzantium. Four am- ulets from two collections in Istanbul, three of which are unpublished, present these elements together. Two Late Antique and two Middle Byzantine amulets feature culturally-syncretic motifs, pagan images, and magical spells. At the same time, these objects bear Christian signs, prayers, hymns, and invocations. The chronology of these objects demonstrates that certain images and words which were considered profane by the Church survived over several centu- ries and took their place next to Christian elements on personal objects. This phenomenon is surely rooted in the basic human emotion of fear and the need for protection.

Nysa occupied an important position as one of the major cities of the Maeander valley in Caria since its establishment during the Hellenistic period. Despite the extensive research on the Roman period settlement in Nysa, studies on the early Byzantine art and architecture of the ancient city are quite limited until recently. Apart from the written sources identifying Nysa as one of the suffragans of Ephesus, the transformation of Nysa into a Christian city is also manifested through the recent finds. This paper will explore different phases of Nysa as a Carian city through the study of archaeological remains and small objects.

This study poses a specific question for a particular usage of lead in the context of magic: Was lead used in the production of Middle Byzantine amulets called hystera due to the unique apotropaic and magical qualities of the material? In order to understand the background of lead in supernatural contexts, this paper begins with a brief examination of the usage of lead from the Classical period to Late Antiquity. Lead was used across a wide range of areas from construction to medicine, due to its accessibility and malleability. In addition to its natural properties, material evidence including lead curse tablets, effigies, and coffins demonstrate the use of lead in contexts of dark magic and the underworld. Correspondingly, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine written sour- ces refer to the deadly and malevolent nature of lead as a metal. Based on this evidence, I propose that lead was perceived as a material with supernatural power that had the ability to manipulate and bind living beings and evil spirits, contributing to the widespread production of lead hystera amulets in the Middle Byzantine period.

T his study poses a specific question for a particular usage of lead in the context of magic: Was lead used in the production of Middle Byzantine amulets called hystera due to the unique apotropaic and magical qualities of the material? In order to understand the background of lead in supernatural contexts, this paper begins with a brief examination of the usage of lead from the Classical period to Late Antiquity. Lead was used across a wide range of areas from construction to medicine, due to its accessibility and malleability. In addition to its natural properties, material evidence including lead curse tablets, effigies, and coffins demonstrate the use of lead in contexts of dark magic and the underworld. Correspondingly, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine written sources refer to the deadly and malevolent nature of lead as a metal. Based on this evidence, I propose that lead was perceived as a material with supernatural power that had the ability to manipulate and bind living beings and evil spirits, contributing to the widespread production of lead hystera amulets in the Middle Byzantine period.

In this paper we present some remarks on the economic and social significance of pottery production and use at Arslantepe during periods VII and VI A (3800-3100 BC). We focus on some of the many different social practices that bound ceramic containers to the men and women that produced and used them, such as the technology and social context of pottery making; food storage; formal and mundane commensality; and cooking habits.

The relationship between food management strategies, commensality, and social as well cultural identity is crucial in understanding how complex societies are established and structured. Within the framework of Mesopotamian early state formation, period VI A at Arslantepe in south-eastern Anatolia (Late Chalcolithic 5 - 3300-3000 cal. BCE) represents a stimulating case because of the evidence of economic centralization, the significant amount of materials found in in situ contexts, and the presence of functionally distinct architecture. The redistribution of meals and feasting practices in the early centralized society of Arslantepe VI A are presented in this paper as examples of commensal politics. During this period food and beverages are the economic base of the power of elites; yet it is not only through feasting activities that food enters Late Chalcolithic gastro-politics, but also through the meals disbursed in exchange for labor. On the other extreme, the rituals carried out in the temples constituted a restricted form of commensality, in which large amounts of food and possibly special drinks were shared by a limited number of people. Finally, evidence of special commensality in the residential area is discussed.

During the 2011 campaign, 93 the most complete shapes restored in the previous year were examined along with all material found in some particularly rich stratigraphic units of ops. 1, 2 and 6.T he ceramics of Kamiltepe itself (or MPS 1)m ainly originate from the layers of ash and debris that slope down from the platform's edges, but materials also come from fill layers related to small walls adjoined to the platform façade. Ceramics are highly fragmented, and complete vessels are rarely reconstructable. The conclusions presented in the first preliminary report on Kamiltepe pottery 94 are largely confirmed by the present study.