Makalemizde milli savunma kavramından milli güvenlik kavramına geçişin nedenlerine bakacağız ve b... more Makalemizde milli savunma kavramından milli güvenlik kavramına geçişin nedenlerine bakacağız ve böylesi bir kavramsal değişikliğin genelde siyasal ve sosyal sonuçlarının neler olduğunu, ama özelde Türkiye’deki işçi hareketine olan etkisini inceleyeceğiz. Bu bağlamda zamanla işçi hareketini kontrol altında tutmak üzere kullanılan milli güvenlik kavramının, grev gibi temel sendikal faaliyetleri engellemede nasıl kullanıldığına bakacağız. Ayrıca 1960 Askeri müdahalesi ile anayasal bir kimlik kazanan Milli Güvenlik Kurulunda bu kavramın nasıl üretildiğine ve toplumdaki izdüşümüne değineceğiz. Bunun yanında Milli Güvenlik kavramının toplumun demokratik taleplerini reddetmek ve baskılamak üzere zamanla sivil yönetimler tarafından da kullanıldığına örneklerle işaret edeceğiz.
The concept of “National Security” is found in the domestic law of many countries with different political, social, and cultural structures. This article examines the impact of the perception of national security on the labor movement in Turkey. As is widely known, instead of influencing legislation, the Turkish labor movement has mainly been the product of it. The state has tried to control unions through legal arrangements, and therefore the legislation process has had vital significance for the labor movement since its inception. This article examines how the national security concept came to be utilized by civilian rulers to control the labor movement and to hinder basic trade union activities such as strike. Among other aspects that condition the dynamics that shape unionism, martial law and the restrictions it puts on the use of collective rights and freedoms will be examined.
Journal of Current Researches on Social Sciences, 2018
The wars among societies as well as their destructive effects as fighting
practice, are cons... more The wars among societies as well as their destructive effects as fighting practice, are considered as old as human history, this fighting practice is also known as a side that develops and transforms. The nation states that emerged as a result of the market search of the bourgeoisie an interesting aspect of the "total war" that puts into practice this connection related the theory of the State. It is normal for this strategy to appear ordinary, especially in the wars given as a life memat issue. However, what we are interested in here, is that the socio-economic structure as well as the legal and political infrastructure in the peace periods have been shaped within this principle. Indeed, this strategy has played a major role in the emergence of nation states and their resurrection, but more importantly, it has led to the state becoming an extremely inclusive and efficient apparatus. As a matter of fact, in the twentieth century, when the nation-state has been forced to practice of bureaucratic organization and the applications required by the total war strategy, it has become a qualitative leap in government intervention and supervision. The control and operation of economic resources, the success of all citizens especially through education and propaganda as an element of the army; has gradually resulted in nationalization, as opposed to the former era. If the people need to participate in the war, the possibilities of forcing them to transform the state into a modern Leviathan.
Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for
scholars in the field of ... more Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal with its problem of “survival” as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that “the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland”, had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as “protection and guardianship” involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as “protego ergo obligo” (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude, controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the “protection” it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of “protection” and “guardianship” as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d’état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) requires states party to a... more International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) requires states party to adopt all mechanisms, within the limits of their available resources, particularly legislative and institutional measures, for the progressive and full realization of Socio-economic Rights (SER) at national level. To this end, states party to the Covenant have taken various measures to give effective domestic legal protection to SER. However, SER customarily lack full protection and proper enforcement mechanisms at national legal systems. Ethiopia and Turkey, being parties to the CESCR, have protected SER in their respective domestic laws. Accordingly, using the minimum international standards set by human rights instruments as a unit of comparison, this article strives to comparatively analyze the Ethiopian and Turkish systems for the protection of SER at their national ju risdictions
Elinizdeki çalışmada ana hedef özellikle Mezopotamya kent devletinin kökenleri, doğası ve bir nev... more Elinizdeki çalışmada ana hedef özellikle Mezopotamya kent devletinin kökenleri, doğası ve bir nevi tarihçesi üzerine mevcut kaynakların yeniden değerlendirilmesi olarak belirlenmiştir. Devletin ortaya çıkışı ile ilgili bazı teorilerin ele alındığı birinci bölümde özellikle Mezopotamya kent devleti özelinde yazılmış teorilere de yer verilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu teoriler kitabın diğer bölümlerindeki değerlendirmelerimizde yeri geldikçe tekrar ele alınmış ve yeniden yorumlanmıştır. Eski Çağlar üzerine yapılan böylesi bir çalışmanın, doğası gereği kesinlik içermeyen ve parçalar halinde bir yapıda olması ve kuşkusuz eldeki buluntu kanıtlarının da yetersizliği değerlendirildiğinde mevcut problemlerin bazıları için kesin kenarları olan hükümler içermemesi normal karşılanmalıdır.
The agricultural revolution, which took place after hunter-gatherer indigenous peoples had begun ... more The agricultural revolution, which took place after hunter-gatherer indigenous peoples had begun to live a settled life, adversely affected equality in such communities and led to the emergence of hierarchy (ranking) and class based system as well as the transformation into state societies. During this period, known as Neolithic and where there was noneed for any over-supply, hundreds of small, close-knitand self-sufficient villages were established. Over time, some of those villages remained the same, whereas some others managed to expand to a certain size and turned increasingly into larger forms of social and political organisations. Why did not the agricultural revolution have the same effect for each village? On this footing, while there exist many theories centring on the transformation into state societies, this Article claims and underlines that such evolution commenced indeed due to direct exchanges of goods/commodities (barter) and market place economics.
Journal of Current Research on Social Sciences, 2019
Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of l... more Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal with its problem of "survival" as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that "the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland", had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as "protection and guardianship" involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as "protego ergo obligo" (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude, controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the "protection" it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of "protection" and "guardianship" as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d'état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
Çalışma hakkı, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar arasında sayılan ancak kişisel haklar ile de sıkı bağlan... more Çalışma hakkı, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar arasında sayılan ancak kişisel haklar ile de sıkı bağlantı içinde olan bir haktır. Ulusal ve uluslararası düzenlemelerde güvence altına alınan çalışma hakkı, diğer temel hak ve özgürlükler gibi ancak belirli şartlarla sınırlandırılabilmekte, bu hakkın kullanımı belirli yükümlülükleri (ödevleri) de beraberinde getirebilmektedir. Kişinin hayatını idame ettirebilmesini ve özgürleşmesini esas alan çalışma hakkı, insanların, hayatını idame ettirmek, onurunu korumak ve kişiliğinin gelişimine olanak sağlamak üzere bir iş ve gelire sahip olması gerektiğini savunan bir haktır. Ulusal ve uluslararası belgelerde düzenlenen sosyal ve ekonomik bir hak olarak çalışma hakkı, bireylere devletten olumlu bir edimde bulunmasını isteme hakkı vermektedir. İnsanlığın doğduğu andan itibaren mevcudiyet kazanan ve endüstri, bilgi ve teknolojilerin gelişmesi ile sadece biçimi değişen, ancak varlığını devam ettiren bir hak olan çalışma hakkı, yeri geldiğinde bir yükümlülük veya ödev olarak da karşımıza çıkmaktadır. İnsan hakları korunabildiği ve ihlal edildiği takdirde tazmin edilebilir olduğu ölçüde pratik ihtiyaçlara cevap verebilir; aksi halde kâğıt üzerinde kalmaya mahkûmdur. Makalede, çalışma hakkının devlete yüklediği pozitif yükümlülüklerin neler olduğu ve talep edilebilirliği tartışılacaktır.
Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023
The concept of "legal pluralism", which emerged as a practice during the Imperial periods in the ... more The concept of "legal pluralism", which emerged as a practice during the Imperial periods in the past, is being widely debated as a critical notion in our current postmodern era. Legal pluralism contradicts the centralized view of law. Therefore, the phenomenon of legal pluralism has been at the center of legal debates in democratic societies due to its undeniable relationship with the concept of democracy. In this article, we will delve deep into the concept of legal pluralism and attempt to trace its evolution throughout history. Additionally, we will refer to in-depth discussions among scholars regarding the position of legal pluralism in Islamic law and the ideas surrounding Islamic jurisprudence.
Antalya Bilim Ünivesitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023
Anayasalı sisteme geçtiğimiz 1876'dan günümüze Türkiye'nin sürekli bir olağanüstü hal rejimleriyl... more Anayasalı sisteme geçtiğimiz 1876'dan günümüze Türkiye'nin sürekli bir olağanüstü hal rejimleriyle yönetilmeye çalışıldığını görmekteyiz. Nitekim Osmanlı döneminde çıkarılan 1877 tarihli Sıkıyönetim Yasası'ndan günümüze kadar, ülke yönetimleri, tam 127 yıl boyunca sıkıyönetim ve olağanüstü hal uygulamalarına başvurmuştur. Anayasal sisteme geçen Osmanlı devletinde sıkıyönetimler, gerek o sırada iktidarda olan İstanbul hükümetinin muhalefeti susturmak için gerekse sonrasında iktidarı ele geçiren muhalif İttihat Terakki'nin yeniden Anayasal düzenin yerleşmesini temin etmek ve yapmak istedikleri reformları hayata geçirilebilmek için kullandıkları hukuki bir aparat durumundadır. Siyaseten kullanışlı bulunan bu hukuki aparat, örneğin I. Dünya Savaşı ve Kurtuluş Savaşı gibi olağanüstü dönemlerde varoluş amacına uygun olarak kullanıldığı gibi sonrasında sosyo-politik sorunları çözmekte aciz kalan hükümetlerin sık sık sığındıkları bir liman haline gelmiştir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti hükümetleri tarafından sıkça kullanılagelen "olağanüstü dönemlerden geçiyoruz" ifadesiyle vücut bulan de-facto uygulamaları da eklersek, olağanüstü uygulamaların, Avrupa tarihine kıyasla emekleme döneminde olan Türk demokrasisinin gelişimi önünde önemli bir engel oluşturduğunun altı çizilmelidir. Tarihsel olarak bakıldığında sıkıyönetimlerin sadece dönemin güvenlik ihtiyacına ilişkin olmadığı, sosyal, siyasal ve ekonomik bazı sonuçların da hedeflendiği görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda makale, Osmanlının son dönemleri ve Cumhuriyetin kuruluş yıllarını odağına almak suretiyle konuyu irdelemektedir. Abstract: Permanent state of emergency has been declared frequently in Türkiye from 1876, marking the inception of the constitutional system in the country, until today. In fact, governments of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire have widely invoked to martial laws and state of emergency practices for a long period of 127 years, commencing from the 1877 Martial Law enacted at the time of the Ottoman Empire. Following the adoption of the constitutional system in the Ottoman Empire, Martial laws were used as a legal apparatus both by the Istanbul government to oppress and silence the opposition and also, upon its seizure of the government, by the opposition Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki) to foster the constitutional order that they had established as well as for introducing new reforms. While such laws were properly exercised in line with its purpose to cope with extraordinary circumstances during the First World War and the Independence War of the country, as a legal tool considerably vulnerable to political misuses, they have later turned into a safe haven for governments failing to deal with socio-political problems adequately. It should be highlighted that, along with the de-facto emergency measures, mostly being based on the justification by the governments of the Republic of Türkiye that “we are going through extraordinary circumstances”, martial and emergency laws pose a serious obstacle to the development of the Turkish democracy, which is crawling compared to the European history. When viewed through the lens of the history, it is seen that reliance on martial laws are aimed at not only for security reasons, but also for social, political, and economic motives. In this regard, this Article critically examines the foregoing issues with a specific focus on the latest era of the Ottoman Empire and the early stages of the Republic of Türkiye
Kuşkusuz farklı siyasal, sosyal ve kültürel yapılara sahip birçok ülke, iç hukuk metinlerinde “Mi... more Kuşkusuz farklı siyasal, sosyal ve kültürel yapılara sahip birçok ülke, iç hukuk metinlerinde “Milli Güvenlik” kav- ramına yer vermektedir. Hatta bu kavram ulusalüstü belgelerde de özgürlükleri sınırlandırma ölçütü olarak yer bulmaktadır. Bir sınırlandırma ölçütü olarak Milli Güvenlik kavramının, günümüze kadar geçen süreçte siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik alanda etkileri büyük olmuştur. Türkiye’deki asker ve sivil bürokrasinin ve çoğu kez bu algıdan yarar- lanmaya çalışan hükümetlerin de bütün demokratik hak talebi ve özgürlük sorunlarını bu kavramın penceresinden değerlendirme gayreti, Türk demokrasisinin gelişimini en- gellemiştir. Toplumdaki demokratik yönde seyreden siyasal ve sosyal hareketler bu kavramın ezici gölgesinde filiz ver- meye çalışmış, ancak demokrasinin çok seslilik ve yönetime katılma gibi ilkeleriyle birlikte milli güvenlik algısına kurban verilmiştir. Devletler kendilerine özgü sosyo-ekonomik, siyasal, kültürel ve tarihsel özelliklerine göre şekillenir. Türkiye’de milli güvenlik kavramının ortaya çıkışını Milli Güvenlik Kurulu’nun kurulduğu yıl olan 1960 yılına tarihleme eğilimi vardır. Oysa Türkiye’de iç ve dış güvenlik tehdidi açısından olağanüstü dönemlerin varlığı, böylesi bir milli güvenlik algısını ortaya çıkarmıştır ki bu algının tarihi Osmanlının son dönemlerine kadar götürülebilir. Osmanlı Devletinin son zamanları da dahil olmak üzere sürekli bir “beka” korkusu içinde uygulamaya sokulan olağanüstü tedbirler, ilan edilen sıkıyönetimler ve oluşturulan olağanüstü 11 “MİLLİ GÜVENLİK” algısı kıskacında türkiye_Layout 1 23.12.2023 19:16 Page 11 kurumların varlığıyla ülke adeta bir “milli güvenlik devleti” karakterine bürünmüştür. Osmanlının son dönemlerinde yaşanan savaşların ve özellikle dünya savaşlarının yarattığı travmanın etkisiyle, cumhuriyet kurucuları olan asker-sivil elit için de beka algısı adeta kronik hale gelmiştir. Yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin kabul ettiği milli marşın “korkma” diye başlaması, şairin tesadüfi bir seçimi olmayıp, bütün bu beka korkusunun bir tezahürü olarak yorumlanmalıdır. Bu korkuların elbette gerçeklere yaslanan temelleri vardır. Ancak anayasal düzene geçildiği andan itibaren insan hak- larına dayalı, sosyal bir hukuk devletini kurmaya yönelmiş her demokratik talebin boğulması için de bu “beka” apa- ratına başvurulmasının rasyonel olmaktan çok, ekonomi-politikten kaynaklanan bir siyasi tercih olduğu gözden uzak tutulmamalıdır.
Makalemizde milli savunma kavramından milli güvenlik kavramına geçişin nedenlerine bakacağız ve b... more Makalemizde milli savunma kavramından milli güvenlik kavramına geçişin nedenlerine bakacağız ve böylesi bir kavramsal değişikliğin genelde siyasal ve sosyal sonuçlarının neler olduğunu, ama özelde Türkiye’deki işçi hareketine olan etkisini inceleyeceğiz. Bu bağlamda zamanla işçi hareketini kontrol altında tutmak üzere kullanılan milli güvenlik kavramının, grev gibi temel sendikal faaliyetleri engellemede nasıl kullanıldığına bakacağız. Ayrıca 1960 Askeri müdahalesi ile anayasal bir kimlik kazanan Milli Güvenlik Kurulunda bu kavramın nasıl üretildiğine ve toplumdaki izdüşümüne değineceğiz. Bunun yanında Milli Güvenlik kavramının toplumun demokratik taleplerini reddetmek ve baskılamak üzere zamanla sivil yönetimler tarafından da kullanıldığına örneklerle işaret edeceğiz.
The concept of “National Security” is found in the domestic law of many countries with different political, social, and cultural structures. This article examines the impact of the perception of national security on the labor movement in Turkey. As is widely known, instead of influencing legislation, the Turkish labor movement has mainly been the product of it. The state has tried to control unions through legal arrangements, and therefore the legislation process has had vital significance for the labor movement since its inception. This article examines how the national security concept came to be utilized by civilian rulers to control the labor movement and to hinder basic trade union activities such as strike. Among other aspects that condition the dynamics that shape unionism, martial law and the restrictions it puts on the use of collective rights and freedoms will be examined.
Journal of Current Researches on Social Sciences, 2018
The wars among societies as well as their destructive effects as fighting
practice, are cons... more The wars among societies as well as their destructive effects as fighting practice, are considered as old as human history, this fighting practice is also known as a side that develops and transforms. The nation states that emerged as a result of the market search of the bourgeoisie an interesting aspect of the "total war" that puts into practice this connection related the theory of the State. It is normal for this strategy to appear ordinary, especially in the wars given as a life memat issue. However, what we are interested in here, is that the socio-economic structure as well as the legal and political infrastructure in the peace periods have been shaped within this principle. Indeed, this strategy has played a major role in the emergence of nation states and their resurrection, but more importantly, it has led to the state becoming an extremely inclusive and efficient apparatus. As a matter of fact, in the twentieth century, when the nation-state has been forced to practice of bureaucratic organization and the applications required by the total war strategy, it has become a qualitative leap in government intervention and supervision. The control and operation of economic resources, the success of all citizens especially through education and propaganda as an element of the army; has gradually resulted in nationalization, as opposed to the former era. If the people need to participate in the war, the possibilities of forcing them to transform the state into a modern Leviathan.
Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for
scholars in the field of ... more Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal with its problem of “survival” as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that “the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland”, had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as “protection and guardianship” involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as “protego ergo obligo” (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude, controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the “protection” it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of “protection” and “guardianship” as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d’état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) requires states party to a... more International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) requires states party to adopt all mechanisms, within the limits of their available resources, particularly legislative and institutional measures, for the progressive and full realization of Socio-economic Rights (SER) at national level. To this end, states party to the Covenant have taken various measures to give effective domestic legal protection to SER. However, SER customarily lack full protection and proper enforcement mechanisms at national legal systems. Ethiopia and Turkey, being parties to the CESCR, have protected SER in their respective domestic laws. Accordingly, using the minimum international standards set by human rights instruments as a unit of comparison, this article strives to comparatively analyze the Ethiopian and Turkish systems for the protection of SER at their national ju risdictions
Elinizdeki çalışmada ana hedef özellikle Mezopotamya kent devletinin kökenleri, doğası ve bir nev... more Elinizdeki çalışmada ana hedef özellikle Mezopotamya kent devletinin kökenleri, doğası ve bir nevi tarihçesi üzerine mevcut kaynakların yeniden değerlendirilmesi olarak belirlenmiştir. Devletin ortaya çıkışı ile ilgili bazı teorilerin ele alındığı birinci bölümde özellikle Mezopotamya kent devleti özelinde yazılmış teorilere de yer verilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu teoriler kitabın diğer bölümlerindeki değerlendirmelerimizde yeri geldikçe tekrar ele alınmış ve yeniden yorumlanmıştır. Eski Çağlar üzerine yapılan böylesi bir çalışmanın, doğası gereği kesinlik içermeyen ve parçalar halinde bir yapıda olması ve kuşkusuz eldeki buluntu kanıtlarının da yetersizliği değerlendirildiğinde mevcut problemlerin bazıları için kesin kenarları olan hükümler içermemesi normal karşılanmalıdır.
The agricultural revolution, which took place after hunter-gatherer indigenous peoples had begun ... more The agricultural revolution, which took place after hunter-gatherer indigenous peoples had begun to live a settled life, adversely affected equality in such communities and led to the emergence of hierarchy (ranking) and class based system as well as the transformation into state societies. During this period, known as Neolithic and where there was noneed for any over-supply, hundreds of small, close-knitand self-sufficient villages were established. Over time, some of those villages remained the same, whereas some others managed to expand to a certain size and turned increasingly into larger forms of social and political organisations. Why did not the agricultural revolution have the same effect for each village? On this footing, while there exist many theories centring on the transformation into state societies, this Article claims and underlines that such evolution commenced indeed due to direct exchanges of goods/commodities (barter) and market place economics.
Journal of Current Research on Social Sciences, 2019
Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of l... more Reasons leading to emergence of the state have widely been topical for scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal with its problem of "survival" as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that "the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland", had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as "protection and guardianship" involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as "protego ergo obligo" (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude, controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the "protection" it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of "protection" and "guardianship" as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d'état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
Çalışma hakkı, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar arasında sayılan ancak kişisel haklar ile de sıkı bağlan... more Çalışma hakkı, sosyal ve ekonomik haklar arasında sayılan ancak kişisel haklar ile de sıkı bağlantı içinde olan bir haktır. Ulusal ve uluslararası düzenlemelerde güvence altına alınan çalışma hakkı, diğer temel hak ve özgürlükler gibi ancak belirli şartlarla sınırlandırılabilmekte, bu hakkın kullanımı belirli yükümlülükleri (ödevleri) de beraberinde getirebilmektedir. Kişinin hayatını idame ettirebilmesini ve özgürleşmesini esas alan çalışma hakkı, insanların, hayatını idame ettirmek, onurunu korumak ve kişiliğinin gelişimine olanak sağlamak üzere bir iş ve gelire sahip olması gerektiğini savunan bir haktır. Ulusal ve uluslararası belgelerde düzenlenen sosyal ve ekonomik bir hak olarak çalışma hakkı, bireylere devletten olumlu bir edimde bulunmasını isteme hakkı vermektedir. İnsanlığın doğduğu andan itibaren mevcudiyet kazanan ve endüstri, bilgi ve teknolojilerin gelişmesi ile sadece biçimi değişen, ancak varlığını devam ettiren bir hak olan çalışma hakkı, yeri geldiğinde bir yükümlülük veya ödev olarak da karşımıza çıkmaktadır. İnsan hakları korunabildiği ve ihlal edildiği takdirde tazmin edilebilir olduğu ölçüde pratik ihtiyaçlara cevap verebilir; aksi halde kâğıt üzerinde kalmaya mahkûmdur. Makalede, çalışma hakkının devlete yüklediği pozitif yükümlülüklerin neler olduğu ve talep edilebilirliği tartışılacaktır.
Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023
The concept of "legal pluralism", which emerged as a practice during the Imperial periods in the ... more The concept of "legal pluralism", which emerged as a practice during the Imperial periods in the past, is being widely debated as a critical notion in our current postmodern era. Legal pluralism contradicts the centralized view of law. Therefore, the phenomenon of legal pluralism has been at the center of legal debates in democratic societies due to its undeniable relationship with the concept of democracy. In this article, we will delve deep into the concept of legal pluralism and attempt to trace its evolution throughout history. Additionally, we will refer to in-depth discussions among scholars regarding the position of legal pluralism in Islamic law and the ideas surrounding Islamic jurisprudence.
Antalya Bilim Ünivesitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi, 2023
Anayasalı sisteme geçtiğimiz 1876'dan günümüze Türkiye'nin sürekli bir olağanüstü hal rejimleriyl... more Anayasalı sisteme geçtiğimiz 1876'dan günümüze Türkiye'nin sürekli bir olağanüstü hal rejimleriyle yönetilmeye çalışıldığını görmekteyiz. Nitekim Osmanlı döneminde çıkarılan 1877 tarihli Sıkıyönetim Yasası'ndan günümüze kadar, ülke yönetimleri, tam 127 yıl boyunca sıkıyönetim ve olağanüstü hal uygulamalarına başvurmuştur. Anayasal sisteme geçen Osmanlı devletinde sıkıyönetimler, gerek o sırada iktidarda olan İstanbul hükümetinin muhalefeti susturmak için gerekse sonrasında iktidarı ele geçiren muhalif İttihat Terakki'nin yeniden Anayasal düzenin yerleşmesini temin etmek ve yapmak istedikleri reformları hayata geçirilebilmek için kullandıkları hukuki bir aparat durumundadır. Siyaseten kullanışlı bulunan bu hukuki aparat, örneğin I. Dünya Savaşı ve Kurtuluş Savaşı gibi olağanüstü dönemlerde varoluş amacına uygun olarak kullanıldığı gibi sonrasında sosyo-politik sorunları çözmekte aciz kalan hükümetlerin sık sık sığındıkları bir liman haline gelmiştir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti hükümetleri tarafından sıkça kullanılagelen "olağanüstü dönemlerden geçiyoruz" ifadesiyle vücut bulan de-facto uygulamaları da eklersek, olağanüstü uygulamaların, Avrupa tarihine kıyasla emekleme döneminde olan Türk demokrasisinin gelişimi önünde önemli bir engel oluşturduğunun altı çizilmelidir. Tarihsel olarak bakıldığında sıkıyönetimlerin sadece dönemin güvenlik ihtiyacına ilişkin olmadığı, sosyal, siyasal ve ekonomik bazı sonuçların da hedeflendiği görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda makale, Osmanlının son dönemleri ve Cumhuriyetin kuruluş yıllarını odağına almak suretiyle konuyu irdelemektedir. Abstract: Permanent state of emergency has been declared frequently in Türkiye from 1876, marking the inception of the constitutional system in the country, until today. In fact, governments of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire have widely invoked to martial laws and state of emergency practices for a long period of 127 years, commencing from the 1877 Martial Law enacted at the time of the Ottoman Empire. Following the adoption of the constitutional system in the Ottoman Empire, Martial laws were used as a legal apparatus both by the Istanbul government to oppress and silence the opposition and also, upon its seizure of the government, by the opposition Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki) to foster the constitutional order that they had established as well as for introducing new reforms. While such laws were properly exercised in line with its purpose to cope with extraordinary circumstances during the First World War and the Independence War of the country, as a legal tool considerably vulnerable to political misuses, they have later turned into a safe haven for governments failing to deal with socio-political problems adequately. It should be highlighted that, along with the de-facto emergency measures, mostly being based on the justification by the governments of the Republic of Türkiye that “we are going through extraordinary circumstances”, martial and emergency laws pose a serious obstacle to the development of the Turkish democracy, which is crawling compared to the European history. When viewed through the lens of the history, it is seen that reliance on martial laws are aimed at not only for security reasons, but also for social, political, and economic motives. In this regard, this Article critically examines the foregoing issues with a specific focus on the latest era of the Ottoman Empire and the early stages of the Republic of Türkiye
Kuşkusuz farklı siyasal, sosyal ve kültürel yapılara sahip birçok ülke, iç hukuk metinlerinde “Mi... more Kuşkusuz farklı siyasal, sosyal ve kültürel yapılara sahip birçok ülke, iç hukuk metinlerinde “Milli Güvenlik” kav- ramına yer vermektedir. Hatta bu kavram ulusalüstü belgelerde de özgürlükleri sınırlandırma ölçütü olarak yer bulmaktadır. Bir sınırlandırma ölçütü olarak Milli Güvenlik kavramının, günümüze kadar geçen süreçte siyasal, sosyal ve ekonomik alanda etkileri büyük olmuştur. Türkiye’deki asker ve sivil bürokrasinin ve çoğu kez bu algıdan yarar- lanmaya çalışan hükümetlerin de bütün demokratik hak talebi ve özgürlük sorunlarını bu kavramın penceresinden değerlendirme gayreti, Türk demokrasisinin gelişimini en- gellemiştir. Toplumdaki demokratik yönde seyreden siyasal ve sosyal hareketler bu kavramın ezici gölgesinde filiz ver- meye çalışmış, ancak demokrasinin çok seslilik ve yönetime katılma gibi ilkeleriyle birlikte milli güvenlik algısına kurban verilmiştir. Devletler kendilerine özgü sosyo-ekonomik, siyasal, kültürel ve tarihsel özelliklerine göre şekillenir. Türkiye’de milli güvenlik kavramının ortaya çıkışını Milli Güvenlik Kurulu’nun kurulduğu yıl olan 1960 yılına tarihleme eğilimi vardır. Oysa Türkiye’de iç ve dış güvenlik tehdidi açısından olağanüstü dönemlerin varlığı, böylesi bir milli güvenlik algısını ortaya çıkarmıştır ki bu algının tarihi Osmanlının son dönemlerine kadar götürülebilir. Osmanlı Devletinin son zamanları da dahil olmak üzere sürekli bir “beka” korkusu içinde uygulamaya sokulan olağanüstü tedbirler, ilan edilen sıkıyönetimler ve oluşturulan olağanüstü 11 “MİLLİ GÜVENLİK” algısı kıskacında türkiye_Layout 1 23.12.2023 19:16 Page 11 kurumların varlığıyla ülke adeta bir “milli güvenlik devleti” karakterine bürünmüştür. Osmanlının son dönemlerinde yaşanan savaşların ve özellikle dünya savaşlarının yarattığı travmanın etkisiyle, cumhuriyet kurucuları olan asker-sivil elit için de beka algısı adeta kronik hale gelmiştir. Yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin kabul ettiği milli marşın “korkma” diye başlaması, şairin tesadüfi bir seçimi olmayıp, bütün bu beka korkusunun bir tezahürü olarak yorumlanmalıdır. Bu korkuların elbette gerçeklere yaslanan temelleri vardır. Ancak anayasal düzene geçildiği andan itibaren insan hak- larına dayalı, sosyal bir hukuk devletini kurmaya yönelmiş her demokratik talebin boğulması için de bu “beka” apa- ratına başvurulmasının rasyonel olmaktan çok, ekonomi-politikten kaynaklanan bir siyasi tercih olduğu gözden uzak tutulmamalıdır.
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Papers by Seydi Çelik
The concept of “National Security” is found in the domestic law of many countries with different political, social, and cultural structures. This article examines the impact of the perception of national security on the labor movement in Turkey. As is widely known, instead of influencing legislation, the Turkish labor movement has mainly been the product of it. The state has tried to control unions through legal arrangements, and therefore the legislation process has had vital significance for the labor movement since its inception. This article examines how the national security concept came to be utilized by civilian rulers to control the labor movement and to hinder basic trade union activities such as strike. Among other aspects that condition the dynamics that shape unionism, martial law and the restrictions it puts on the use of collective rights and freedoms will be examined.
practice, are considered as old as human history, this fighting practice is
also known as a side that develops and transforms. The nation states that
emerged as a result of the market search of the bourgeoisie an interesting
aspect of the "total war" that puts into practice this connection related the theory of the State. It is normal for this strategy to appear ordinary,
especially in the wars given as a life memat issue. However, what we are
interested in here, is that the socio-economic structure as well as the legal
and political infrastructure in the peace periods have been shaped within
this principle. Indeed, this strategy has played a major role in the emergence of nation states and their resurrection, but more importantly, it has led to the state becoming an extremely inclusive and efficient apparatus. As a matter of fact, in the twentieth century, when the nation-state has been forced to practice of bureaucratic organization and the applications required by the total war strategy, it has become a qualitative leap in government intervention and supervision. The control and operation of economic resources, the success of all citizens especially through education and propaganda as an element of the army; has gradually resulted in nationalization, as opposed to the former era. If the people need to participate in the war, the possibilities of forcing them to transform the state into a modern Leviathan.
scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its
existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal
with its problem of “survival” as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that “the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland”, had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as “protection and guardianship” involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as “protego ergo
obligo” (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude,
controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the “protection” it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of “protection” and “guardianship” as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d’état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
for the progressive and full realization of Socio-economic Rights (SER) at national level. To this end, states party to the Covenant have taken various measures to give effective domestic legal protection to SER. However, SER customarily lack full protection and proper enforcement mechanisms at national legal systems. Ethiopia and Turkey, being parties to the CESCR, have protected SER in their respective domestic laws. Accordingly, using the minimum international standards set by human rights instruments as a unit of comparison, this article strives to comparatively analyze the Ethiopian and Turkish systems for the protection of SER at their national ju
risdictions
Why did not the agricultural revolution have the same effect for each village?
On this footing, while there exist many theories centring on the transformation into state societies, this Article claims and underlines that such evolution commenced indeed due to direct exchanges of goods/commodities (barter) and market place economics.
Abstract:
Permanent state of emergency has been declared frequently in Türkiye from 1876, marking the inception of the constitutional system in the country, until today. In fact, governments of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire have widely invoked to martial laws and state of emergency practices for a long period of 127 years, commencing from the 1877 Martial Law enacted at the time of the Ottoman Empire. Following the adoption of the constitutional system in the Ottoman Empire, Martial laws were used as a legal apparatus both by the Istanbul government to oppress and silence the opposition and also, upon its seizure of the government, by the opposition Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki) to foster the constitutional order that they had established as well as for introducing new reforms. While such laws were properly exercised in line with its purpose to cope with extraordinary circumstances during the First World War and the Independence War of the country, as a legal tool considerably vulnerable to political misuses, they have later turned into a safe haven for governments failing to deal with socio-political problems adequately. It should be highlighted that, along with the de-facto emergency measures, mostly being based on the justification by the governments of the Republic of Türkiye that “we are going
through extraordinary circumstances”, martial and emergency laws pose a serious obstacle to the development of the Turkish democracy, which is crawling compared to the European history. When viewed through the lens of the history, it is seen that reliance on martial laws are aimed at not only for security reasons, but also for social, political, and economic motives. In this regard, this Article critically examines the foregoing issues with a specific focus on the latest era of the Ottoman Empire and the early stages of the Republic of Türkiye
Books by Seydi Çelik
Devletler kendilerine özgü sosyo-ekonomik, siyasal, kültürel ve tarihsel özelliklerine göre şekillenir. Türkiye’de milli güvenlik kavramının ortaya çıkışını Milli Güvenlik Kurulu’nun kurulduğu yıl olan 1960 yılına tarihleme eğilimi vardır. Oysa Türkiye’de iç ve dış güvenlik tehdidi açısından olağanüstü dönemlerin varlığı, böylesi bir milli güvenlik algısını ortaya çıkarmıştır ki bu algının tarihi Osmanlının son dönemlerine kadar götürülebilir. Osmanlı Devletinin son zamanları da dahil olmak üzere sürekli bir “beka” korkusu içinde uygulamaya sokulan olağanüstü tedbirler, ilan edilen sıkıyönetimler ve oluşturulan olağanüstü
11
“MİLLİ GÜVENLİK” algısı kıskacında türkiye_Layout 1 23.12.2023 19:16 Page 11
kurumların varlığıyla ülke adeta bir “milli güvenlik devleti” karakterine bürünmüştür. Osmanlının son dönemlerinde yaşanan savaşların ve özellikle dünya savaşlarının yarattığı travmanın etkisiyle, cumhuriyet kurucuları olan asker-sivil elit için de beka algısı adeta kronik hale gelmiştir. Yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin kabul ettiği milli marşın “korkma” diye başlaması, şairin tesadüfi bir seçimi olmayıp, bütün bu beka korkusunun bir tezahürü olarak yorumlanmalıdır. Bu korkuların elbette gerçeklere yaslanan temelleri vardır. Ancak anayasal düzene geçildiği andan itibaren insan hak- larına dayalı, sosyal bir hukuk devletini kurmaya yönelmiş her demokratik talebin boğulması için de bu “beka” apa- ratına başvurulmasının rasyonel olmaktan çok, ekonomi-politikten kaynaklanan bir siyasi tercih olduğu gözden uzak tutulmamalıdır.
The concept of “National Security” is found in the domestic law of many countries with different political, social, and cultural structures. This article examines the impact of the perception of national security on the labor movement in Turkey. As is widely known, instead of influencing legislation, the Turkish labor movement has mainly been the product of it. The state has tried to control unions through legal arrangements, and therefore the legislation process has had vital significance for the labor movement since its inception. This article examines how the national security concept came to be utilized by civilian rulers to control the labor movement and to hinder basic trade union activities such as strike. Among other aspects that condition the dynamics that shape unionism, martial law and the restrictions it puts on the use of collective rights and freedoms will be examined.
practice, are considered as old as human history, this fighting practice is
also known as a side that develops and transforms. The nation states that
emerged as a result of the market search of the bourgeoisie an interesting
aspect of the "total war" that puts into practice this connection related the theory of the State. It is normal for this strategy to appear ordinary,
especially in the wars given as a life memat issue. However, what we are
interested in here, is that the socio-economic structure as well as the legal
and political infrastructure in the peace periods have been shaped within
this principle. Indeed, this strategy has played a major role in the emergence of nation states and their resurrection, but more importantly, it has led to the state becoming an extremely inclusive and efficient apparatus. As a matter of fact, in the twentieth century, when the nation-state has been forced to practice of bureaucratic organization and the applications required by the total war strategy, it has become a qualitative leap in government intervention and supervision. The control and operation of economic resources, the success of all citizens especially through education and propaganda as an element of the army; has gradually resulted in nationalization, as opposed to the former era. If the people need to participate in the war, the possibilities of forcing them to transform the state into a modern Leviathan.
scholars in the field of law and politics. Upon its creation, continuing its
existence becomes the most important goal for the state. In order to deal
with its problem of “survival” as well as making the legal and political order instrumental, the state has been in an effort that its actions are taken automatically, and that such actions are based on legal legitimacy deriving from law. This article discusses how Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which reads that “the duty of the armed force is to protect and guard the Turkish Republic defined in the constitution and the Turkish homeland”, had come into being with a view also to the impact of the policy at the time of the foundation of the Republic, how this Article had been the basis for military intervention into politics, and how it had been treated by civil and military actors until it was revoked. This policy conceptualised as “protection and guardianship” involves oppression and hegemony. All institutions of the state, which structurally brings itself in line with this policy, then begin to operate as instruments of oppression and hegemony. As supported by the principle, which Schmitt propounds as “protego ergo
obligo” (I protect, therefore I obligate), the state, by virtue of such attitude,
controls all sociological, economic and political spheres, and in return to the “protection” it serves, it expects obedience from the masses. As is the case with Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law, which is a crystallised version of the aforementioned effort of the state, if we consider all the mechanisms created pursuant to the notions of “protection” and “guardianship” as a fully fledged machine, we can see in it the heart pulsation of Leviathan. This article aims to show in case of Turkey how the state, which in the first place appears to protect individuals, establishes its own oppression in time, and increasingly turns into a hegemonic sovereign through the use of its all instruments. In the concluding part, drawing on the case of the 15 July 2016 failed coup d’état, this Article presents findings and recommendations in regard to why a military intervention was attempted although its likely legal basis has been annulled.
for the progressive and full realization of Socio-economic Rights (SER) at national level. To this end, states party to the Covenant have taken various measures to give effective domestic legal protection to SER. However, SER customarily lack full protection and proper enforcement mechanisms at national legal systems. Ethiopia and Turkey, being parties to the CESCR, have protected SER in their respective domestic laws. Accordingly, using the minimum international standards set by human rights instruments as a unit of comparison, this article strives to comparatively analyze the Ethiopian and Turkish systems for the protection of SER at their national ju
risdictions
Why did not the agricultural revolution have the same effect for each village?
On this footing, while there exist many theories centring on the transformation into state societies, this Article claims and underlines that such evolution commenced indeed due to direct exchanges of goods/commodities (barter) and market place economics.
Abstract:
Permanent state of emergency has been declared frequently in Türkiye from 1876, marking the inception of the constitutional system in the country, until today. In fact, governments of the Republic of Türkiye and the Ottoman Empire have widely invoked to martial laws and state of emergency practices for a long period of 127 years, commencing from the 1877 Martial Law enacted at the time of the Ottoman Empire. Following the adoption of the constitutional system in the Ottoman Empire, Martial laws were used as a legal apparatus both by the Istanbul government to oppress and silence the opposition and also, upon its seizure of the government, by the opposition Committee of Union and Progress (İttihad ve Terakki) to foster the constitutional order that they had established as well as for introducing new reforms. While such laws were properly exercised in line with its purpose to cope with extraordinary circumstances during the First World War and the Independence War of the country, as a legal tool considerably vulnerable to political misuses, they have later turned into a safe haven for governments failing to deal with socio-political problems adequately. It should be highlighted that, along with the de-facto emergency measures, mostly being based on the justification by the governments of the Republic of Türkiye that “we are going
through extraordinary circumstances”, martial and emergency laws pose a serious obstacle to the development of the Turkish democracy, which is crawling compared to the European history. When viewed through the lens of the history, it is seen that reliance on martial laws are aimed at not only for security reasons, but also for social, political, and economic motives. In this regard, this Article critically examines the foregoing issues with a specific focus on the latest era of the Ottoman Empire and the early stages of the Republic of Türkiye
Devletler kendilerine özgü sosyo-ekonomik, siyasal, kültürel ve tarihsel özelliklerine göre şekillenir. Türkiye’de milli güvenlik kavramının ortaya çıkışını Milli Güvenlik Kurulu’nun kurulduğu yıl olan 1960 yılına tarihleme eğilimi vardır. Oysa Türkiye’de iç ve dış güvenlik tehdidi açısından olağanüstü dönemlerin varlığı, böylesi bir milli güvenlik algısını ortaya çıkarmıştır ki bu algının tarihi Osmanlının son dönemlerine kadar götürülebilir. Osmanlı Devletinin son zamanları da dahil olmak üzere sürekli bir “beka” korkusu içinde uygulamaya sokulan olağanüstü tedbirler, ilan edilen sıkıyönetimler ve oluşturulan olağanüstü
11
“MİLLİ GÜVENLİK” algısı kıskacında türkiye_Layout 1 23.12.2023 19:16 Page 11
kurumların varlığıyla ülke adeta bir “milli güvenlik devleti” karakterine bürünmüştür. Osmanlının son dönemlerinde yaşanan savaşların ve özellikle dünya savaşlarının yarattığı travmanın etkisiyle, cumhuriyet kurucuları olan asker-sivil elit için de beka algısı adeta kronik hale gelmiştir. Yeni kurulan cumhuriyetin kabul ettiği milli marşın “korkma” diye başlaması, şairin tesadüfi bir seçimi olmayıp, bütün bu beka korkusunun bir tezahürü olarak yorumlanmalıdır. Bu korkuların elbette gerçeklere yaslanan temelleri vardır. Ancak anayasal düzene geçildiği andan itibaren insan hak- larına dayalı, sosyal bir hukuk devletini kurmaya yönelmiş her demokratik talebin boğulması için de bu “beka” apa- ratına başvurulmasının rasyonel olmaktan çok, ekonomi-politikten kaynaklanan bir siyasi tercih olduğu gözden uzak tutulmamalıdır.