Conference Presentations by Szerencsés László
The relations between Kosovo and the European Union are intense. Kosovo as one of
the youngest co... more The relations between Kosovo and the European Union are intense. Kosovo as one of
the youngest countries of the world has not reached full sovereignty yet. Among others,
two member states of the United Nations Security Council and five member states of the
European Union (EU) still have not recognized it as a sovereign country. As a consequence,
among the Western Balkans’ countries it is the most isolated state since the visa
-free travel to the Schengen-Area is still not possible for its citizens. The unsatisfactory
stance of the Kosovar economy deters the Western European countries from opening
their borders as they are afraid of the influx of migrants from Kosovo.1 In order to overcome
these challenges Kosovo is committed towards the European integration in the
hopes of reaching the status of visa-free travel to the Schengen-Area and in the distant
future gaining a membership to the EU. However, as Kosovo lies in the neighbourhood of
the EU, it is not only the landlocked country’s interest to move closer to the integration,
but Brussels’ too. Thus, the EU attempts to reconcile the tense relations between Serbia
9 │ Integrations
and Kosovo through the Belgrade - Pristina dialogue. Furthermore, still under the umbrella
of maintaining regional stability the EU operates its biggest state-building mission in
Kosovo, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX). This article discusses
the question of Kosovo’ results and further aspirations concerning European integration
Papers by Szerencsés László
Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 2021
Turkey is a prime example of the growing importance of diaspora related policies in countries wit... more Turkey is a prime example of the growing importance of diaspora related policies in countries with emerging power status. Based on reports, observations, and interviews with Turkish and Kosovar citizens in Pristina in February 2019, this article examines how Turkey since 2002
has created societal influence in Kosovo—a new and insecure country with which Turkey established relations since its inception—by using, among other things, the Presidency for Religious Affairs (Diyanet) for its diaspora policies. Looking at how the inclusive and repressive tactics of Turkish diaspora-building feed into each other, I argue that Ankara has expanded the boundaries of the Turkish state’s reach by harnessing religion (Islam) in addition to existing ethnic bonds (Turkishness), thereby allowing Turkey to create a diaspora out of a much larger group of people including non-Turkish Muslims. As a result, certain segments among the Sunni-Muslim Albanians in Kosovo have developed close relations with Turkey that may be employed when needed to police elements of the diaspora that are seen as oppositional. While
Turkey’s “domestic abroad” has expanded considerably due to the initial inclusive outreach, it has also become more fragmented, more contested, and more unruly, delivering continuously diminishing returns in terms of regime security at home. Although the repression of disloyal diaspora members by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is aimed at stabilizing rule at home, it creates divisions in the diaspora and risks Turkey’s relations with the countries in which it asserts its authority.
Südosteuropa Mitteilungen, 2020
Defense & Security Analysis, 2020
Croatia’s security environment went through a gradual change
since the declaration of independenc... more Croatia’s security environment went through a gradual change
since the declaration of independence in 1991. The changing
environment is reflected on in the National Security Strategy and
also in the security perception of the population. This period was
marked with a solid transition of foreign policy by joining NATO
and EU, and by later on fulfilling the responsibilities coming with
the membership. These responsibilities include the participation
in an increased number of peace support operations, and
contribution to the common responses of the EU to the security
threats of today. To live up to these challenges Croatia needs to
develop its military capabilities, which Croatia has begun with the
acquisition of air force equipment.
CSDS Analyses, 2018
The internal and external security environment of Croatia has changed gradually since the declara... more The internal and external security environment of Croatia has changed gradually since the declaration of independence in 1991. In the beginning, as in a post-war country, hard security played a vital role in the security policy documents, as reflected in the National Security Strategy (NSS) of 2002. With the accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 2009 and to the European Union (EU) in 2013, multilateral cooperation and collective defence had been prioritized and the new NSS from 2017 was designed to mirror this approach. The changed security environment spurred a reformed approach to defence matters and resulted in increased participation in international peace operations under EU, NATO and UN uspices. Furthermore, as a NATO member, Croatia needs to be ready to answer challenges threatening the collective security of the organization, such as cyber threats ranging from fake news and foreign electoral intervention to cyber-attacks. The first part of this analysis shows what path Croatia has taken after the declaration of independence, which is followed by introducing the current goals of Croatian security policy. Finally, international peace operations, defence spending trends and the capability development priorities of the Croatian Armed Forces are discussed.
IMBusiness, 2017
Russia does not have a grand strategy in the Western Balkans because it
cannot offer an alternati... more Russia does not have a grand strategy in the Western Balkans because it
cannot offer an alternative to the EU enlargement, but their approach might change in the near future. Nevertheless, as a result of the EU’s enlargement fatigue, Moscow makes use of the emerging dissatisfaction with Brussels in the region. The Kremlin attempts to tie the economies of the Western Balkans to Russian energy companies, which gives Moscow leverage to engage the political class of the respective countries. To help the expansion there is a closed circle of Russian businessmen and Nikolai Patrushev the Secretary of the Security Council of Russia. To influence public opinion, Russia related
media structures built out a network in the Serbian speaking territories of the Balkans so that the narratives produced in Moscow can be spread. As sign of their success, the local tabloid and daily newspapers are referring to Sputnik and RT often as reliable sources. Furthermore, the Orthodox Christian Church is also used rather as a tool than a reason to win the support of the public to Russia. The relatively weakest element of Russian influence in the region is the military because their cooperation focuses exclusively on Serbia.
Universität Kassel Fallstudien, 2018
The question of energy sector, especially when it comes to discuss the electricity production has... more The question of energy sector, especially when it comes to discuss the electricity production has been an intensely discussed issue in Kosovo since the declaration of independence in 2008. Near the entire electricity production of Kosovo stems from thermal plants which burn lignite, one of the lowest quality forms of coal. At the moment two lignite-fired power plants, Kosovo A and Kosovo B provide the country with electricity, but they are not able to satisfy the demand of the population. Moreover, due to its technological backwardness Kosovo A is supposed to be shut down in 2017 which poses even greater challenges for Kosovo with regards to energy supply.
To contribute to Kosovo’s energy safety, the WB is considering to support the construction of a coal power plant referred to as Kosovo C under the umbrella of the Kosovo Power Project (KPP - Project ID: P118287). The Lignite Power Technical Assistance Project (LPTAP – Project ID: P097635) was closed in 2011, which designed the local investment environment to be attractive for foreign financing. The Second Clean-up & Land Reclamation Project (SCLCP - Project ID: P131539) is already running, which assists the preparation of fieldwork for the power-plant and a mine as a fuel source. What makes the situation complicated is that the coal reserves of Kosovo are located on a broad, densely populated territory with highly arable land; therefore its exploration requires involuntary resettlement from the residing population.
Individuals and NGOs, among others the Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ), GAP Institute of Advanced Studies (GAP) and the Institute for Development Policy (INDEP) from Kosovo have filed two complaints to the IP in 2012 (Case no. 78) and 2015 (Case No. 103) in connection with the planned construction of the coal power plant and the field-works preceding it, with a great concern to involuntary resettlement. The claims affect the power plant’s two, widely accepted negative consequences: its environmental impact is adverse, and the involuntary resettlements are deteriorating the livelihood possibilities of the population in the surrounding area. According to the claims, the WB has not fulfilled its duty to satisfactorily monitor the resettlement, and due to their “improper technical assistance” the displacement was not in compliance with either international or WB standards.
The subject of the claims was the social, economic and environmental impact of KPP and LPTAP. According to the request for inspection, the community had already perceived the impact of the works and they had also notified the WB staff; however, they did not react to their complaints. The WB policies violated by the project are the following:
"OP 4.01 – Environmental assessment;
OP 4.12 – Involuntary displacement
OP 10.04 – Economic evaluation
OMS 2.20 – Project evaluation"
Book Reviews by Szerencsés László
Book review of "Shelton, Joel T. (2015) Conditionality and the Ambitions of Governance: Social Tr... more Book review of "Shelton, Joel T. (2015) Conditionality and the Ambitions of Governance: Social Transformation in Southeastern Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan"
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Conference Presentations by Szerencsés László
the youngest countries of the world has not reached full sovereignty yet. Among others,
two member states of the United Nations Security Council and five member states of the
European Union (EU) still have not recognized it as a sovereign country. As a consequence,
among the Western Balkans’ countries it is the most isolated state since the visa
-free travel to the Schengen-Area is still not possible for its citizens. The unsatisfactory
stance of the Kosovar economy deters the Western European countries from opening
their borders as they are afraid of the influx of migrants from Kosovo.1 In order to overcome
these challenges Kosovo is committed towards the European integration in the
hopes of reaching the status of visa-free travel to the Schengen-Area and in the distant
future gaining a membership to the EU. However, as Kosovo lies in the neighbourhood of
the EU, it is not only the landlocked country’s interest to move closer to the integration,
but Brussels’ too. Thus, the EU attempts to reconcile the tense relations between Serbia
9 │ Integrations
and Kosovo through the Belgrade - Pristina dialogue. Furthermore, still under the umbrella
of maintaining regional stability the EU operates its biggest state-building mission in
Kosovo, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX). This article discusses
the question of Kosovo’ results and further aspirations concerning European integration
Papers by Szerencsés László
has created societal influence in Kosovo—a new and insecure country with which Turkey established relations since its inception—by using, among other things, the Presidency for Religious Affairs (Diyanet) for its diaspora policies. Looking at how the inclusive and repressive tactics of Turkish diaspora-building feed into each other, I argue that Ankara has expanded the boundaries of the Turkish state’s reach by harnessing religion (Islam) in addition to existing ethnic bonds (Turkishness), thereby allowing Turkey to create a diaspora out of a much larger group of people including non-Turkish Muslims. As a result, certain segments among the Sunni-Muslim Albanians in Kosovo have developed close relations with Turkey that may be employed when needed to police elements of the diaspora that are seen as oppositional. While
Turkey’s “domestic abroad” has expanded considerably due to the initial inclusive outreach, it has also become more fragmented, more contested, and more unruly, delivering continuously diminishing returns in terms of regime security at home. Although the repression of disloyal diaspora members by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is aimed at stabilizing rule at home, it creates divisions in the diaspora and risks Turkey’s relations with the countries in which it asserts its authority.
since the declaration of independence in 1991. The changing
environment is reflected on in the National Security Strategy and
also in the security perception of the population. This period was
marked with a solid transition of foreign policy by joining NATO
and EU, and by later on fulfilling the responsibilities coming with
the membership. These responsibilities include the participation
in an increased number of peace support operations, and
contribution to the common responses of the EU to the security
threats of today. To live up to these challenges Croatia needs to
develop its military capabilities, which Croatia has begun with the
acquisition of air force equipment.
cannot offer an alternative to the EU enlargement, but their approach might change in the near future. Nevertheless, as a result of the EU’s enlargement fatigue, Moscow makes use of the emerging dissatisfaction with Brussels in the region. The Kremlin attempts to tie the economies of the Western Balkans to Russian energy companies, which gives Moscow leverage to engage the political class of the respective countries. To help the expansion there is a closed circle of Russian businessmen and Nikolai Patrushev the Secretary of the Security Council of Russia. To influence public opinion, Russia related
media structures built out a network in the Serbian speaking territories of the Balkans so that the narratives produced in Moscow can be spread. As sign of their success, the local tabloid and daily newspapers are referring to Sputnik and RT often as reliable sources. Furthermore, the Orthodox Christian Church is also used rather as a tool than a reason to win the support of the public to Russia. The relatively weakest element of Russian influence in the region is the military because their cooperation focuses exclusively on Serbia.
To contribute to Kosovo’s energy safety, the WB is considering to support the construction of a coal power plant referred to as Kosovo C under the umbrella of the Kosovo Power Project (KPP - Project ID: P118287). The Lignite Power Technical Assistance Project (LPTAP – Project ID: P097635) was closed in 2011, which designed the local investment environment to be attractive for foreign financing. The Second Clean-up & Land Reclamation Project (SCLCP - Project ID: P131539) is already running, which assists the preparation of fieldwork for the power-plant and a mine as a fuel source. What makes the situation complicated is that the coal reserves of Kosovo are located on a broad, densely populated territory with highly arable land; therefore its exploration requires involuntary resettlement from the residing population.
Individuals and NGOs, among others the Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ), GAP Institute of Advanced Studies (GAP) and the Institute for Development Policy (INDEP) from Kosovo have filed two complaints to the IP in 2012 (Case no. 78) and 2015 (Case No. 103) in connection with the planned construction of the coal power plant and the field-works preceding it, with a great concern to involuntary resettlement. The claims affect the power plant’s two, widely accepted negative consequences: its environmental impact is adverse, and the involuntary resettlements are deteriorating the livelihood possibilities of the population in the surrounding area. According to the claims, the WB has not fulfilled its duty to satisfactorily monitor the resettlement, and due to their “improper technical assistance” the displacement was not in compliance with either international or WB standards.
The subject of the claims was the social, economic and environmental impact of KPP and LPTAP. According to the request for inspection, the community had already perceived the impact of the works and they had also notified the WB staff; however, they did not react to their complaints. The WB policies violated by the project are the following:
"OP 4.01 – Environmental assessment;
OP 4.12 – Involuntary displacement
OP 10.04 – Economic evaluation
OMS 2.20 – Project evaluation"
Book Reviews by Szerencsés László
the youngest countries of the world has not reached full sovereignty yet. Among others,
two member states of the United Nations Security Council and five member states of the
European Union (EU) still have not recognized it as a sovereign country. As a consequence,
among the Western Balkans’ countries it is the most isolated state since the visa
-free travel to the Schengen-Area is still not possible for its citizens. The unsatisfactory
stance of the Kosovar economy deters the Western European countries from opening
their borders as they are afraid of the influx of migrants from Kosovo.1 In order to overcome
these challenges Kosovo is committed towards the European integration in the
hopes of reaching the status of visa-free travel to the Schengen-Area and in the distant
future gaining a membership to the EU. However, as Kosovo lies in the neighbourhood of
the EU, it is not only the landlocked country’s interest to move closer to the integration,
but Brussels’ too. Thus, the EU attempts to reconcile the tense relations between Serbia
9 │ Integrations
and Kosovo through the Belgrade - Pristina dialogue. Furthermore, still under the umbrella
of maintaining regional stability the EU operates its biggest state-building mission in
Kosovo, the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX). This article discusses
the question of Kosovo’ results and further aspirations concerning European integration
has created societal influence in Kosovo—a new and insecure country with which Turkey established relations since its inception—by using, among other things, the Presidency for Religious Affairs (Diyanet) for its diaspora policies. Looking at how the inclusive and repressive tactics of Turkish diaspora-building feed into each other, I argue that Ankara has expanded the boundaries of the Turkish state’s reach by harnessing religion (Islam) in addition to existing ethnic bonds (Turkishness), thereby allowing Turkey to create a diaspora out of a much larger group of people including non-Turkish Muslims. As a result, certain segments among the Sunni-Muslim Albanians in Kosovo have developed close relations with Turkey that may be employed when needed to police elements of the diaspora that are seen as oppositional. While
Turkey’s “domestic abroad” has expanded considerably due to the initial inclusive outreach, it has also become more fragmented, more contested, and more unruly, delivering continuously diminishing returns in terms of regime security at home. Although the repression of disloyal diaspora members by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is aimed at stabilizing rule at home, it creates divisions in the diaspora and risks Turkey’s relations with the countries in which it asserts its authority.
since the declaration of independence in 1991. The changing
environment is reflected on in the National Security Strategy and
also in the security perception of the population. This period was
marked with a solid transition of foreign policy by joining NATO
and EU, and by later on fulfilling the responsibilities coming with
the membership. These responsibilities include the participation
in an increased number of peace support operations, and
contribution to the common responses of the EU to the security
threats of today. To live up to these challenges Croatia needs to
develop its military capabilities, which Croatia has begun with the
acquisition of air force equipment.
cannot offer an alternative to the EU enlargement, but their approach might change in the near future. Nevertheless, as a result of the EU’s enlargement fatigue, Moscow makes use of the emerging dissatisfaction with Brussels in the region. The Kremlin attempts to tie the economies of the Western Balkans to Russian energy companies, which gives Moscow leverage to engage the political class of the respective countries. To help the expansion there is a closed circle of Russian businessmen and Nikolai Patrushev the Secretary of the Security Council of Russia. To influence public opinion, Russia related
media structures built out a network in the Serbian speaking territories of the Balkans so that the narratives produced in Moscow can be spread. As sign of their success, the local tabloid and daily newspapers are referring to Sputnik and RT often as reliable sources. Furthermore, the Orthodox Christian Church is also used rather as a tool than a reason to win the support of the public to Russia. The relatively weakest element of Russian influence in the region is the military because their cooperation focuses exclusively on Serbia.
To contribute to Kosovo’s energy safety, the WB is considering to support the construction of a coal power plant referred to as Kosovo C under the umbrella of the Kosovo Power Project (KPP - Project ID: P118287). The Lignite Power Technical Assistance Project (LPTAP – Project ID: P097635) was closed in 2011, which designed the local investment environment to be attractive for foreign financing. The Second Clean-up & Land Reclamation Project (SCLCP - Project ID: P131539) is already running, which assists the preparation of fieldwork for the power-plant and a mine as a fuel source. What makes the situation complicated is that the coal reserves of Kosovo are located on a broad, densely populated territory with highly arable land; therefore its exploration requires involuntary resettlement from the residing population.
Individuals and NGOs, among others the Forum for Civic Initiatives (FIQ), GAP Institute of Advanced Studies (GAP) and the Institute for Development Policy (INDEP) from Kosovo have filed two complaints to the IP in 2012 (Case no. 78) and 2015 (Case No. 103) in connection with the planned construction of the coal power plant and the field-works preceding it, with a great concern to involuntary resettlement. The claims affect the power plant’s two, widely accepted negative consequences: its environmental impact is adverse, and the involuntary resettlements are deteriorating the livelihood possibilities of the population in the surrounding area. According to the claims, the WB has not fulfilled its duty to satisfactorily monitor the resettlement, and due to their “improper technical assistance” the displacement was not in compliance with either international or WB standards.
The subject of the claims was the social, economic and environmental impact of KPP and LPTAP. According to the request for inspection, the community had already perceived the impact of the works and they had also notified the WB staff; however, they did not react to their complaints. The WB policies violated by the project are the following:
"OP 4.01 – Environmental assessment;
OP 4.12 – Involuntary displacement
OP 10.04 – Economic evaluation
OMS 2.20 – Project evaluation"