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1The British referendum of 23 June 2016, called by Prime Minister David Cameron after a renegotiation with the European Union (EU) in the winter, was a seismic event, the results of which continue to unfold ten years later. Indeed Brexit proved, as anticipated at the time, to be a process more than an event.1 Current attempts by the Labour government, in the wake of the first EU/UK post-Brexit summit in May 2025, to move closer to the EU on defence, regulatory alignment or sanitary and phyto-sanitary regulation illustrate the fluid nature of UK/EU relations.

  • 2 Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty establishing the European (...)
  • 3 M. Barnier, La Grande Illusion : Journal secret du Brexit (2016-2020), Paris, NRF Gallimard, 2021.

2The Brexit vote was the first time a - major - member state chose to withdraw from the organisation, in contrast with the long list of candidates to join it (in the Western Balkans, Ukraine, Georgia and Turkey). Withdrawal from the EU was made possible by a provision introduced, under pressure from the British government, in the 2007 Lisbon treaty. Article 50 stated that ‘any Member State may decide to withdraw from the Union in accordance with its own constitutional requirements’ and set out a two-year process for its withdrawal, taking account of the framework for its future relationship with the Union.’2 From an EU perspective, this unprecedented withdrawal raised the spectre of a possible disintegration of the whole institution, which explains the tough approach to the negotiations displayed by the European Commission taskforce.3

  • 4 N. Bloom et al., ‘The Economic Impact of Brexit’, Working Paper 24459, National Bureau of Economic (...)
  • 5 M. Russell and L. James, The Parliamentary Battle over Brexit, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 202 (...)
  • 6 P. Schnapper (2018), ‘British Foreign Policy in the Context of Brexit: Realism or Irrationality?’, (...)

3Domestically, the effects of Brexit have been enduring and multi-faceted. The economic consequences are still hard to pinpoint exactly because they became intertwined with other external shocks, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the inflation crisis linked to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. There is nevertheless an emerging consensus on the damage caused specifically by the withdrawal from the EU since January 2020, with growth in particular assessed to be 6 to 8% lower by 2025 than it would have been if the UK had remained in the EU.4 Politically, the years following the referendum were dominated by political instability, with no less than six Prime Ministers between 2016 and 2025 (David Cameron, Theresa May, Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer), party divisions, a rise in populist governance and a realignment of voting along Remain/Leave lines.5 In strategic terms, Brexit has also led to an attempt to redefine British foreign policy as ‘Global Britain’, strengthening the special relationship with the US and moving towards the Indo-Pacific before a turn back to the Euro-Atlantic and, indeed, the EU after 2024, in the wake of the war in Ukraine.6

  • 7 On the latter, see T. Harrois, C. Leveque & P. Schnapper (eds), «Is the UK (Still Unstable? The Gen (...)

4This special issue pursues specific ambitions. It does not claim to cover all the tumultuous events of the ten years since the referendum in Britain. It does not add to the academic literature on the EU withdrawal process either, nor does it analyse political instability in the UK.7 Instead it provides a detailed understanding of some of the effects of the polarising Brexit referendum on the British political landscape.

5First, the issue explores changes in the strategy of different forms of pro-EU and anti-Brexit mobilisation across four articles: it examines the Liberal Democrat’s transition from radical opposition to ‘ideological quietism’, the Scottish Parliament’s use of pro-European rhetoric to protect its autonomy against recentralisation, the survival of grassroots mobilisation, and the function of political memes. Second, three articles analyse the evolution of political identities and values-based voting, focusing on the shift of conservative think tanks from neoliberal ‘Global Britain’ narratives to defensive trade assessments, the continuity in migration policy framing regarding sovereignty and welfare conditionality, and the fragmentation and realignment of ethnic minority voters. Finally, the collection addresses institutional and economic divergence through a study of the Supreme Court’s role as a constitutional arbiter and two articles focusing on economic issues, with a case-study of post-Brexit UK/EU divergence on media ownership regulation and an article on the effects of Brexit on financial services and the City of London.

6Clémence Leveque’s article focuses on the Liberal Democrats’ ambiguous commitment to EU membership after the referendum, as they were torn between their europhile tradition and the new reality of a democratic negative outcome, including from some of their own voters. She shows how the party shifted positions over the 2016-2024 period and mostly avoided raising the Brexit issue, illustrating the importance of electoral incentives in shaping party policy. Similarly, Edwige Camp-Pietrain examines Brexit-related debates in the Scottish Parliament during the same period and shows how the anti-Brexit parties in Scotland - the Scottish National Party but also unionist parties, including the Conservative Party under Ruth Davidson - struggled to articulate a clear policy about the EU, leading to a shattering of the Scottish consensus on membership of the EU. Marie Aouanes-Perrière uncovers a similar dilemma for pro-EU grassroots mobilisation - the People’s Vote campaign of 2018-19 - with limited opportunities to achieve results nationally and stop Brexit. Yet she also shows that local activism proved resilient and remains instrumental in keeping the debate about Brexit alive in the UK.

7In his contribution, Nicolas Sigoillot provides an original interpretation of Brexit-related memes posted on two Reddit forums between 2016 and 2020, arguing that humour can contribute to establishing a vernacular history of Brexit through shared narratives and memory. Here, as Kinane, quoted by Sigoillot, put it, irony ‘exposes and re-enacts the absurdity of political discourse by transforming it into ritual performance’. It contributes to the self-education of readers and attempts to produce consensus.

8The mixed results of the British withdrawal from the EU have led Conservative Thatcherite think-tanks which were so influential in the 1990s and beyond, such as the Institute for Economic Affairs and the Centre for Policy Studies, to tone down their enthusiasm for Brexit. Virgile Lorenzoni explores the contradictions at the heart of their neo-liberal thinking and shows how they have reneged on their promises of a post-Brexit golden age for ‘Global Britain’.

9In her article, Hélène Grinan-Moutinho analyses how Brexit reshaped UK migration policy and EU citizens’ rights through political discourse. The article insists on the way sovereignty, welfare conditionality and national identity frames legitimised ending free movement, the EU Settlement Scheme, and a points-based system, which produced selective inclusion based on status, skills, and contribution to society. Both Conservative and Labour governments maintained similar framing that reinforced state control and stratified rights for EU nationals, despite economic tensions and persistent high migration levels.

10Brexit transformed minorities from a cohesive Labour bloc into a fragmented, strategically influential electorate shaped by representation and belonging debates. This is what Donia Touihri-Mebarek examines in her article, which shows how Brexit and populism reshaped ethnic minority political identities in Britain. It traces voting patterns from 2016–2024, showing growing fragmentation, Indian Hindu realignment toward Conservatives, and Muslim disaffection from Labour. It argues identity and value conflicts replaced class-based loyalties, producing volatile issue-driven alignments.

11Aurélien Antoine’s article evaluates the UK Supreme Court’s institutional role from 2016 to 2025, examining landmark rulings like Miller 1 and Miller 2. Despite allegations of judicial activism, the study argues the Court maintains constitutional balance through pragmatic legal reasoning rather than political interference. Through his analysis of Brexit and devolution, Antoine concludes the judiciary remains a cautious but vital guardian of the rule of law.

12The last two articles focus on economic aspects. Mélanie Anderson-Dupéré’s article evaluates the UK’s post-Brexit transition from EU media and digital market frameworks. It highlights how regulatory autonomy has enabled independent merger controls and the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024, while simultaneously increasing costs for creative industries due to divergence. The study's main contribution is the argument that UK policy remains overly focused on consumer-based market competition, failing to reframe media plurality as a fundamental democratic right for citizens. Focusing on the financial sector, Nicholas Sowels studies the impact of Brexit on UK financial services. It underlines the shift towards a tailored regulatory framework that balances macroprudential stability with a secondary objective of promoting international competitiveness and growth. Sowels highlights significant setbacks (such as the loss of passporting rights and 40,000 jobs) and notable resilience in global derivatives trading.

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Notes

1 S. Weatherill, ‘What Is Brexit?’, The UK in a Changing Europe, 28 October 2016, https://ukandeu.ac.uk/explainers/what-is-brexit/

2 Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community, signed 13 December 2007, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/eli/treaty/lis/sign/eng

3 M. Barnier, La Grande Illusion : Journal secret du Brexit (2016-2020), Paris, NRF Gallimard, 2021.

4 N. Bloom et al., ‘The Economic Impact of Brexit’, Working Paper 24459, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge Ma., November 2025; A. Kaya et al., ‘Revisiting the effect of Brexit’, National Institute of Economic and Social Research, 16 November 2023; J. Springford, ‘The Economic Impact of Brexit, Nine Years On: Was the Consensus Right?’, The Constitution Society, 23 June 2025.

5 M. Russell and L. James, The Parliamentary Battle over Brexit, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2023; M. Sobolowska and R. Ford, Brexitland, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2020; D. Cutts, M. Goodwin, O. Heath & P. Surridge, ‘Brexit, the 2019 general election and the realignment of British politics’, The Political Quarterly, 91(1), 2020, pp. 7-23; S.B. Hobolt, T.J. Leeper & J. Tilley, ‘Divided by the vote: Affective polarization in the wake of the Brexit referendum’, British Journal of Political Science, 51(4), 2021, pp. 1476-1493.

6 P. Schnapper (2018), ‘British Foreign Policy in the Context of Brexit: Realism or Irrationality?’, in R. Belloni, V. Della Sala & P. Viotti (eds), Fear and Uncertainty in Europe: The Return to Realism? Cham: Springer International Publishing, pp. 197-214; A. Hadfield & N. Wright, ‘Fog in Channel? The impact of Brexit on EU and UK foreign affairs’, European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2021; T. Harrois, « En finir avec le Brexit? Vers une ‘normalisation’ du rôle du Royaume-Uni dans la sécurité européenne » (2017-2023), Observatoire de la société britannique, (31), 2024, pp. 213-236.

7 On the latter, see T. Harrois, C. Leveque & P. Schnapper (eds), «Is the UK (Still Unstable? The General Election and Beyond », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2025, https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/

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Thibaud Harrois et Pauline Schnapper, « Introduction »Observatoire de la société britannique, 33 | 2026, 7-10.

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Thibaud Harrois et Pauline Schnapper, « Introduction »Observatoire de la société britannique [En ligne], 33 | 2026, mis en ligne le 01 juillet 2026, consulté le 18 juillet 2026. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/osb/6823 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/16lft

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Auteurs

Thibaud Harrois

Maître de conférences en civilisation britannique à l’Université Sorbonne Nouvelle.

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Pauline Schnapper

Professeure des Universités en civilisation britannique à l’Université Sorbonne Nouvelle.

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