Papers by Jaime Hernandez-Garcia

Place attachment and residential satisfaction in a post-war suburban newtown is explored in this ... more Place attachment and residential satisfaction in a post-war suburban newtown is explored in this study. Developed as dormitory towns for young office workers’ families commuting to cities, newtowns in Japan typically house a homogenous age group and those built during the post-war economic boom are currently experiencing rapid aging of the population. Sustainability of such suburban settings is an issue under debate and knowledge of residents’ evaluation of and attachment to the environment is needed.A questionnaire survey was conducted in two neighborhoods in a newtown. The neighborhoods are part of a large scale newtown project developed in the early 1980s and consist of owned detached houses. A total of 930 respondents evaluated their satisfaction of their house and neighborhood on a 5-point scale for a total of 36 items. They were also asked about their reasons for choosing the house/city and future plans.Length of residence correlated with satisfaction but was not related to th...

This research aims to contribute to the debate on informal or popular settlements by viewing them... more This research aims to contribute to the debate on informal or popular settlements by viewing them as an opportunity to understand different ways of seeing and thinking about the city. Open spaces in popular settlements, like the housing stock, are to a large extent the product of local self-help and self-managed processes, however, the equivalent level of understanding has not been achieved, partly because they are often seen as spare spaces with little value. Open spaces in popular settlements are public in terms of ownership and accessibility, but are communal in terms of use and attachment. They play an important role in the physical and social dynamics of the barrios since their inception, however the improvement and consolidation of such spaces may not be realised for many years. Having the opportunity to do the doctorate was a professional, family and personal experience. In this sense, it could not have been accomplished without the participation of a large number of people who over the years gave me their support, sympathy and solidarity. Firstly, my principal supervisor, Dr Peter Kellett, a person with the highest academic and personal qualities. He was always ready to discuss and confront my ideas; but also to offer guidance, support and advice on arguably any theme and concern. I am also in debt with my second supervisor, Dr Graham Tipple, who revised my work several times and made important suggestions. In the University of Newcastle, and in particular in the School of Architecture, Planning and Landscape (SAPL), many contributed directly and indirectly with comments, ideas and recommendations. The SAPL seminars were especially important, in which I had the chance to present and discuss my work and receive feedback from lecturers and colleagues; and the "Dr Kellett"s seminars" in which PhD students supervised by him discuss and debate our work. This not only proved to be useful and encouraging, but also gave us the chance to build our friendships which I have no doubt will last. In practical terms the opportunity to do the doctorate was thanks to the ALBAN Programme, and the Javeriana University. The European Union Programme of High Level Scholarships for Latin America, ALBAN, contributed significantly to cover tuition fees and living expenses. Similarly the Javeriana University in Bogotá, under the "Formacion del Profesor Javeriano" programme, provided me with additional funds towards the costs of studying and living in UK. I am deeply grateful to these institutions for having supported me, not only in financial terms, but also with advice and information access. This was especially important in the case of "La Javeriana" which through the School of Architecture and Design in the head of its two Deans (Academic and Welfare), contributed to the successful completion of my studies. As important as the financial support, was the emotional and everyday sustenance. This was given by my family, both in Newcastle and Bogotá. My wife, Celia, and my daughter Laura Valentina, were constant in their support and companionship. The three of us undertook this "adventure" of living and experiencing a different country, and although it was not always easy, we all found our way, learned and enjoyed the experience. But my parents and sister in Bogotá; Hector, Esperanza and Iliana, were also very important. They were not in Newcastle, but it was as if they were; their permanent communication and interest helped us very much. We did not lack anything, thanks to them. Beyond any doubt, the support of my loving family in Newcastle and Bogotá was the most decisive input to finish my studies positively. Some words are deserved to all the people I met over the years in Newcastle. Arguably they were important because they showed me something different from my daily study routine, and in that sense helped me to balance the study experience, and offered me a broader understanding of the city and its social dynamics. First, the Latin American community in Newcastle, almost invisible at the beginning but once you find one, you find them all. Sharing language, food, weather complaints and nostalgic images were the main plans; paradoxically these helped me to connect with the city and with my own country at the same time! The sports groups in which I took part were also important: "The City of Newcastle Swimming Team", "The Claremont Road Runners", and "The Newcastle Outdoor Activities Group", they were of full of good people, although many times I did not have a clue what they were talking about in their "Geordie" accent. Last but not least, my deepest thanks to the people in the barrios of Bogotá, who openly and kindly offered me their ideas and comments to carry out my research. Don Arturo,
Aisthesis, 2007
JAIME HERNÁNDEZ • Estética y hábitat popular rESuMEN • Este artículo propone una mirada estética ... more JAIME HERNÁNDEZ • Estética y hábitat popular rESuMEN • Este artículo propone una mirada estética a los sectores de hábitat popular, desde las relaciones que se tejen entre los pobladores y su entorno. Sectores de nuestras ciudades que, siendo mayoritarios, han sido tradicionalmente olvidados por la arquitectura, el urbanismo y la estética. Se presentan algunos elementos teórico-metodológicos para mirar esta producción cotidiana y pragmática, que ha sido y es desarrollada, en gran medida, por los mismos pobladores. Se plantea una mirada estética desde lo funcional, lo comunitario y lo cultural.

Public Space Design and Social Cohesion, 2019
This chapter critically discusses the relationship between bottom- up processes, public space des... more This chapter critically discusses the relationship between bottom- up processes, public space design and social cohesion, and the need for an interweaving dynamic between these. The case study of a self- developed neighbourhood park in an informal settlement of Bogotá, Colombia, is used to demonstrate the role of bottom- up public space design in fostering social cohesion. The aim is to contribute to the debate concerning the relationship between public spaces and social cohesion from a Global South perspective, since discussions around these topics are usually focused on Anglo-American studies framed in the formal, planned city. This is problematic, since in cities such as Dar- es- Salaam, Cairo, Rio de Janeiro or Bogot á many neighbourhoods and public spaces develop informally, from the bottom up, through individual and community efforts, without any government plans or professional designers. Furthermore, these self- developed neighbourhoods, usually identified as informal settlements, are the only way for a large proportion of the urban population in Global South cities to gain access to housing and urban facilities (UN- Habitat, 2003 ). The United Nations (UN- Habitat, 2003 , 2015 ) defines informal settlements as those that do not comply with planning and building regulations, i.e. that usually lack basic services and infrastructures. However, this view has been criticised for being deprecatory and for not recognising the positive characteristics of such neighbourhoods (Gilbert, 2007 ; Robinson, 2006 ). An alternative is to view informal settlements in terms of the patterns or processes of development that they followed or continue to follow. This chapter adopts this alternative view and recognises informal settlements as socio-spatial urban developments in which local residents have a central role in the production and transformation of their built environment (Hern á ndez- Garcia, 2013). Public spaces in these settlements are thus primarily what residents make of them through participatory and self managed community processes, i.e. bottom- up processes. Consequently, they are more than just spatial units, i.e. parks and squares; they display distinctive sociospatial qualities and dynamics that result from, and reflect, particular bottom- up urban design processes characterised by conflictual and collaborative situations (Hern á ndez- Bonilla, 2008 ; Hernández- García, 2013). This process- orientated view of informal settlements offers an alternative way of thinking about the socio- spatial conditions shaping the design and production of contemporary public space (Hernández- Garcia, 2016 ). However, for its potential to be recognised, it needs to be better understood and integrated into academic and policy discussions (Romero et al ., 2004 ). This chapter takes a step in this direction by providing an in- depth analysis of the participatory and bottom- up public space production that occurs in these settlements and using it to expand the discussion on the relationship between public space and social cohesion. The analysis is based on empirical data obtained from a longitudinal study conducted between 2011 and 2016 in an informal settlement of Bogot á called Caracoli. A case study research is used, combining interviews with field visits and document analysis. Semi- structured interviews were conducted with key actors in the processes, including community leaders, local residents and authorities. The questions posed in interviews were explorative in nature and related to roles, activities and opinions of participants in the bottom- up process and its social and spatial outcomes. Field visits were conducted several times during the longitudinal study to observe and analyse socio- spatial transformations. Analysis of documents relating to policies and programmes obtained from different community organisations and government agencies was used to complement the interviews and field visits. The following section provides the theoretical background to the case. In it, different dimensions of social cohesion are identified and a social institutionalist approach for analysing bottom- up public space design processes is presented. A detailed description of the case is then provided, with the focus on the activities carried out and the actors involved in the bottom- up process and on the sociospatial qualities of the resulting public space. This is followed by a discussion in which the dimensions of social cohesion and the social institutionalist approach are combined in order to identify benefits and challenges that the bottom- up process had for fostering social cohesion in the case study. The chapter concludes with the potential lessons that bottom- up public space design processes might provide for the field of urban design and for future professionally led public space projects.
Estoa, 2020
The article presents and analyses the results of a research project and pedagogical action on the... more The article presents and analyses the results of a research project and pedagogical action on the exploration of socio-spatial dynamics in informal settlements in Bogotá and the proposals of public space developed, in a summer international design studio with students from Colombia and México, in which members of the community also took part. The workshop sought to encourage students' reflection on popular public space and to understand the difficulties and responsibilities when facing the informal city. In addition to the cultural exchange with students of different countries that facilitates a more complete and complex vision of the discipline. The article argues the importance of these tasks for the training of future architects and the contribution to the thinking and development of large areas of our Latin American cities.
Este articulo propone una mirada estetica a los sectores de habitat popular, desde las relaciones... more Este articulo propone una mirada estetica a los sectores de habitat popular, desde las relaciones que se tejen entre los pobladores y su entorno. Sectores de nuestras ciudades que, siendo mayoritarios, han sido tradicionalmente olvidados por la arquitectura, el urbanismo y la estetica. Se presentan algunos elementos teorico-metodologicos para mirar esta produccion cotidiana y pragmatica, que ha sido y es desarrollada, en gran medida, por los mismos pobladores. Se plantea una mirada estetica desde lo funcional, lo comunitario y lo cultural.
Planejamento e gestão territorial: a sustentabilidade dos ecossistemas urbanos, 2018

El objetivo de este articulo es profundizar en la problematica que presenta el espacio publico en... more El objetivo de este articulo es profundizar en la problematica que presenta el espacio publico en cuatro ciudades capitales latinoamericanas desde una perspectiva analitica en relacion con el papel que pueden tener innovaciones espaciales como herramientas efectivas de intervencion urbana. Aunque Bogota, Quito, Montevideo y Mexico D.F. representan contextos urbanos diferentes, se identifican con la imagen de las ciudades latinoamericanas, cuya caracteristica mas sobresaliente (quizas sea)la oferta de espacio publico a disposicion y el uso que se le da, sin argumentar que todos los espacio publicos de estas ciudades sean homogeneos. Se resalta la importancia de la innovacion espacial en la solucion de los problemas urbanos especialmente en relacion a la problematica del espacio publico en el que se conjuga lo social y lo espacial de manera singular. El espacio publico puede ser identificado comparativamente como una herramienta de transformacion de ciudad, sea a traves de intervencio...
This book is about informal settlements in Bogota. It is an enquiry into public spaces: what they... more This book is about informal settlements in Bogota. It is an enquiry into public spaces: what they are, how they work, and what they mean to people.

Se busca comprender cómo pueden ampliarse los paisajes artificiales en una perspectiva del univer... more Se busca comprender cómo pueden ampliarse los paisajes artificiales en una perspectiva del universo poshumano, y de la emergencia de rasgos de habitabilidad emergentes en la interacción. Estos paisajes no solamente tienen una condición de visualidad, sino más aún, se desenvuelven en un proceso autónomo y se comportan como conjuntos de sistemas sociales vivos en co-evolución. El propósito no es observarles o percibirlos, y en eso signan un espectro diferente a los paisajes geográficos, urbanos o espaciales. No presentan una evolución progresiva o planeada, sino incierta, adaptable y emergente. Los paisajes artificiales han alcanzado un estadio para construir una teoría cruzada sobre las ecologías, en relación con aspectos como la virtualidad, la tecnología, la ciencia, el arte, y las formas de relación con los humanos y no humanos. La distinción entre habitante y paisaje se pierde, de manera a intercambiar los roles, permitir la hibridación y hacer crecer otras posibilidades creativas.

Urban Space, 2018
The implementation of sprawled car-oriented urbanism, in the global north, led designers to devel... more The implementation of sprawled car-oriented urbanism, in the global north, led designers to develop different strategies to re-activate public spaces, through incentivizing street vitality in the planned formal city. Examples of these strategies are policies focused on best practices of urban design such as the so-called Smart Growth movement, that in recent years have been disseminated globally by international organizations and multi-national urban design practices. However, public spaces designed with little oversight by urban design professionals in Latin America's informal settlements, are already vibrant and display a variety of social and cultural connections that seem to have evolved naturally. This chapter seeks to unravel the causes of this vibrancy by identifying social and cultural practices in the urban space, as well as critically evaluate the neighbourhood sustainability assessment tool LEED-ND v.4.0, via the indicators derived from Smart Growth principles that contribute to vitality in public spaces within Bogotá’s informal settlements. The explanation is conducted by using the case of a set of parks in the southern periphery of Bogotá, in areas informally developed. We use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to discover why these spaces achieve high levels of vibrancy, but we also discuss critically the pros and cons of these practices. After this introduction, the discussion of the main theoretical themes, in which this research is based on, is presented. The chapter then moves on to the explanation of the methodology and the case studies, followed by the research results in which, from the qualitative and the quantitative perspectives, the arguments about vitality are elaborated. Finally, in the concluding section, the main arguments are put together and further discussions outlined.

Routledge Handbook of Landscape and Food, 2018
This chapter provides a general perspective regarding UA in informal settlements and considers li... more This chapter provides a general perspective regarding UA in informal settlements and considers links to social practices and needs as well as the growing of food and its spatial dynamics. The aim of the chapter is to showcase Bogotá’s UA practices and to explore transformation and appropriation of urban spaces in the barrios through food growing initiatives. Following this introduction, the themes of the chapter in relation to UA are explained. Then, an overview of agricultural practices in informal settlements in the city is presented, highlighting social characteristics and spatial particularities. From here, different UA initiatives in Bogotá are discussed and are grouped into two categories: firstly, those promoted directly by the people corresponding to their rural traditions, and secondly, those established by public programmes and academic and institutional projects, corresponding to social and food policies. All of this allows us to discuss the challenges of UA in informal settlements as well as the need for social, educational, economic, and spatial policies. The chapter finally argues for the possibility of perceiving open spaces in barrios as potential productive landscapes, in which spatial transformations may contribute to social, cultural, and nutritional practices.

Journal of Place Management and Development, 2018
Purpose Placemaking is an established practice and research field. It takes on a spatial dimensio... more Purpose Placemaking is an established practice and research field. It takes on a spatial dimension created through a socio-political process where value and meaning are assigned to settings. An emerging concept, sustainability citizenship relies on social actors creating sustainable urban settings by working, sometimes, “outside” formal planning; offering an evolutionary step in the creation and understanding of community realised places. The purpose of this paper is twofold: examine one of Bogotá, Colombia’s informal settlements to explore the placemaking/sustainability citizenship relationship, and use this exploration as a means to argue the appropriateness of sustainability citizenship when investigating/realising settings in Bogotá’s informal settlements. Design/methodology/approach To address the paper’s aim, books, journal articles and monographs related to citizen/community participation, placemaking, citizenship (in Latin America and conceptually) and sustainability citizen...

Revista Rupturas, 2016
El presente artículo discute el uso y la apropiación del espacio público desde el diálogo de dos ... more El presente artículo discute el uso y la apropiación del espacio público desde el diálogo de dos investigaciones, de distintos contextos y desde distintos actores para mostrar la diversidad de enfoques con las potencialidades y las dificultades de los mismos en San José y Bogotá. Por una parte, el uso que le dan los jóvenes a dichos espacios en el centro de San José en contravía de las normas establecidas dentro de las “ciudades de manual” y, por otra parte, el uso que le dan los habitantes de los barrios populares periféricos en Bogotá desde la informalidad. Estas dos aproximaciones identifican relaciones que se entretejen entre el espacio y los habitantes y entre los distintos actores, incluyendo el Estado, a partir de las cuales se aprecian lecciones de la regulación y la informalidad que bien pudieran tenerse en cuenta en el estudio y la proyección de nuestras ciudades latinoamericanas. Las lecciones que también devienen en conflictos e intrincadas relaciones de poder.

Anuario Turismo Y Sociedad, 2012
Los barrios populares son áreas mayoritarias en Colombia y en América Latina, que exhiben dinámic... more Los barrios populares son áreas mayoritarias en Colombia y en América Latina, que exhiben dinámicas urbanas, sociales y culturales particulares. Sin importar su tamaño ni su impacto, estos asentamientos han sido tradicionalmente ignorados en cuanto a su contribución a la ciudad y a cualquier estrategia turística y de marca de ciudad. Comúnmente se piensa que estas áreas no ofrecen nada más que pobreza y problemas. Sin embargo, existe investigación que muestra sus potencialidades, más allá de aquellas percepciones tradicionales y marginales; y se cree que pueden contribuir activamente al desarrollo turístico y de marca de ciudad en América Latina. Desde una exploración conceptual sobre urbanización informal y marca de ciudad, confrontada empíricamente en barrios populares de Bogotá, este artículo discute críticamente la contribución que estos asentamientos pueden hacer a una estrategia de turismo y de marca de ciudad más justa, real y auténtica.
The Role of Place Identity in the Perception, Understanding, and Design of Built Environments, 2012
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Papers by Jaime Hernandez-Garcia
las 2 palabras que van a regir esa nueva relación, son la resiliencia y la reinvención
Using several cases of informal settlements in Bogotá, Colombia, the idea of this chapter is to empirically discuss how socio-spatial production of barrios can constitute
alternative positive examples of sustainability citizenship in practice.
The explanation is conducted by using the case of a set of parks in the southern periphery of Bogotá, in areas informally developed. We use a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to discover why these spaces achieve high levels of vibrancy, but we also discuss critically the pros and cons of these practices. After this introduction, the discussion of the main theoretical themes, in which this research is based on, is presented. The chapter then moves on to the explanation of the methodology and the case studies, followed by the research results in which, from the qualitative and the quantitative perspectives, the arguments about vitality are elaborated. Finally, in the concluding section, the main arguments are put together and further discussions outlined.
La literatura evidencia que hay una estética en los barrios populares (Brillembourg, Feireiss, & Klumpner, 2005; Carvajalino, 2004b; Fiori & Brandao, 2010; Garcia Canclini, 1989; Hernandez-Garcia, 2009; Hernandez, 2005; P. Kellett, 2009; P. Kellett & Napier, 1995; C Klaufus, 2000; Mehrotra, 2010; Miles, 2000). El presente capitulo explora ésta estética a partir de la experiencia, percepción, apreciación y lenguaje; argumentando la existencia de elementos tangibles y observables, así como intangibles y simbólicos que dan cuenta una estética de los barrios populares. Se parte reconociendo la creatividad y la libre escogencia; en acuerdo con Madanipour (1996: 164): “Sería una grave simplificación de la naturaleza humana pensar que, por debajo de un cierto nivel de ingresos y de nivel de vida, la opción estética desaparece o pierde su significado para ser reemplazada por la desesperación”. Más aún, la materialidad observada en los barrios populares confirma una selección amplia y rica de herramientas de lenguaje que transmiten toda una gama de significados.
in informal settlements, from empirical evidence of barrios of Bogotá.
Informal settlements are today a consistent feature of the city; they are not
growing at the same pace as in the 1960s and 1970s, but they are still
expanding at a faster rate than the rest of the urban fabric. More than 50%
of Bogotá has grown from some kind of informal pattern, urban and/or
housing development (Rueda Garcia 2000). The study draws on research
undertaken by the author (Hernandez-Garcia 2012), based on empirical
data from 57 case studies collected in Bogotá during the last 15 years,
from which six were selected for further study in 2008 and 2009. A
qualitative methodology was employed, with a case study approach and a
multi-method strategy, including interviews with key community actors
and municipality officials, observation, mapping and visual and
documentary sources.
Como responde la arquitectura y el urbanismo a esto? En general responden mínimamente, ya que están atadas a esos intereses descritos anteriormente, haciendo parte del sistema. En este sentido es la gente, que por distintos medios, intenta lograr satisfacer sus necesidades de arquitectura y de ciudad. Las prácticas insurgentes de arquitectura y de ciudad, son fundamentalmente las prácticas socio-espaciales que desarrolla la gente.
Se indaga por las relaciones de complejidad que están emergiendo en las formas de habitar y se busca a través de varias ciencias, comprender la inestabilidad de los sistemas sociales, o lejos del equilibrio, los acontecimientos y sucesos emergentes o vinculados a tensiones económicas y políticas, pues lo que está en juego es la capacidad de sostenibilidad tanto en los recursos vitales de múltiples ecosistemas y en tal sentido el de los sistemas vivos en general, incluyendo el de las organizaciones sociales para comprender los cambios en la cultura.
2
Para analizar los problemas de la ciudad, las exploraciones conceptuales se conjuntan con la complejidad en el sentido amplio de la palabra, es decir en los ámbitos en que las ciencias sociales y las ciencias de la vida (complejidad) ofrecen una visión interdisciplinaria para comprender la ciudad como un macroorganismo vivo, en el que las interacciones y dinámicas tanto de lo cotidiano en el habitar, como de los fenómenos vivos de la cultura, la tecnología, la información, la política, el medioambiente y las ideologías conforman un conjunto de transiciones cuyas conexiones e interdependencias se exhiben como información y resultan claves para los cambios que a futuro pueden enrutarse hacia la sostenibilidad.
Las dimensiones abiertas y complejas de la vida de las sociedades humanas en las formas de habitar la ciudad, son sistemas adaptativos que pasan por una reflexión conceptual inusual en la que se construyen nuevas perspectivas teóricas que denominamos heurísticas para la comprensión de los fenómenos de cambio en el mundo, y dicho de otra manera, se trata de las inestabilidades sociales, de las incertidumbres del saber de la ciudad, de las sorpresas de lo cotidiano, que en vez de ser patrones regulares, simples o controlados, insta a la deriva y a las libertades de lo cotidiano, a las luchas frente a lo establecido.
La complejidad y sostenibilidad de la ciudad, se convierten en verdaderos problemas de frontera, es decir difíciles de resolver por medio del determinismo, o de la normalización de estudios sobre la ciudad a partir de fenómenos simples y controlados.
Comenzaremos por un análisis de las características de la ciudad, en cuanto a sus formas cotidianas de habitar, el rol de los grupos humanos, su organización como sistemas inestables y sus formas de generación de una dinámica cambiante y compleja. Sus conexiones con el lugar, una estética de lo prosaico, lo cual se constituirá en objeto de estudio a través de la complejidad en los apartados subsiguientes.
‘Informal settlements are by definition unfinished projects in which the agency and creativity of the occupant-builders is central’ (Kellett, 2008: 11). Kellett sums up two characteristics of these settlements: first, the production of space in these settlements is a permanent transformation process; and secondly, the involvement of local people is crucial in this production. The production of informal space is largely steered by the people. Lefebrve (1991: 286) argues that ‘space is permeated with social relations; it is not only supported by social relations but it is also producing and produced by social relations.’ Therefore ‘social space “incorporates” social actions, the actions of subjects both individual and collective who are born and who die, who suffer and who act’ (ibid.: 3). But the production of space is also mediated by consumption, as according to Harvey (1996) production and consumption processes work in a dialectical relationship. Therefore, production and consumption are part of the same spatial transformation process.
Low (1996) argues that the social production of space includes more than social actions, but also economic, ideological, and technological expressions that affect the physical creation of the material setting. Harvey (1996: 21) goes further and argues that there is a reciprocal relationship between production and product; however, he advises that ‘we should focus on processes rather than things and we should think of things as products of processes’. In the same respect Lefebvre (1991: 36) states: ‘If space is a product, our knowledge of it must be expected to reproduce and expound the process of production.’ It can be argued, therefore, that the production, consumption and product of social space can be seen as interconnected elements, each being the consequence of the other (and vice-versa), all within a social, economic, ideological and technological context. Open spaces in the barrios exemplify these inter-relationships, and the chapter aims to focus on one of these elements, the production of space, however the two other interconnected elements must be kept in mind and will be referred to when necessary.
En años recientes, académicos, arquitectos y urbanistas han vuelto a considerar los asentamientos informales, sumado al interes y estudio que por décadas investigadores Latinoamericanos han desarrollado. Algunos ejemplos de este interés son el libro de The Urban Think Tank de Brillembourg et al.: Informal City, the Caracas Case (2005); o la edición especial de la revista Harvard Design del verano de 2008 titulada: Can designers improve life in non-formal cities? (2008); o el libro Rethinking the Informal City, editado por Hernández, Kellett y Allen (2010). Estas “nuevas” miradas que promueven vías diferentes y alternativas de entender los asentamientos informales co- existen con las “viejas” ideas y perspectivas. Entre éstas últimas se encuentran muchas de las que inspiran buena parte de las políticas urbanas y de vivienda en Colombia. En este sentido, las políticas públicas están principalmente orientadas (con interesantes excepciones) a detener éstas prácticas, a pretender erradicar estos asentamientos, y a construir nuevas viviendas en otras áreas de las ciudad para reubicar a las familias. Lo cual en la práctica es imposible debido a su tamaño e impacto, y quizás tampoco sea deseable, por las dinámicas sociales y culturales de éstos asentamientos y su interés urbano y arquitectónico, como éste articulo argumenta. No está de más decir, que estas políticas han alcanzado resultados limitados que confirman lo dicho anteriormente: “La vivienda informal está disparada, edificaciones ilegales subieron 17% en los últimos años” (El Tiempo, Mayo 11 de 2010). El tema, por lo tanto, no solamente hoy en día se destaca internacionalmente, sino que en Colombia es más apremiante que nunca.
El artículo se basa en una investigación realizada entre los años 2007 y 2010, que fue revisada y profundizada en los años 2012 y 2013 con la investigación “Visiones Alternas de Ciudad”. Se exploraron 57 casos de estudio de barrios populares en Bogotá, y entre ellos 6 casos fueron estudiados más detalladamente. Se usó una metodología cualitativa y diversos métodos para recoger información: entrevistas semi- estructuradas, observación, mapeo, fotografía, foto evocación (Harper, 2002) y fuentes documentales. Para el propósito de este artículo se lleva a cabo una discusión de la literatura acerca de la informalidad, teniendo en los casos de estudio una referencia tácita para los argumentos.
The macro and the micro levels merge together in terms of how these forces operate and the results achieved. Needs and expectations in the city are negotiated in complex ways which echo the way that functional and symbolic needs are discussed within the home and between family members and neighbours. Space, both in the city and within buildings, is the place for social, economic, cultural and ideological relationships, and in this it is collectively produced and transformed. Through more detailed and fine-grain analysis of these complex processes we believe research can contribute to the creation of cities which are not simply more economically viable but also embody the ideals of social justice. This collection of essay is a modest contribution to this important but demanding endeavour.
The objective of this book, according to the above premises (i.e. the phenomena), is in line with the questions that philosopher Henri Lefebvre formulated over four decades ago on the production of space (1991). Some of his questions are still valid today: what are the mechanisms and devices used in the production of urban space; who are the actors involved; what are the strategies and tactics used to exclude groups in the appropriation of space; to what extent are urban spaces a product social forces; and what are the ideologies, values and symbols involved in the formation of urban public policies used to influence the creation of urban space. In this sense, the interest of this book re-examines these questions formulated on the production, use and appropriation of urban space and how they are accomplished today in the global south; from a current, holistic and interrogative perspective. The transdisciplinary position of the book promotes a reflexive framework that can be used to understand the complexity and fluctuating nature of urban space and the multiple ways to inhabit it. All of which can be used as a platform to reconsider current urban models and to propose new approaches to the creation, transformation, appropriation and management of urban spaces.
Within these topics and questions, the book is organized into three sections: a) Production, Place-making and Governance, b) Spatial Practices, Mobilities and Transportation, c) Appropriation, Practices and Meanings.
This book aims to contribute to debates regarding the production of space in cities of the global south, by including a transdisciplinary approach and by using lenses and epistemologies derived from the south. Most of the authors live in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and those who do not, have undertaken extensive studies in these regions and have become knowledgeable in the social and cultural contexts, apart from the economic, political and urban situations. Furthermore, the idea of this book is to help build-up a theoretical base of context-specific material that comes from the global south and that can be used in urban study examinations around the world.
Aunque los asentamientos informales o populares se han estudiado desde hace mucho tiempo, de alguna manera han sido olvidados. Sin embargo, en la actualidad la atención entre académicos y profesionales resurge, así como nuevas evidencias y argumentos. Entre ellos el libro de Urban Think Tank “Informal City, the Caracas Case” (2005) [Ciudad Informal, el caso Caracas (2005)], el número especial de la revista de Diseño de Harvard ‘Can designers improve life in non-formal cities? (2008) [¿Pueden los diseñadores mejorar la vida en las ciudades no formales? (2008)] y el libro ‘Rethinking the Informal City’ de Hernandez, Kellett y Allen (2010) [“Repensando la ciudad informal” (2010)]; que vienen a complementar más de 5 décadas de estudios y trabajos de académicos y profesionales Latinoamercianos.
Sin embargo, estas “nuevas” comprensiones que promueven caminos diferentes y alternativos para percibir los asentamientos populares co-existen con las “viejas” ideas y perspectivas. Entre el pensamiento “viejo”, que sigue vigente e influencia fuertemente las políticas en Colombia, y en buena parte de America Latina, está la idea de la existencia de dos ciudades dentro de la ciudad: la formal y planeada junto a la informal, no planeada e ilegal, la cual “es el resultado de un proceso urbano, especulativo y caótico del desarrollo periférico, sin vias, transporte ni servicios públicos” (Rueda García 2000: 2). A pesar de interesantes excepciones a nivel municipal, las políticas están diseñadas para prevenir estas prácticas, erradicar estos asentamientos cuando y en donde sea posible, y construir nuevas casas en otras áreas de la ciudad para reubicar a las personas. Dichas políticas han conseguido resultados muy limitados. (‘Vivienda informal esta “disparada”, edificaciones ilegales subieron 17% en los últimos años’. “El Tiempo”, mayo 11, 2010).
Los “viejos” enfoques de los asentamientos populares tiene limitaciones, pero los “nuevos” puntos de vista también han sido impugnados. Varley (2009) argumenta que esta nueva literatura sobre los asentamientos informales puede promover percepciones erróneas, con vista a lo que existe detrás de las impresiones superficiales: la precariedad de las edificaciones y la lucha de la gente. Además, escritos recientes pueden dar el mensaje incorrecto a los gobiernos, como Torres y Castillo (2009) explican. Ellos abogan por cambios estructurales en las políticas de desarrollo en Colombia, porque las acciones locales y creativas de personas y organizaciones no pueden, por sí mismas, manejar el complejo fenómeno expansivo de los asentamientos populares. Sin embargo, esta “nueva” literatura argumenta que la informalidad no es necesariamente un problema, sino que puede ser una oportunidad; como un modo alternativo de producción de espacio (Roy, 2009). Para Brillembourg Tamayo, Feireiss et al. (2005), los asentamientos populares son el presente y futuro urbano para una gran parte de la población en América Latina, e incluso puede ser la clave para el siglo XXI en términos de riqueza, creatividad y logros. En primera instancia, estas “nuevas” ideas en el conocimiento sobre informalidad se consideran como un acercamiento válido a la producción de espacio urbano. Segundo, cuestionan los discursos binarios y de marginación como formal/informal, legal/ilegal, planeado/no planeado, etc. Con lo que buscan ver los asentamientos como son, como parte de las ciudades, con problemas, oportunidades, e incluso, con lecciones para otros acerca de integridad, inclusión y diversidad (Fiori y Brandao 2010; 190). Finalmente, la tercera contribución es reconocer a las personas detrás de las casas y el espacio urbano. “El sector informal surge como un sistema complejo de interacciones sociales” (Ramírez 2010: 138), así como los asentamientos populares son mucho más que casas y calles –también son personas interactuando con los espacios. Las dinámicas de los asentamientos populares van mucho más allá de la falta de viviendas y servicios urbanos, como es común en las políticas de Colombia. Estas ideas son el tema principal de este libro, especialmente desde la perspectiva de las interacciones entre las personas y los espacios y como estas relaciones influencian los aspectos social y físico del barrio popular.
paisajes artificiales han alcanzado un estadio para construir una teoría cruzada sobre las ecologías, en relación con aspectos como la virtualidad, la tecnología, la ciencia, el arte, y las formas de relación con los humanos y no humanos. La distinción entre habitante y paisaje
se pierde, de manera a intercambiar los roles, permitir la hibridación y hacer crecer otras posibilidades creativas.