Papers by Azad Hajiaghie
Kurdish Studies Journal , 2014
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IDENTITIES, 2024
Ayatollah Khomeini’s concept of ‘Islamic government’, and the 1979 Iranian revolution, sought to ... more Ayatollah Khomeini’s concept of ‘Islamic government’, and the 1979 Iranian revolution, sought to exclude women from the public sphere and introduced a new hegemony of the Islamic public sphere. For a variety of cultural and political reasons, many Kurds in Iran refused to accept the religious government’s policies. Using the concepts of public and counter-public, the article discusses Kurdish women’s activism and investigates what motivated them to challenge their marginalization. We argue that in confronting centralist-religious power and traditional Kurdish society, Kurdish women have created new counter-publics that could promote democracy and improve gender equality in both Kurdistan and Iran.
HERITAGE & SOCIETY, 2024
Between 2009 and 2011, the Kurdish sculptor Hadî Ziaoddînî created
a statue of poet Mestûre Erdal... more Between 2009 and 2011, the Kurdish sculptor Hadî Ziaoddînî created
a statue of poet Mestûre Erdalan (1805–1847), in the city of Sine
(Sanandaj, Iranian Kurdistan or Rojhelat). A woman standing,
carrying a book in her hand, the figure of Mestûre is unique in the
Islamic Republic of Iran. She is not wearing the obligatory hijab but
a Kurdish kofî. This paper presents the evolving representation and
reception of Mestûre, the first Kurdish female poet and chronicler.
The existing research on heritage in Iran focuses mainly on the
policies of Pahlavi and Islamic regimes, tourism and conservation.
This paper reveals the dissonant heritage-making that inspires
Kurdish ethnic and national identity and the empowerment of
women in Iran. The latter gained momentum, especially after the
killing of the Kurdish woman, Jîna (Mahsa) Amînî, by the morality
police in 2022. The multi-layered heritage performance engages
identity politics, artistic creation and the new practice of visiting
the statue of Mestûre. Starting from Ziaoddînî’s work as the focal
point of discussion, the study identifies various links between the
statue and other artistic products, as well as investigates the
contemporary relationship between Mestûre and the inhabitants
of Sine. The relationship is mediated by the sculpture and the
moral imagination it stirs in empowering Kurdish women
Journal of Middle Eastern Research (JMER), 2019
This paper aims to reassess the role of women in the Kurdish nationalist movement by considering ... more This paper aims to reassess the role of women in the Kurdish nationalist movement by considering early Kurdish nationalism. It explores aspects of Kurdish nationalism, for example the patriarchal language that has been used in the representation of women's issues on the one hand and the possibility that Kurdish women have provided for the manifestation of their issues in the modern discourse on the other. Rather than conceptualizing nationalism and women's issues as either contradictory or complementary frames of reference for these activists, this paper argues that Kurdish nationalism, despite its patriarchal language and exclusion of women as a separate issue, has provided new opportunities for the raising of women's issues, as well as the issue of women in Kurdistan, for the first time since the prospect of nationalism.
Iranian Studies, 2021
ئەم وتارە بە گرینگیپێدانی گۆشەنیگای لیبراڵیزمی سیاسی بۆ ئایین لە پانتایی فکریی ئێراندا، هەوڵ دەدا... more ئەم وتارە بە گرینگیپێدانی گۆشەنیگای لیبراڵیزمی سیاسی بۆ ئایین لە پانتایی فکریی ئێراندا، هەوڵ دەدات بە نیشاندانی ڕەهەندەکانی خوێندنەوەی لیبراڵیزمی سیاسی لە ئایین لە ڕوانگەی جۆن ڕۆڵزەوە ئەم پرسیارە بورووژێنێت ئاخۆ لیبەڕالیزمی سیاسی لە پانتایی سیاسیی ئێراندا دەتوانێت بە گرینگیپێدانی عەقڵی گشتی، سێکیولاریزم و ئایین لەگەڵ یەک بگونجێنێت؟
http://cultureproject.org.uk, 2019
In the political systems of the 20th century, states have been the only actors in the internation... more In the political systems of the 20th century, states have been the only actors in the international community. In fact, states, as representations of nations, have not only brought about war and peace, they have consolidated the domination and authority of a class or an ideology. On the one hand, states are the driving forces behind the emancipation of none-state nations. On the other hand, they represent domination and totalitarianism. Within the ideology of Kurdish nationalism, the state has also been a subject of desire and utopia for the Kurds. This desire has been articulated through diverse rhetoric and ideologies. Undoubtedly, for the Kurds, the state is a manifestation of both domination and emancipatory ideology. Since the concept of Kurdish nationalism in itself is still controversial, the concepts used in Kurdish nationalism can also be contested and discussed. Considering these issues, this essay attempts to analyze the relationship between nationalism and the state through the rhetoric of the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad. To do so, this essay will consider the two main newspapers published at the dawn of attendance theory and practice in Rojhelat (Iranian Kurdistan). Preface Despite very different theoretical roots of nationalism, it seems that this ideology is tightly intertwined with other concepts such as state, identity, and nation-ness in everyday discourse as well as in academic studies. Nonetheless, the concomitance of the nation with the state as the most important consequence of the First World War, especially in the Middle East, is a modern phenomenon. Its roots in Europe can be traced back to the treaty of Westphalia, in which territorial sovereignty and sovereign equality of states were recognized by the international community. A brief glance at the modern history of nation-states and ideology of nationalism in Europe since the early nineteenth century and in the Middle East since the early twentieth century can clearly reveal the vital connection between the state and the rise of nationalism.
Political and International Approaches Quarterly, 2019
The concept of the public sphere is one of the most important terms in the theoretical field of p... more The concept of the public sphere is one of the most important terms in the theoretical field of politics as well as in the encouraging deliberative or associative democracies. But the fluidity and disturbance of the articulation of this concept by political thinkers, drawing its main lines and linking it inevitably with other important concepts such as politics and freedom. Therefore, in this paper, by adopting an approach to historiography of ideas based on textual reading, the author has sought to question the ideas such as the public sphere, the political and freedom in thought of Hannah Arendt. It has been argued that the concept of the public sphere is affected by the modernity and the emergence of totalitarian ideologies and mass society, which tends to weaken the realm of political action, and ultimately leads to the collapse of the political. Understanding this, would lead to strengthen the concept of the public sphere as a ground for redefinition of the political in a human-based and friend-based context and ultimately more possible access to democracy.
politeia , 2019
This article, by focusing on St. Augustine statements in relation to the just war, has tried in... more This article, by focusing on St. Augustine statements in relation to the just war, has tried in the first step to restore the principles of just war; in the second phase, according to Michael Wallzer's views on the Just war, the concept of terrorism has been evaluated. The findings of this study explain the role and position of non-state actors in a just war.
A few reflections on Kurdish nationalism Looking at the different approaches to nationalism, from... more A few reflections on Kurdish nationalism Looking at the different approaches to nationalism, from 'essentialist' to 'imagined communities', it is obvious that this ideology has always fluctuated. For this reason, adopting an approach to reviewing the phenomenon of nationalism in different countries and contexts has always been a problematic issue. Moreover, since nationalism, as a modern ideology, has never been a formal theory, reviewing it in its various political contexts implies the problem of determining the origin and time of its genesis. Due to the fact that the Kurds are divided in four different states, and thus different political and social contexts, theoretical problems are doubled by their complex realities. Taking these problems into consideration and focusing on the political context of the emergence of nationalism in Kurdistan, this piece argues that in many studies on Kurdish nationalism, identity, political identity and nationalism are considered to be the same. By making a distinction between these concepts, Kurdish nationalism has been defined here as constructed in confrontation with others. When confronting others, this ideology has been articulated with regard to religious, leftist, secular, and historical memories, and has shown different political functions. For this reason, the-orising on Kurdish nationalism requires more attention to the political and social context as well as the specific historical and cultural background in each part of Kurdistan and should not be limited to theoretical generalising. 1 Azad Haji Aghaye BA li ser dîrokê ji Zanîngeha Tewrêzê wergirtiye, MA û PhD li ser hizra siyasî li Zanînegeha Elam Tebatebayî û Zanîngeha Azad a Tehranê wergirtiye. Pirtûka bi navê Serbihuriyên Hevdij (2015) li ser nasyonalîzma kurdî nivisisiye. Çend pirtûk ji zimanê înglîzî wergerandine ser kurdî û farsî. Niha li Tehranê wek mamosta dixebite, [email protected].
Puxte: Di dîroka akademisyenên cihanê de pir kêm kes hene ku jîyana van mî-nakek ji berpirsyarî l... more Puxte: Di dîroka akademisyenên cihanê de pir kêm kes hene ku jîyana van mî-nakek ji berpirsyarî li hemberi bê edaleti û dagirkarî û dilsojî ji bo buha û nirxên mirovahîyê de di derveyi eyarên etnîk û olî de ne. Lewma di nava Kurdan de, kesatîyên bi wî rengî heger hebin jî, hejmara wan ne zêde ye. Tekezkirin li ser vê mijari ne dijwar e ku Emir Hesenpur mîna kesatîyek polihistor 1 û berpirs, xala pêk gehiştina têorî û pratîk bûye. Bi wê wateyî ku çawa difikirî bi wî away jî dijîya. Bi vê bawerîyê ku Hesenpur mîna merivekî polyhistor, di pir alîyên zanistî da xebat kirîye û di qada jîyanê jî da mîna şorişgerek derketîye, di vi nivisê de hinek alîyên hizrî û cihanbînîya Hesenpur dête şîrovekirin.
This paper aims to reassess the role of women in the Kurdish nationalist movement by considering ... more This paper aims to reassess the role of women in the Kurdish nationalist movement by considering early Kurdish nationalism. It explores aspects of Kurdish nationalism, for example the patriarchal language that has been used in the representation of women's issues on the one hand and the possibility that Kurdish women have provided for the manifestation of their issues in the modern discourse on the other. Rather than conceptualizing nationalism and women's issues as either contradictory or complementary frames of reference for these activists, this paper argues that Kurdish nationalism, despite its patriarchal language and exclusion of women as a separate issue, has provided new opportunities for the raising of women's issues, as well as the issue of women in Kurdistan, for the first time since the prospect of nationalism.
Book Reviews by Azad Hajiaghie
Conference Presentations by Azad Hajiaghie
Thesis Chapters by Azad Hajiaghie
As a metaphor for the real context as well as a remarkable for the variety of voices, The public... more As a metaphor for the real context as well as a remarkable for the variety of voices, The public spheres, articulates the problems of society and its solutions the public good for processing in the political system. As it emerges in distinction with the official state sphere, it can represent the intellectual evolution, legitimacy of sovereignty, and the distinction of political and social priorities of the people with formal authority. Focusing on the views of some post-Islamist intellectuals (Mohammad Mojdat Shabestari and Mustafa Malekian) and using comparative methodologies, this raises the question of what is the post-Islamic intellectuals' public good in the public sphere? Assuming that post-Islamist intellectuals have explored public good for revising the links between religion, politics, and the state, these intellectuals appear to have been redefining public good in recent years.
Given this revision to the post-Islamist intellectuals, this thesis believes that the intellectuals have revisited all the foundations of formal thought and that Iran has faced a silent intellectual revolution. This silent revolution that is now part of the Iranian intellectual public sphere, as a public good, articulated by secularism, religious freedoms, tolerance, and justice.
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Papers by Azad Hajiaghie
a statue of poet Mestûre Erdalan (1805–1847), in the city of Sine
(Sanandaj, Iranian Kurdistan or Rojhelat). A woman standing,
carrying a book in her hand, the figure of Mestûre is unique in the
Islamic Republic of Iran. She is not wearing the obligatory hijab but
a Kurdish kofî. This paper presents the evolving representation and
reception of Mestûre, the first Kurdish female poet and chronicler.
The existing research on heritage in Iran focuses mainly on the
policies of Pahlavi and Islamic regimes, tourism and conservation.
This paper reveals the dissonant heritage-making that inspires
Kurdish ethnic and national identity and the empowerment of
women in Iran. The latter gained momentum, especially after the
killing of the Kurdish woman, Jîna (Mahsa) Amînî, by the morality
police in 2022. The multi-layered heritage performance engages
identity politics, artistic creation and the new practice of visiting
the statue of Mestûre. Starting from Ziaoddînî’s work as the focal
point of discussion, the study identifies various links between the
statue and other artistic products, as well as investigates the
contemporary relationship between Mestûre and the inhabitants
of Sine. The relationship is mediated by the sculpture and the
moral imagination it stirs in empowering Kurdish women
Book Reviews by Azad Hajiaghie
Conference Presentations by Azad Hajiaghie
Thesis Chapters by Azad Hajiaghie
Given this revision to the post-Islamist intellectuals, this thesis believes that the intellectuals have revisited all the foundations of formal thought and that Iran has faced a silent intellectual revolution. This silent revolution that is now part of the Iranian intellectual public sphere, as a public good, articulated by secularism, religious freedoms, tolerance, and justice.
a statue of poet Mestûre Erdalan (1805–1847), in the city of Sine
(Sanandaj, Iranian Kurdistan or Rojhelat). A woman standing,
carrying a book in her hand, the figure of Mestûre is unique in the
Islamic Republic of Iran. She is not wearing the obligatory hijab but
a Kurdish kofî. This paper presents the evolving representation and
reception of Mestûre, the first Kurdish female poet and chronicler.
The existing research on heritage in Iran focuses mainly on the
policies of Pahlavi and Islamic regimes, tourism and conservation.
This paper reveals the dissonant heritage-making that inspires
Kurdish ethnic and national identity and the empowerment of
women in Iran. The latter gained momentum, especially after the
killing of the Kurdish woman, Jîna (Mahsa) Amînî, by the morality
police in 2022. The multi-layered heritage performance engages
identity politics, artistic creation and the new practice of visiting
the statue of Mestûre. Starting from Ziaoddînî’s work as the focal
point of discussion, the study identifies various links between the
statue and other artistic products, as well as investigates the
contemporary relationship between Mestûre and the inhabitants
of Sine. The relationship is mediated by the sculpture and the
moral imagination it stirs in empowering Kurdish women
Given this revision to the post-Islamist intellectuals, this thesis believes that the intellectuals have revisited all the foundations of formal thought and that Iran has faced a silent intellectual revolution. This silent revolution that is now part of the Iranian intellectual public sphere, as a public good, articulated by secularism, religious freedoms, tolerance, and justice.