BOOKS by Dr. A'an Suryana
ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, 2021
The rise of religious extremism in public discourses is a cause for concern for government offici... more The rise of religious extremism in public discourses is a cause for concern for government officials and moderate Muslims.
While a substantial body of research on violent extremism is available, the issue of non-violent extremism remains neglected by scholars.
Although exposure and subscription to non-violent extremism do not automatically lead to violence, it still needs to be curbed because it can fan hatred that in turn can lead to physical violence and repression of human rights. Non-violent extremism also boosts polarization in the community.
Given this potential impact, the government needs to pay more attention to the dissemination of non-violent extremist public discourses, especially on social media. It could work together with influential religious organizations which possess immense religious authority and legitimacy.
ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, 2020
In his second term (2019–24), President Joko Widodo remains committed in combating radicalism. An... more In his second term (2019–24), President Joko Widodo remains committed in combating radicalism. Anti-radicalism measures such as the banning of radical organization Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), anti-radicalism policies at schools and universities and the deradicalization of terrorists have been expanded to include the Indonesian civil service that currently employs over 4.2 million people across the archipelago.
In November 2019, a joint decree was signed by eleven government and state institutions to formalize the new anti-radicalism policy.
This paper argues that some challenges arose during the process of implementing the policy including the lack of cooperation from Personnel Development Officers (PPK) in imposing disciplinary actions recommended by the task force.
The spread of COVID-19 further impedes policy coordination and has hampered efforts to effectively implement the policy.
London and New York: Routledge, 2020
This book analyses the response of the Indonesian state to violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a m... more This book analyses the response of the Indonesian state to violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a minority communities by foregrounding the close connections between state officials and vigilante groups, which influenced the way the post-Soeharto democratic Indonesian governments addressed the problem of violence against religious minorities.
Arguing that the violence stemmed in part from the state officials’ close connection with vigilante groups, and a general tendency for the authorities to forge mutual and material interests with such groups, the author demonstrates that vigilante groups were able to perpetrate violence against the minority congregations with a significant degree of impunity. While the Indonesian state has become far more democratic, accountable, and decentralized since 1998, the violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a communities shows a state that is still unwilling in assisting or allowing minority groups to practice their religion. The research undertaken for this book draws upon a lengthy period of ethnographic fieldwork in the communities of West Java and East Java. Research material includes in-depth interviews with community and religious leaders, state officials and security forces, and other prominent politicians.
A novel approach to the problem of Islam, violence, and the state in Indonesia, the book will be of interest to researchers studying Southeast Asian Politics, Islam and Politics, Conflict Resolution, State and Violence, and Terrorism and Political Violence.
JOURNAL ARTICLE by Dr. A'an Suryana
Asian Studies Review , 2019
Communal violence against the minority communities of Ahmadiyah and Shi'a was on the rise during ... more Communal violence against the minority communities of Ahmadiyah and Shi'a was on the rise during the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-14). This article discusses state responses to this violence. Previous studies commonly attributed communal violence in post-New Order Indonesia to the failure of local officials to stop the violence due to the security officials' kinship and local ties with the perpetrators. Some argue that the violence broke out due to, first, the role of local elites who provoked violence; and second, the role of local state officials who supported the mobilisation of the people by vigilante groups to stage the protests that led to violence. This article expands on these studies by arguing that the state complicity in violence stems from security officials' entangled relations with vigilante groups. These entangled relationships hampered the officers' ability to prevent incidents of religious violence before they occurred, and to bring charges against perpetrators afterward. The entanglement was the result of a blurred boundary where police officers and vigilante groups often ended up pursuing areas of mutual material and political interest. This study is based on seven months of PhD fieldwork in Ahmadiyah and Shi'a communities in West Java Province and East Java Province in 2013.
South East Asia Research, 2018
Indonesia in the post-New Order era saw frequent incidents of religious violence. These began wit... more Indonesia in the post-New Order era saw frequent incidents of religious violence. These began with bloody sectarian conflicts in the cities of Ambon and Poso, which pitted Muslims against Christians. During the era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014), heresy campaigns against non-mainstream faiths (Ahmadiyah and Shi'a) increased, followed by attacks mainly levelled at properties belonging to members of these minority communities. Scholars have argued that Yudhoyono and his predecessors, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, should be held responsible for this frequent violence. However, while the presidents' ideological outlooks or personalities may have been contributing factors, this article will focus rather on the institutional factors that hindered their responses to the violence. At times, the presidents encouraged initiatives to promote the rights of minorities. However, these programmes faced constraints from other state institutions due to the bureaucracy and judiciary's inclination to preserve majoritarian social order and the hegemonic interpretation of the Belief in One God article in the state's foundational philosophical theory (Pancasila). These challenges were further compounded by a decline in presidential power in the post-New Order era. This article argues that, so long as these constraints exist, any Indonesian president will have difficulties overcoming violence against minority communities.
Al Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies , 2017
Violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi'a minority communities escalated during the government of Pres... more Violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi'a minority communities escalated during the government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. This study discusses discrepancy between local and central state officials in response to the violence. It found that officials at local states looked ignorant to the violence, while central state officials sent mixed signals: they appeared to be enthusiastic to protect the rights of Ahmadiyah and Shi'a adherents to practice their faiths respectively; but at other times, the officials adopted compromising stance. This study argues that this discrepancy stems from different challenges that each tier of the state had to face. Local state officials were indifferent to the plight of the minority communities due to their kinship; and local affinities to fellow Sunni residents. In contrast, central state officials had to cater to more heterogeneous constituents, and hence they were not immune to pressures from various quarters, including from human right activists and international community. As result, central state officials were ambivalent in responding to the violence. This research is based on a seven-month fieldwork in Ahmadiyah and Shi'a communities, respectively in Kuningan regency, West Java province and in Sampang regency, East Java province in 2013. The data was gathered through ethnography and in-depth interview with relevant sources. [Kekerasan terhadap kaum minoritas Ahmadiyah and Syiah meningkat dalam pemerintahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Studi ini
Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture, 2016
The era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono saw rising intolerance and even violence against mi... more The era of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono saw rising intolerance and even violence against minority congregations, Ahmadiyah and Shia; in the forms of attacks to places of worships; attacks to houses belonging to minorities, forced eviction targeting minorities and banning against religious activities.This article looks at what factors that contributed to President Yudhoyono's response to the rising violence against the minority congregations during his two terms at the office (between 2004 and 2014). Scholars criticized the president for his seemingly in action in addressing the violence. Some scholars argued it was the agency of President Yudhoyono that contributed to his indifference toward the violence. Other scholars pointed out at more structural factors that they argued to have caused President Yudhoyono for being indecisive, ignorant or slow in making actions toward the rising intolerance, such as his childhood experience and family background and the revival of corporatist metaphor in the post-New Order era that impeded the president for making bold measures to fight for the minority rights. Through the case study of President Yudhoyono's response to the violence, the article aims to contribute to Indonesian perspective on the classic debate about whether structure shapes the agency, or agency shapes the structure. In light of the arguments that the scholars proposed in the preceding paragraph, I would argue that we need to think of beyond binary opposition between agency and structure. Scholars, especially the essentialists, had the habit to determinatively point out at either agents or structures, which were held responsible for the occurrence of events, but, omitting either factor would ignore some aspects that had the potentials to enrich our understandings about what motivates the agents in making social actions.
Plaridel Journal, 2015
Debates about freedom of expression raise questions about what constitutes its limits. At the lev... more Debates about freedom of expression raise questions about what constitutes its limits. At the level of practice, some individuals or groups of people may impose limits through violence, either direct violence or “proxy violence,” especially when it comes to matters regarding the exercise of faith, such as a blasphemy case, which is irrational in nature and not governed by secular laws. The case of Charlie Hebdo, and in the context of Indonesia, the case of Alexander Aan—a self-proclaimed atheist who served a jail sentence after being charged with tarnishing the image of Prophet Muhammad—how how such limits were imposed.
I argue that such acts are not acceptable, and are not legitimate. Freedom of expression may be in need of limits, but in order to be acceptable and legitimate, these limitations need to be obtained through public deliberation, wherein all parties concerned are free and equal in participation. This enhances the level of acceptance of public deliberation outcomes. The acceptance becomes the basis for the limits to be sanctioned and incorporated into law.
PROFESSIONAL RESEARCH REPORTS by Dr. A'an Suryana
Report for Search for Common Ground, 2018
The media content analysis covers the period from January 2017 to January 2018. Freedom of religi... more The media content analysis covers the period from January 2017 to January 2018. Freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance in Indonesia remained a cause for concern during the period covered by this analysis. Freedom of religion improved in 2017, in comparison to previous years.
However, Indonesia saw a weakening sense of pluralistic values following Jakarta’s gubernatorial election that pit a Muslim candidate against a non-Muslim candidate, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), who is of Chinese descent and a Protestant. The sectarian tension on the ground was reflected in media reports. This study analyzes whether the messages transmitted by the media support the dissemination of pluralist values. This study limits the subjects of research to 60 articles that appear on 5 major online news portals and 5 major print media outlets: Tribunnews.com, Detik.com, Kompas.com, www.republika.co.id, www.portal-islam.id, Jawa Pos newspaper, Kompas, Republika, Koran Tempo and The Jakarta Post.
These media were chosen, based on:
a) The influence of these media in society, which is measured by the number of their readership;
b) The media’s consistency in reporting on freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance. Interpreting stories that appear on online news portals and print media outlets is not enough to understand the motive or the background on why the stories are written with positive or negative tones.
Therefore, the author also interviews three journalists to complement that method, namely M. Taufiqurahman, Managing Editor, The Jakarta Post; Marguerita Afra Sapii, Senior Palace Reporter, The Jakarta Post; and Anton Aprianto, National Desk Managing Editor of Tempo Magazine, who (in the interview) represents all outlets of Tempo, including Koran Tempo newspaper.
This study finds that in most cases, the mainstream media in Indonesia support freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance through their stories. However, some media still run provocative and sarcastic stories that raise sectarian tension in communities. These media resort to such negative stories due to their deliberate attempt to generate more readers, and due to their journalists’ insensitivity. In 4 most cases, the mainstream media agree that tolerance is important for a diverse country like Indonesia.
These media believe that the failure to enhance tolerance may result in sectarian tension. In regard to reporting on minority faiths such as Ahmadiyah, Shi’a and other small sects, the mainstream media are more divided. Some support the cause of these minority faiths, while others, especially online media that claim to promote the cause of Islam, often resort to provocative reporting that portray these small religious sects as heretical and a threat to the majority faith, such as the teaching of Sunni Islam.
To address the first problem, journalists need to be made more aware of the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths. This analysis explains how media reports and social media posts that disseminate “partisan descriptions” and defend sectarian interests fuel bloody conflicts, such as in Maluku, or result in in the vandalism of places of worship, like the case in Tanjung Balai, North Sumatra province. To address the second problem, capacity building for journalists is needed to enhance their conflict sensitivity in writing stories that are related to religion, women and minorities.
In light of problems highlighted above, it is recommended that:
● Journalists need to be educated on the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths.
● Enhance sensitivity in writing stories that are related to vulnerable groups, women, and minorities to address the problem of stereotyping and writing insensitive news through workshops and trainings.
● Journalists need to be exposed
Conference/Symposium Proceedings by Dr. A'an Suryana
Proceedings The 6th International Symposium of Journal Antropologi Indonesia, 2016
Indonesia post-New Order era saw anti-heresy campaign against Ahmadiyah and Shia was on the rise.... more Indonesia post-New Order era saw anti-heresy campaign against Ahmadiyah and Shia was on the rise. Instead of protecting Ahmadiyah and Shia congregations, state officials were often complicit to the violent protests perpetrated by the vigilante groups, who demanded the disbandment of these minority congregations. I found that the local state officials – under the pressure of the vigilante groups – developed the variety of hegemonic instruments and even resorted to domination to repress the subaltern groups to conform to the beliefs of majority.
The paper presents Ahmadiyah and Shia resistance against the penetration of power committed against them by the state and the dominant social groups. The minority congregations performed resistance through material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in a sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to the congregation. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology being penetrated against them by the dominant class. The paper is based on three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
The Indonesia post-New Order era saw anti-heresy campaign against Ahmadiyah and Shia on the rise.... more The Indonesia post-New Order era saw anti-heresy campaign against Ahmadiyah and Shia on the rise. Instead ofcprotecting Ahmadiyah and Shia congregations, the government officials often were complicit to the violent protests perpetrated by the vigilante groups, who demanded the disbandment of the two minority congregations. I found that the local State officials – under the pressure of the vigilante grouping – developed variety of hegemonic instruments and even resorted later to domination to allow for the subaltern groups to conform to beliefs of majority. The social and political stability were the main goal of the local State officials. This paper presents Ahmadiyah and Shia resistance
against penetration of power committed against them by the state officials and the vigilante groups. The resistance was performed through the material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in the sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to Ahmadiyah. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of
material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology
being penetrated against them by the ruling class. The paper is based on almost three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
Keywords: Ahmadiyah, Shia, resistance, hegemony, post-New Order Indonesia
ONLINE SCHOLARLY ARTICLES by Dr. A'an Suryana
Unpublished [Published on my Facebook and Linkedin pages], 2018
NEWSPAPER & ONLINE MEDIA ARTICLES by Dr. A'an Suryana
detik.com, 2019
https://news.detik.com/kolom/d-4467439/rezim-negara-yang-punitif
Book Reviews by Dr. A'an Suryana
Papers by Dr. A'an Suryana
The ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous ... more The ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute's research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world.
The Serious Impact of Non-violent Extremism in Indonesia
• The rise of religious extremism in public discourses is a cause for concern for government offi... more • The rise of religious extremism in public discourses is a cause for concern for government officials and moderate Muslims. • While a substantial body of research on violent extremism is available, the issue of non-violent extremism remains neglected by scholars. • Although exposure and subscription to non-violent extremism do not automatically lead to violence, it still needs to be curbed because it can fan hatred that in turn can lead to physical violence and repression of human rights. Non-violent extremism also boosts polarization in the community. • Given this potential impact, the government needs to pay more attention to the dissemination of non-violent extremist public discourses, especially on social media. It could work together with influential religious organizations which possess immense religious authority and legitimacy.
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BOOKS by Dr. A'an Suryana
While a substantial body of research on violent extremism is available, the issue of non-violent extremism remains neglected by scholars.
Although exposure and subscription to non-violent extremism do not automatically lead to violence, it still needs to be curbed because it can fan hatred that in turn can lead to physical violence and repression of human rights. Non-violent extremism also boosts polarization in the community.
Given this potential impact, the government needs to pay more attention to the dissemination of non-violent extremist public discourses, especially on social media. It could work together with influential religious organizations which possess immense religious authority and legitimacy.
In November 2019, a joint decree was signed by eleven government and state institutions to formalize the new anti-radicalism policy.
This paper argues that some challenges arose during the process of implementing the policy including the lack of cooperation from Personnel Development Officers (PPK) in imposing disciplinary actions recommended by the task force.
The spread of COVID-19 further impedes policy coordination and has hampered efforts to effectively implement the policy.
Arguing that the violence stemmed in part from the state officials’ close connection with vigilante groups, and a general tendency for the authorities to forge mutual and material interests with such groups, the author demonstrates that vigilante groups were able to perpetrate violence against the minority congregations with a significant degree of impunity. While the Indonesian state has become far more democratic, accountable, and decentralized since 1998, the violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a communities shows a state that is still unwilling in assisting or allowing minority groups to practice their religion. The research undertaken for this book draws upon a lengthy period of ethnographic fieldwork in the communities of West Java and East Java. Research material includes in-depth interviews with community and religious leaders, state officials and security forces, and other prominent politicians.
A novel approach to the problem of Islam, violence, and the state in Indonesia, the book will be of interest to researchers studying Southeast Asian Politics, Islam and Politics, Conflict Resolution, State and Violence, and Terrorism and Political Violence.
JOURNAL ARTICLE by Dr. A'an Suryana
I argue that such acts are not acceptable, and are not legitimate. Freedom of expression may be in need of limits, but in order to be acceptable and legitimate, these limitations need to be obtained through public deliberation, wherein all parties concerned are free and equal in participation. This enhances the level of acceptance of public deliberation outcomes. The acceptance becomes the basis for the limits to be sanctioned and incorporated into law.
PROFESSIONAL RESEARCH REPORTS by Dr. A'an Suryana
However, Indonesia saw a weakening sense of pluralistic values following Jakarta’s gubernatorial election that pit a Muslim candidate against a non-Muslim candidate, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), who is of Chinese descent and a Protestant. The sectarian tension on the ground was reflected in media reports. This study analyzes whether the messages transmitted by the media support the dissemination of pluralist values. This study limits the subjects of research to 60 articles that appear on 5 major online news portals and 5 major print media outlets: Tribunnews.com, Detik.com, Kompas.com, www.republika.co.id, www.portal-islam.id, Jawa Pos newspaper, Kompas, Republika, Koran Tempo and The Jakarta Post.
These media were chosen, based on:
a) The influence of these media in society, which is measured by the number of their readership;
b) The media’s consistency in reporting on freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance. Interpreting stories that appear on online news portals and print media outlets is not enough to understand the motive or the background on why the stories are written with positive or negative tones.
Therefore, the author also interviews three journalists to complement that method, namely M. Taufiqurahman, Managing Editor, The Jakarta Post; Marguerita Afra Sapii, Senior Palace Reporter, The Jakarta Post; and Anton Aprianto, National Desk Managing Editor of Tempo Magazine, who (in the interview) represents all outlets of Tempo, including Koran Tempo newspaper.
This study finds that in most cases, the mainstream media in Indonesia support freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance through their stories. However, some media still run provocative and sarcastic stories that raise sectarian tension in communities. These media resort to such negative stories due to their deliberate attempt to generate more readers, and due to their journalists’ insensitivity. In 4 most cases, the mainstream media agree that tolerance is important for a diverse country like Indonesia.
These media believe that the failure to enhance tolerance may result in sectarian tension. In regard to reporting on minority faiths such as Ahmadiyah, Shi’a and other small sects, the mainstream media are more divided. Some support the cause of these minority faiths, while others, especially online media that claim to promote the cause of Islam, often resort to provocative reporting that portray these small religious sects as heretical and a threat to the majority faith, such as the teaching of Sunni Islam.
To address the first problem, journalists need to be made more aware of the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths. This analysis explains how media reports and social media posts that disseminate “partisan descriptions” and defend sectarian interests fuel bloody conflicts, such as in Maluku, or result in in the vandalism of places of worship, like the case in Tanjung Balai, North Sumatra province. To address the second problem, capacity building for journalists is needed to enhance their conflict sensitivity in writing stories that are related to religion, women and minorities.
In light of problems highlighted above, it is recommended that:
● Journalists need to be educated on the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths.
● Enhance sensitivity in writing stories that are related to vulnerable groups, women, and minorities to address the problem of stereotyping and writing insensitive news through workshops and trainings.
● Journalists need to be exposed
Conference/Symposium Proceedings by Dr. A'an Suryana
The paper presents Ahmadiyah and Shia resistance against the penetration of power committed against them by the state and the dominant social groups. The minority congregations performed resistance through material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in a sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to the congregation. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology being penetrated against them by the dominant class. The paper is based on three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
against penetration of power committed against them by the state officials and the vigilante groups. The resistance was performed through the material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in the sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to Ahmadiyah. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of
material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology
being penetrated against them by the ruling class. The paper is based on almost three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
Keywords: Ahmadiyah, Shia, resistance, hegemony, post-New Order Indonesia
ONLINE SCHOLARLY ARTICLES by Dr. A'an Suryana
NEWSPAPER & ONLINE MEDIA ARTICLES by Dr. A'an Suryana
Book Reviews by Dr. A'an Suryana
Papers by Dr. A'an Suryana
While a substantial body of research on violent extremism is available, the issue of non-violent extremism remains neglected by scholars.
Although exposure and subscription to non-violent extremism do not automatically lead to violence, it still needs to be curbed because it can fan hatred that in turn can lead to physical violence and repression of human rights. Non-violent extremism also boosts polarization in the community.
Given this potential impact, the government needs to pay more attention to the dissemination of non-violent extremist public discourses, especially on social media. It could work together with influential religious organizations which possess immense religious authority and legitimacy.
In November 2019, a joint decree was signed by eleven government and state institutions to formalize the new anti-radicalism policy.
This paper argues that some challenges arose during the process of implementing the policy including the lack of cooperation from Personnel Development Officers (PPK) in imposing disciplinary actions recommended by the task force.
The spread of COVID-19 further impedes policy coordination and has hampered efforts to effectively implement the policy.
Arguing that the violence stemmed in part from the state officials’ close connection with vigilante groups, and a general tendency for the authorities to forge mutual and material interests with such groups, the author demonstrates that vigilante groups were able to perpetrate violence against the minority congregations with a significant degree of impunity. While the Indonesian state has become far more democratic, accountable, and decentralized since 1998, the violence against Ahmadiyah and Shi’a communities shows a state that is still unwilling in assisting or allowing minority groups to practice their religion. The research undertaken for this book draws upon a lengthy period of ethnographic fieldwork in the communities of West Java and East Java. Research material includes in-depth interviews with community and religious leaders, state officials and security forces, and other prominent politicians.
A novel approach to the problem of Islam, violence, and the state in Indonesia, the book will be of interest to researchers studying Southeast Asian Politics, Islam and Politics, Conflict Resolution, State and Violence, and Terrorism and Political Violence.
I argue that such acts are not acceptable, and are not legitimate. Freedom of expression may be in need of limits, but in order to be acceptable and legitimate, these limitations need to be obtained through public deliberation, wherein all parties concerned are free and equal in participation. This enhances the level of acceptance of public deliberation outcomes. The acceptance becomes the basis for the limits to be sanctioned and incorporated into law.
However, Indonesia saw a weakening sense of pluralistic values following Jakarta’s gubernatorial election that pit a Muslim candidate against a non-Muslim candidate, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), who is of Chinese descent and a Protestant. The sectarian tension on the ground was reflected in media reports. This study analyzes whether the messages transmitted by the media support the dissemination of pluralist values. This study limits the subjects of research to 60 articles that appear on 5 major online news portals and 5 major print media outlets: Tribunnews.com, Detik.com, Kompas.com, www.republika.co.id, www.portal-islam.id, Jawa Pos newspaper, Kompas, Republika, Koran Tempo and The Jakarta Post.
These media were chosen, based on:
a) The influence of these media in society, which is measured by the number of their readership;
b) The media’s consistency in reporting on freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance. Interpreting stories that appear on online news portals and print media outlets is not enough to understand the motive or the background on why the stories are written with positive or negative tones.
Therefore, the author also interviews three journalists to complement that method, namely M. Taufiqurahman, Managing Editor, The Jakarta Post; Marguerita Afra Sapii, Senior Palace Reporter, The Jakarta Post; and Anton Aprianto, National Desk Managing Editor of Tempo Magazine, who (in the interview) represents all outlets of Tempo, including Koran Tempo newspaper.
This study finds that in most cases, the mainstream media in Indonesia support freedom of religion and interfaith tolerance through their stories. However, some media still run provocative and sarcastic stories that raise sectarian tension in communities. These media resort to such negative stories due to their deliberate attempt to generate more readers, and due to their journalists’ insensitivity. In 4 most cases, the mainstream media agree that tolerance is important for a diverse country like Indonesia.
These media believe that the failure to enhance tolerance may result in sectarian tension. In regard to reporting on minority faiths such as Ahmadiyah, Shi’a and other small sects, the mainstream media are more divided. Some support the cause of these minority faiths, while others, especially online media that claim to promote the cause of Islam, often resort to provocative reporting that portray these small religious sects as heretical and a threat to the majority faith, such as the teaching of Sunni Islam.
To address the first problem, journalists need to be made more aware of the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths. This analysis explains how media reports and social media posts that disseminate “partisan descriptions” and defend sectarian interests fuel bloody conflicts, such as in Maluku, or result in in the vandalism of places of worship, like the case in Tanjung Balai, North Sumatra province. To address the second problem, capacity building for journalists is needed to enhance their conflict sensitivity in writing stories that are related to religion, women and minorities.
In light of problems highlighted above, it is recommended that:
● Journalists need to be educated on the danger of writing provocative news that could result in raising tension among people of different faiths.
● Enhance sensitivity in writing stories that are related to vulnerable groups, women, and minorities to address the problem of stereotyping and writing insensitive news through workshops and trainings.
● Journalists need to be exposed
The paper presents Ahmadiyah and Shia resistance against the penetration of power committed against them by the state and the dominant social groups. The minority congregations performed resistance through material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in a sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to the congregation. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology being penetrated against them by the dominant class. The paper is based on three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
against penetration of power committed against them by the state officials and the vigilante groups. The resistance was performed through the material and moral co-optations. The resistance was effective in Ahmadiyah, in the sense that it undermined the state’s penetration to Ahmadiyah. However, Shia’s resistance faltered due to the absence of
material co-optation and less institutional support from the society. Despite the different outcomes, nonetheless the two case studies show that the subordinate minorities were not just merely passive objects of the state oppression, but in contrast to the Gramsci’s theory on hegemony, the minorities were able to demystify the prevailing ideology
being penetrated against them by the ruling class. The paper is based on almost three months fieldwork in Manislor, Kuningan regency, West Java province and another four months in East Java province, including Sampang regency of Madura Island in 2013.
Keywords: Ahmadiyah, Shia, resistance, hegemony, post-New Order Indonesia