Papers/Chapters by Piotr P Płucienniczak
Polish Sociological Review, 2022
There is an ongoing debate on the changes in the activity of the labour movement in Europe: wheth... more There is an ongoing debate on the changes in the activity of the labour movement in Europe: whether strikes are still the dominant form of action or were they supplanted by demonstrations and civil activism. The question is urgent in countries such as Poland where the number of registered strikes is very low. We verify the hypothesis that the labour movement in Poland shifts from the labour rights to civil rights model of contention in five dimensions: the scale of protest, mobilizing structures, repertoire, claims, and addressees. To avoid pitfalls of relying on official strike data, we use protest event analysis to gather data on workers' protest from the national press. The conclusion is that the official data on strikes does not reveal the full scope of protest but work stoppages remain the dominant form of action. Results question the reliance on the official strike data to measure labour movement activity.
Polish Sociological Review, 2020
The article is a study of collective action frames created during the union organizing campaign o... more The article is a study of collective action frames created during the union organizing campaign of the precariat in Polish non-governmental organizations. NGOs are paradigm precarious working environments with a great share of atypical employment relations, voluntary work and blurred work-life boundaries. Trade union used the frame of the precariat to reach workers of such organizations but during framing contest NGO managers intercepted the frame. Despite their power advantage within organizations, managers' working conditions were precarious, too. Dynamics of the case shows dangers of using extended frames, such as the precariat, in organizing precarious sectors. The very concept of the precariat obscures conflict and power inequalities within organizations.
Colloquia Humanistica, 2019
The article explores the practices of institutional critique in Polish contemporary art. A quanti... more The article explores the practices of institutional critique in Polish contemporary art. A quantitative survey of cases of institutional critique reveals major problems faced by artists and their perceptions of the autonomy of the visual arts.
Aspiracje, 2018
W niniejszym artykule opisujemy sposób, w jaki kosztów funkcjonowania wdrażamy praktyczny profil ... more W niniejszym artykule opisujemy sposób, w jaki kosztów funkcjonowania wdrażamy praktyczny profil studiów na Wydziale Zarządzania Kulturą Wizualną warszawskiej Akademii Sztuk Pięknych. Opisujemy techniki kształcenia ukierunkowane na rynek pracy w kontekście nowego zarządzania publicznego, czyli paradygmatu dominującego w szkolnictwie wyższym w Polsce i w Europie. W zakończeniu wskazujemy również inne spojrzenia na kształcenie praktyczne.
The terms precariat and precarity are often employed in sociological discourse, yet they lack bot... more The terms precariat and precarity are often employed in sociological discourse, yet they lack both clear analytical definitions and univocal empirical indicators. It is a fault of their promoters, such as Guy Standing and Jarosław Urbański, who incoherently use them in their own writings. In the article we systematize these notions. We also propose the definition of the terms that relate to three distinct levels of sociological analysis: (1) precariat as a macrosociological category related to the labour market, (2) precariat as a frame of social movements’ mobilization and (3) precarity as an individual experience. Each of those levels require different analytical tools and allow studying the phenomena related to precarity from different perspectives. We also point to their manifestations in Poland.
The paper thus has two main components: First, we review what political theory, research on popul... more The paper thus has two main components: First, we review what political theory, research on populism and on the extreme right and social psychology say about the functions of the use and development of enemy images. Second, we highlight the contextual factors that we consider make the success of a politics based on enemy images more likely in Central and Eastern Europe.
In the immediate aftermath of the fall of communism in Poland in 1989, popular discussions of the... more In the immediate aftermath of the fall of communism in Poland in 1989, popular discussions of the reemergence of the extreme right movement centered on concerns that it would take the form of ultra-nationalism or post-communist national populism (Pankowski 2009). However, these voices (mainly emphasizing sensational aspects of the events involving the militant skinheads) tend to stress the cultural specificity of the nationalist movement. This perceived risk of the extreme right has contributed to the creation of a sociological explanations, which has, however, focused on a restricted number of arguments. Phenomena such as the rise of nationalism and extremism were in fact considered as aggressive reactions to frustrations resulting either from a rapid end to period of economic stabilization and of increased expectations (macro level) or, on the micro level, from status inconsistency. Extreme right in Poland has never been analyzed as a social movement. In our article we propose an analysis of the Polish extreme right as a social movement, i.e. extreme right will be characterized by a focus on the meso-organizational and action level.
Looking at the broad spectrum of actors in the extreme right milieu, we analyze their forms of action with the aim of understanding the differential use of violent versus non-violent forms of action. We study factors that influence the scale of violent employed by the Polish extreme right movement and verify the thesis that the violence decreases in periods when the movement undergoes process of formalization, i.e. enters parliamentary politics, and increases otherwise. The paper bases on political opportunity theory and methodology of protest event analysis in years 1990–2013.
Krytyka instytucjonalna wobec transformacji, 2016
Społeczeństwa nie są jednorodnymi całościami, lecz raczej amalgamatami grup, relacji, aktorów żyw... more Społeczeństwa nie są jednorodnymi całościami, lecz raczej amalgamatami grup, relacji, aktorów żywych i nieożywionych, antagonizmów i sojuszy, ciał, idei, nierówności, instytucji, języków, zwyczajów, pieniędzy, pracy i całej serii innych rzeczy, których nie mamy potrzeby tu wymieniać. Jedno z pytań, na które stara się odpowiedzieć w swoich pracach Pierre Bourdieu, brzmi: „Dlaczego to wszystko nie rozpada się na kawałki?”.
Civil society is considered an important element of the modern democratic order and is expected t... more Civil society is considered an important element of the modern democratic order and is expected to fill the space between the state, the market and the private sphere. However, there are social movements that try to occupy this particular sphere, yet deviate from the ideal of civic-minded organisations that support and sustain the democratic order. The main feature of such movements is the acceptance of violence as a means of political struggle and an anti-state and anti-egalitarian ideology. Since the beginning of the 1990s in Poland, aggressive homophobic rhetoric has escalated and the number of attacks on ethnic minorities, LGBT communities and leftists has increased greatly. Nevertheless, only a few such incidents aroused interest and action at the highest political level. Drawing on social movement theory and the methodology of protest event analysis, which uses information gleaned from national newspapers, we propose a way to conceptualise the specific repertoires and targets of the Polish extreme right from 1990 to 2013 with a special emphasis on two kinds of repertoire: confrontational (violent) and conventional. Our general task is to show variations over time and analyse the three distinct time periods of this phenomenon: . Our particular task is to test aspects of the mechanism of movement formalisation responsible for changes in the proportions of confrontational and conventional acts, actors responsible for such behaviour and targets related to these actions over time.
Civil Society Revisited. Lessons from Poland
The landscape of social mobilizations in Poland has changed radically since 1989. Civil society u... more The landscape of social mobilizations in Poland has changed radically since 1989. Civil society understood as the third sector (non-governmental, non-for-profit organizations and associations) is nowadays recognized as an important part of the democratic order filling the gap between the state, the market and the private sphere, but social movements,
sometimes disruptive ones, also claim this space. Normative definition of civil society reflect the assumption that civic activism should build social capital, trust and shared values, which are transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together (Putnam et al. 1994, see also Jezierska in this volume). However, there are types of social movements that deviate from the vision of civil society as a sphere populated by civic minded organizations which are support democracy and its sustainability. The main feature of such kind of movements is the use of violence and anti-state, undemocratic ideology. The extreme-right movement, with its antidemocratic attitudes, seems to be particularly relevant.
Drawing on social movement theory and the methodology of protest event analysis, which uses information gleaned from national newspapers to measure occurrences of the protest events, we propose a way to conceptualize the specific field of mobilization of the Polish extreme right as a combination of political and discursive opportunities. Our central task here is to explain variations in the mobilization by the extreme right across time and to analyze the three distinct phases of this phenomenon: marginalization (1989-1999), institutionalization (2000-2005) and radicalization (2006-2013). Our general thesis is that the extreme-right movement is stable in its anti-systemic and anti-minority aims, while its action repertoire and targets change accordingly to the shifts in the abovementioned opportunity
structures. In some contexts, extreme-right groups can use democratic institutions to attain power or to become a part of the ruling institutions. In this way, the movement is able to transcend the boundaries between civil and uncivil society, as it adapts to political and social trends.
Pożyczając narzędzia z zakresu teorii walki klas Pierre'a Bourdieu, analizowane są strategie dekl... more Pożyczając narzędzia z zakresu teorii walki klas Pierre'a Bourdieu, analizowane są strategie deklasacji na przykładzie biografii pisarza Jana Krasnowolskiego i wynikające z tej decyzji realizacje tekstowe, jak i decyzje wizerunkowe. Proces zmiany klasy, przejścia z pozycji inteligenckiej uprzywilejowanej do klasy ludowej przedstawiany jest jako rodzaj świadomego (poniekąd estetycznego) wyboru i motywowany m.in. zdobyciem nowych doświadczeń niedostępnych klasom wysokim. W tym celu analizowane są zarówno teksty (konsekwentny minimalizm jako przeciwieństwo wysublimowanej nadmiarowości; męska, stereotypowo ujęta, tematyka), przynależność gatunkowa (lad lit, rodzaj męskiej literatury dla mężczyzn), jak i wypowiedzi, aż po konstruowanie notek biograficznych drukowanych na okładkach książek. Obok teorii Bourdieu do analizy deklasacji aplikowane są także rozpoznania z empirycznych badań klas w polskim społeczeństwie po 1989 roku przeprowadzonych przez socjologa Macieja Gdulę.
"Bez Dogmatu", 1/2015
Uważamy, iż wbrew podnoszonym hasłom przywiązania do tradycji, narodu czy konieczności zachowania... more Uważamy, iż wbrew podnoszonym hasłom przywiązania do tradycji, narodu czy konieczności zachowania kulturowej esencji polskości, skrajna prawica jest obecnie ruchem znacznie bardziej kreatywnym i elastycznym niż w latach 90’. Prowadzi to do wniosku o zadziwiającej zdolności ugrupowań skrajnie prawicowych do zmian w relatywnie krótkim czasie. Stanowi także ostrzeżenie, aby nie ignorować nacjonalizmu, oglądając go poprzez pryzmat reakcyjnej siły niezdolnej do skutecznych działań, skoncentrowanej na starych narodowych mitach.
"Studia Socjologiczne", 1/2013
Jacek Raciborski. Obywatelstwo w perspektywie socjologicznej. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2... more Jacek Raciborski. Obywatelstwo w perspektywie socjologicznej. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2011, 304 s.
"Ha!art. Interdyscyplinarny magazyn o kulturze współczesnej", 43/2013
Kryzys jest normalnym stanem fantastycznych krain. Nie są one dostępne ludzkiemu poznaniu przed r... more Kryzys jest normalnym stanem fantastycznych krain. Nie są one dostępne ludzkiemu poznaniu przed rozpoczęciem Przygody (Gracz nie gra w czasie pokoju, sielanka może zostać ewentualnie wspomniana w intro), znikają również z horyzontu poznania po jej zakończeniu (gra kończy się wraz z uspokojeniem sytuacji, powrót dobrobytu zostaje niekiedy opisany w outro, ale nie jest to konieczne). Funkcję Postaci Gracza bardzo uczciwie prezentuje zakończenie Morrowind – wyprawia się ona za morze szukać dalszych przygód i tyle o niej wiadomo. To fundamentalne przywiązanie do sytuacji Kryzysu zdradza homologię między krainami fantastycznymi i naszą, mało fantastyczną, kapitalistyczną rzeczywistością.
"Emecon. Employment and Economy in Central and Eastern Europe", 2/2012
The paper introduces Krytyka Polityczna, the most important Polish New Left social movement. The ... more The paper introduces Krytyka Polityczna, the most important Polish New Left social movement. The author describes the movement's activities according to Boltanski and Chiapello's distinction of modes of critique and Eder's theory of middle-class radicalism. The descriptive and theoretical analysis is supported by the presentation of the initial findings of a quantitative study of Krytyka Polityczna's policies.
"Ha!art. Interdyscyplinarny magazyn o kulturze współczesnej", 37/2012
"Muzyczna odyseja dobiega końca, wykres dopełnił się."
- Michel Serres
"Kultura i Społeczeństwo", 1/2011.
Trudno nazwać "Dwie utopie" oraz "Władzę i idealistów" całościowymi opisami fenomenu pokolenia ’6... more Trudno nazwać "Dwie utopie" oraz "Władzę i idealistów" całościowymi opisami fenomenu pokolenia ’68. Czytelnik spodziewający się wytyczenia trajektorii protestów, komparatystyki radykalnych manifestów czy chociażby dociekania przyczyn zawiedzie się. Należy jednak wziąć pod uwagę fakt, iż literatura na temat wydarzeń roku 1968 oraz jego konsekwencji nie jest w Polsce zbyt bogata - zwłaszcza jeśli mowa o rewolcie na Zachodzie. Choć książki Bermana nie są, niestety, autonomicznymi dziełami - wymagają uzupełnienia podobnymi opracowaniami, jeśli chciałoby się analizować arche ponowoczesności - niewątpliwie inspirują jednak do dalszych badań.
"Teoretyczne podstawy socjologii wiedzy", vol. III, P. Bytniewski. M. Chałubiński (eds.), 2011
The article discusses the logic of "theory accumulation" in the light of Harold Bloom's and Pierr... more The article discusses the logic of "theory accumulation" in the light of Harold Bloom's and Pierre Bourdieu's writings. Dwelling upon the case of postmodern rupture with tradition in social theory, author attempts to describe the moment of clinamen in scientific practice, the moment of revolutionary change, when radical change in thinking habits seems essential.
"Refleksje na temat ponowoczesności", M. Lubecki (ed.), Kraków 2012.
i w e r s y t e t J a g i e l l o ń s k i ) Postmodernizm, fin-de-siècle Słowo "postmodernizm" je... more i w e r s y t e t J a g i e l l o ń s k i ) Postmodernizm, fin-de-siècle Słowo "postmodernizm" jest nie tylko niezręczne i niezgrabne; przywołuje to, co chciałoby przekroczyć bądź stłumićmodernizm. Jako pojęcie, "postmodernizm" zawiera więc swojego wroga (…). Co więcej, denotuje ono czas linearny oraz związane z nim poczucie opóźnienia albo nawet dekadencji, czego żaden postmodernista nigdy by nie przyznał. Ale jak lepiej nazwać tę intrygującą epokę?
Uploads
Papers/Chapters by Piotr P Płucienniczak
Looking at the broad spectrum of actors in the extreme right milieu, we analyze their forms of action with the aim of understanding the differential use of violent versus non-violent forms of action. We study factors that influence the scale of violent employed by the Polish extreme right movement and verify the thesis that the violence decreases in periods when the movement undergoes process of formalization, i.e. enters parliamentary politics, and increases otherwise. The paper bases on political opportunity theory and methodology of protest event analysis in years 1990–2013.
sometimes disruptive ones, also claim this space. Normative definition of civil society reflect the assumption that civic activism should build social capital, trust and shared values, which are transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together (Putnam et al. 1994, see also Jezierska in this volume). However, there are types of social movements that deviate from the vision of civil society as a sphere populated by civic minded organizations which are support democracy and its sustainability. The main feature of such kind of movements is the use of violence and anti-state, undemocratic ideology. The extreme-right movement, with its antidemocratic attitudes, seems to be particularly relevant.
Drawing on social movement theory and the methodology of protest event analysis, which uses information gleaned from national newspapers to measure occurrences of the protest events, we propose a way to conceptualize the specific field of mobilization of the Polish extreme right as a combination of political and discursive opportunities. Our central task here is to explain variations in the mobilization by the extreme right across time and to analyze the three distinct phases of this phenomenon: marginalization (1989-1999), institutionalization (2000-2005) and radicalization (2006-2013). Our general thesis is that the extreme-right movement is stable in its anti-systemic and anti-minority aims, while its action repertoire and targets change accordingly to the shifts in the abovementioned opportunity
structures. In some contexts, extreme-right groups can use democratic institutions to attain power or to become a part of the ruling institutions. In this way, the movement is able to transcend the boundaries between civil and uncivil society, as it adapts to political and social trends.
Looking at the broad spectrum of actors in the extreme right milieu, we analyze their forms of action with the aim of understanding the differential use of violent versus non-violent forms of action. We study factors that influence the scale of violent employed by the Polish extreme right movement and verify the thesis that the violence decreases in periods when the movement undergoes process of formalization, i.e. enters parliamentary politics, and increases otherwise. The paper bases on political opportunity theory and methodology of protest event analysis in years 1990–2013.
sometimes disruptive ones, also claim this space. Normative definition of civil society reflect the assumption that civic activism should build social capital, trust and shared values, which are transferred into the political sphere and help to hold society together (Putnam et al. 1994, see also Jezierska in this volume). However, there are types of social movements that deviate from the vision of civil society as a sphere populated by civic minded organizations which are support democracy and its sustainability. The main feature of such kind of movements is the use of violence and anti-state, undemocratic ideology. The extreme-right movement, with its antidemocratic attitudes, seems to be particularly relevant.
Drawing on social movement theory and the methodology of protest event analysis, which uses information gleaned from national newspapers to measure occurrences of the protest events, we propose a way to conceptualize the specific field of mobilization of the Polish extreme right as a combination of political and discursive opportunities. Our central task here is to explain variations in the mobilization by the extreme right across time and to analyze the three distinct phases of this phenomenon: marginalization (1989-1999), institutionalization (2000-2005) and radicalization (2006-2013). Our general thesis is that the extreme-right movement is stable in its anti-systemic and anti-minority aims, while its action repertoire and targets change accordingly to the shifts in the abovementioned opportunity
structures. In some contexts, extreme-right groups can use democratic institutions to attain power or to become a part of the ruling institutions. In this way, the movement is able to transcend the boundaries between civil and uncivil society, as it adapts to political and social trends.
The next step was this book: glitch art book, theoretical introduction and exhibition catalogue all in one. We have invited both new media art researchers to write on the idea of death of glitch art. Anna Nacher wrote on post-humanist new materiality in the context of James Bridle’s New Aesthetic. Mariusz Pisarski analyses glitches in text and literature. For Matthew Austin glitch is a technological mirror that enables us to better know ourselves. Aleksandra Pieńkosz describes the exhibition and writes on glitches in public spaces. Puldzian tries to summarize the problem of untimely death of glitch. The book also includes “Glitch is dead” by Jakub Mihiliewicz, a paper from 2014 that was one of the sparks for the whole project. In the end, we publish first Polish translations of the most important works by Rosa Menkman with a commentary.
https://rozdzielchleb.pl/glitch-art-is-dead/
######
Glitch art is dead to inicjatywa, którą stworzyły Aleksandra Pieńkosz i Ras Alhague w odpowiedzi na niedobory w zrozumieniu nowych zjawisk wizualnych w sieci oraz z chęci przekroczenia granicy między cyfrowym a materialnym. Album zawiera prace z wystawy, która odbyła się w galerii Teatru Barakah w Krakowie jesienią 2015 roku. W wystawie wzięło udział 29 artystów i artystek z 14 krajów, prezentując 70 prac graficznych i 12 video artów; odbyły się także jednodniowe warsztaty glitchu. Prace zostały wyłonione na bazie otwartego naboru wśród członków grupy Glitch Artists Collective. Liczba i jakość zgłoszeń sprawiła, że inicjatywa zaczęła się rozrastać.
Kolejnym krokiem była decyzja o publikacji książki, która jest glitchowym art bookiem, książką teoretyczną i katalogiem wystawy w jednym. Zaprosiliśmy polskich i zagranicznych badaczy nowych zjawisk w sztuce i literaturze, by odnieśli się do idei śmierci glitch artu. Anna Nacher pisze o posthumanistycznej Nowej Materialności nawiązując do New Aesthetic Jamesa Bridle’a. Mariusz Pisarski pisze o usterce w tekście i w literaturze. Matthew Austin interpretuje glitch jako technologiczne lustro do poznania siebie samego. Aleksandra Pieńkosz pisze o błędach systemu w miejscach intymnych. Wszystko podsumowuje Puldzian. Przypominamy również tekst „Glitch is dead” Jakuba Mihilewicza z 2014 roku, który był jedną z inspiracji dla całej inicjatywy, oraz prezentujemy pierwsze tłumaczenia na język polski najważniejszych tekstów Rosy Menkman z komentarzem merytorycznym.
Deadline for abstracts is 15th of March 2016, and for developed drafts of accepted papers 31st of May 2016.