Mehtap Başarır
Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Kayseri Üniversitesi, Develi Sosyal ve Beşerî Bilimler Fakültesi, Tarih Bölümü
Assist Prof. Kayseri University, Develi Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Department of History
Assist Prof. Kayseri University, Develi Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Department of History
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Anahtar Kelimeler İkinci Dünya Savaşı, Türkiye-Sovyet Rusya İlişkileri, Stalingrad Savaşı
Transnational Lives: Social Security of Turkish Citizens Living in The Netherlands This study elaborates the relationship between transnational lives of migrants and social security. In this regard, the social security scheme of the Netherlands and transnational lives of first-generation Turkish immigrants in the Netherlands will be discussed by employing legal and policy documents and case law of Dutch courts and European Court of Justice. The first part of the article points out the conceptual and theoretical background by highlighting the relationship between transnationalism, return migration and social security. Second part analyses the migration between Turkey and the Netherlands and Turks in the Netherlands. Third, the shift in the Dutch social security scheme and its impact on the transnational lives of Turkish immigrants are elaborated. The last part discusses the restrictive regulations on the export of social benefits and rights of Turkish citizens for pursuing their transnational lives by highlighting the case law. The article finds out that despite of the support of the Netherlands for the return of the unemployed first-generation Turkish immigrant, the restrictions on the transfer of the social benefits makes return less attractive. This could be interpreted as the outcome of conflicting nature of the migration and social security policy perspectives.
Keywords Transnationalism, Turkish immigrants, return migration, social security, Netherlands.
Victory in the Battle of Sakarya, which is considered an important turning point of the National Struggle; made it possible for military, political and moral superiority to pass to the Turkish side. Although the Turkish army succeeded in stopping the Greek advance in Anatolia with the victory of Sakarya, it continued its military preparations as it did not have the power to extract the Greek forces from the Anatolian lands under the conditions of that day. During the eleven-month period from the victory in Sakarya to the start of the Great Attack War (September 13, 1921 to August 26, 1922), the Turkish side, on the one hand, has compensated for its military deficiencies and on the other hand has not left diplomacy and was not insensitive to the discourses about a peace in Anatolia. When the withdrawal of the Greek army, which was defeated by the Battle of Sakarya, confirmed that the Anatolian issue could not be completed with war, the British supporters behind the Greek army accelerated the peace efforts before mid-1922. In this context, the British, which occupied both European and Turkish public opinion for a certain period of time, brought together the Foreign Ministers of the Entente States in Paris on 22 March 1922. The Ankara government, which did not consider the proposal at the Paris Conference suitable for national ambitions, required the evacuation of Anatolia primarily for the start of peace negotiations. Thus, the government of Ankara has clearly shown to the world public that it is not willing to make peace that does not meet the conditions of “Mîsak-ı Milli (The national pact or oath)”. In addition to this, by proposing a conference in İzmit, the Ankara government did not close the doors of the negotiation, but also continued its military preparations against all odds. The proposal to hold a conference in Izmit proved to the world public opinion that the Ankara government was not against the peace. With its response to the peace proposal of the Entente States, Ankara government has disrupted Britain's plan, which was trying to make Ankara look anti-peaceful to the world. Britain, taking a different step this time, ignoring the persecution of Greeks to Muslims in the Aegean; made allegations that Muslims in the region persecuted Christians and asked to send a delegation to Anatolia to examine these allegations. With such an attitude, Britain, by emphasizing the so-called persecution of Turks before the world public opinion; aimed to change the process which was in favor of the Turks against the Turks. By June 1922, after the Paris Conference, it was understood that there would be no result from mutual notes with the Turkish side, and this pre-storm silence was broken down when the Greek navy backed by Britain took action in Samsun. Thus, the Greeks, who had a serious blow to the Anatolian peace, which is expected to be resolved through diplomacy, aimed to put pressure on the Ankara government and acted politically and again wanted to validate the claims that Muslims persecuted Christians. This study focuses on the bombardment of the Greek fleet supported by Britain in Samsun, in the shadow of the Allied states frequently voicing Anatolian peace (Eastern Peace) after the Battle of Sakarya. The study aims to determine Britain’s bi-directional shift in policy towards Turkey; during the approximately one year from Sakarya to the Great Attack War, in the context of the Greek navy in which Britain was aware of its action, regarding the bombardment of the city of Samsun, especially at a time when the British emphasized Anatolian peace discourses. For this purpose, the data of the research constitute the documents obtained from the State Archives, Turkish Grand National Assembly’s (TBMM) official reports and documents, Parliamentary discourses from the British House of Commons, document scanning method and the news in the national press and the reviews of the relevant authors and the information obtained through the main works related to the subject in the literature. As a result, it is understood that the Samsun bombardment is mentioned in the form of an action that will hinder the peace of Anatolia; not only in the Turkish press, but also in the British House of Commons. At the same time, this action has been criticized in various discourses in England, which is the force behind the Greek fleet. The study contains an originality that differs from its peers in the literature by examining a special period of the National Struggle period.
Keywords: Lausanne Conference, Straits, Black Sea, Lord Curzon, Chicherin, İnönü.
to the brink of a new war. And, in the World War I, Turkey struggled for life and death in the War of Independence without healing its wounds. Turkey tried to consolidate the roots of the newly established state with his policy before World War II, and even the idea of being a party to a new war was too hard for the country.
People who governed Turkey during the war saw it and gained experience about the war.İsmet İnönü, in particular, based on his experience, kept the country out of war as a principle. During the years of 1939-1945, İnönü’s thoughts were reflected in his parliamentary speeches. And in his opening speech in 1939, he said that his purpose was to prevent progress of war and hoped the end of war. 1939-1942 period, he has voiced in the speeches of the irrelevance of war, while in 1943 the opening speech, İnönü who said that, although Turkey remained out of the war, he felt the harmful effects of war and in his speech in 1944 his positive expressions were seen in favor of the allies. In his speech in 1945; He explained that no one has the right to live on Turkish territory and that they will continue to live as honorable people.
İnönü’s speeches have had a wide impact in the Turkish and foreign press, and articles about his speeches have been written. In this study, every fine detail that is available in the press about
İnönü’s speeches has been included and tried to be conveyed to the reader. During the study, the relevant literature was reviewed and blended with the information in the press.
Keywords: World War Second, İsmet İnönü, Parliament, England, Germany, France
Anahtar Kelimeler İkinci Dünya Savaşı, Türkiye-Sovyet Rusya İlişkileri, Stalingrad Savaşı
Transnational Lives: Social Security of Turkish Citizens Living in The Netherlands This study elaborates the relationship between transnational lives of migrants and social security. In this regard, the social security scheme of the Netherlands and transnational lives of first-generation Turkish immigrants in the Netherlands will be discussed by employing legal and policy documents and case law of Dutch courts and European Court of Justice. The first part of the article points out the conceptual and theoretical background by highlighting the relationship between transnationalism, return migration and social security. Second part analyses the migration between Turkey and the Netherlands and Turks in the Netherlands. Third, the shift in the Dutch social security scheme and its impact on the transnational lives of Turkish immigrants are elaborated. The last part discusses the restrictive regulations on the export of social benefits and rights of Turkish citizens for pursuing their transnational lives by highlighting the case law. The article finds out that despite of the support of the Netherlands for the return of the unemployed first-generation Turkish immigrant, the restrictions on the transfer of the social benefits makes return less attractive. This could be interpreted as the outcome of conflicting nature of the migration and social security policy perspectives.
Keywords Transnationalism, Turkish immigrants, return migration, social security, Netherlands.
Victory in the Battle of Sakarya, which is considered an important turning point of the National Struggle; made it possible for military, political and moral superiority to pass to the Turkish side. Although the Turkish army succeeded in stopping the Greek advance in Anatolia with the victory of Sakarya, it continued its military preparations as it did not have the power to extract the Greek forces from the Anatolian lands under the conditions of that day. During the eleven-month period from the victory in Sakarya to the start of the Great Attack War (September 13, 1921 to August 26, 1922), the Turkish side, on the one hand, has compensated for its military deficiencies and on the other hand has not left diplomacy and was not insensitive to the discourses about a peace in Anatolia. When the withdrawal of the Greek army, which was defeated by the Battle of Sakarya, confirmed that the Anatolian issue could not be completed with war, the British supporters behind the Greek army accelerated the peace efforts before mid-1922. In this context, the British, which occupied both European and Turkish public opinion for a certain period of time, brought together the Foreign Ministers of the Entente States in Paris on 22 March 1922. The Ankara government, which did not consider the proposal at the Paris Conference suitable for national ambitions, required the evacuation of Anatolia primarily for the start of peace negotiations. Thus, the government of Ankara has clearly shown to the world public that it is not willing to make peace that does not meet the conditions of “Mîsak-ı Milli (The national pact or oath)”. In addition to this, by proposing a conference in İzmit, the Ankara government did not close the doors of the negotiation, but also continued its military preparations against all odds. The proposal to hold a conference in Izmit proved to the world public opinion that the Ankara government was not against the peace. With its response to the peace proposal of the Entente States, Ankara government has disrupted Britain's plan, which was trying to make Ankara look anti-peaceful to the world. Britain, taking a different step this time, ignoring the persecution of Greeks to Muslims in the Aegean; made allegations that Muslims in the region persecuted Christians and asked to send a delegation to Anatolia to examine these allegations. With such an attitude, Britain, by emphasizing the so-called persecution of Turks before the world public opinion; aimed to change the process which was in favor of the Turks against the Turks. By June 1922, after the Paris Conference, it was understood that there would be no result from mutual notes with the Turkish side, and this pre-storm silence was broken down when the Greek navy backed by Britain took action in Samsun. Thus, the Greeks, who had a serious blow to the Anatolian peace, which is expected to be resolved through diplomacy, aimed to put pressure on the Ankara government and acted politically and again wanted to validate the claims that Muslims persecuted Christians. This study focuses on the bombardment of the Greek fleet supported by Britain in Samsun, in the shadow of the Allied states frequently voicing Anatolian peace (Eastern Peace) after the Battle of Sakarya. The study aims to determine Britain’s bi-directional shift in policy towards Turkey; during the approximately one year from Sakarya to the Great Attack War, in the context of the Greek navy in which Britain was aware of its action, regarding the bombardment of the city of Samsun, especially at a time when the British emphasized Anatolian peace discourses. For this purpose, the data of the research constitute the documents obtained from the State Archives, Turkish Grand National Assembly’s (TBMM) official reports and documents, Parliamentary discourses from the British House of Commons, document scanning method and the news in the national press and the reviews of the relevant authors and the information obtained through the main works related to the subject in the literature. As a result, it is understood that the Samsun bombardment is mentioned in the form of an action that will hinder the peace of Anatolia; not only in the Turkish press, but also in the British House of Commons. At the same time, this action has been criticized in various discourses in England, which is the force behind the Greek fleet. The study contains an originality that differs from its peers in the literature by examining a special period of the National Struggle period.
Keywords: Lausanne Conference, Straits, Black Sea, Lord Curzon, Chicherin, İnönü.
to the brink of a new war. And, in the World War I, Turkey struggled for life and death in the War of Independence without healing its wounds. Turkey tried to consolidate the roots of the newly established state with his policy before World War II, and even the idea of being a party to a new war was too hard for the country.
People who governed Turkey during the war saw it and gained experience about the war.İsmet İnönü, in particular, based on his experience, kept the country out of war as a principle. During the years of 1939-1945, İnönü’s thoughts were reflected in his parliamentary speeches. And in his opening speech in 1939, he said that his purpose was to prevent progress of war and hoped the end of war. 1939-1942 period, he has voiced in the speeches of the irrelevance of war, while in 1943 the opening speech, İnönü who said that, although Turkey remained out of the war, he felt the harmful effects of war and in his speech in 1944 his positive expressions were seen in favor of the allies. In his speech in 1945; He explained that no one has the right to live on Turkish territory and that they will continue to live as honorable people.
İnönü’s speeches have had a wide impact in the Turkish and foreign press, and articles about his speeches have been written. In this study, every fine detail that is available in the press about
İnönü’s speeches has been included and tried to be conveyed to the reader. During the study, the relevant literature was reviewed and blended with the information in the press.
Keywords: World War Second, İsmet İnönü, Parliament, England, Germany, France
1 Eylül 1939’da Polonya’nın Alman işgaline uğramasıyla başlayan İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın Avrupa ayağı, 8 Mayıs 1945’te Almanya’nın kayıtsız-şartsız teslim olmasıyla sona ermiştir. Almanya’nın yenilgisine doğru giden süreç içerisinde savaşın galipleri, dünyaya yeni ve sağlam bir barış düzeni getirmek amacıyla San Francisco’da bir konferans düzenlediler. 1945 Nisan’ında toplanan bu konferansa katılan Türkiye ise, konferansta alınan kararlara uygun olarak, demokratik ve çok partili bir siyasi hayata geçeceğine dair işaret vermeye başlamıştı. Bunun işaretlerinin hissedilmeye başlandığı 1945 baharında gerek TBMM Bütçe Görüşmelerinde gerekse de gazetelerde basın hürriyeti hususunda tartışmalar yaşanmıştır. Bu tartışmaların yaşandığı dönem, “Demokrasi Cephesi”nin galibiyetinin kesinleştiği ve iktidarların liberalleşme eğilimleri gösterdiği İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın sonuna denk gelmektedir. Aynı dönem içerisinde kamuoyunda, basın hürriyeti kapsamında “ithal hürriyet”, “yerli hürriyet” “lonca hürriyet” temalı tartışmalar yaşanmıştır. Bu açıdan çalışmanın amacı; sözü edilen bu temalarda ileri sürülen argümanlara yaslanarak, dönemin basın hürriyetinin nasıl çerçevelediğini betimlemektir. Belirtilen ana çerçeve kapsamında, TBMM Tutanak Dergilerinde yer alan basın hürriyeti kapsamında vekillerin söylemleri ile Milli Kütüphane’nin Süreli Yayın Arşivi’nden konuyla ilgili olarak taranan gazeteler ve literatürdeki temel eserler üzerinden elde edilen bilgilerle sürecin işleyişi aktarılmış ve ilgili temalardaki söylemler incelenerek analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma, San Francisco Konferansı devam ederken Türkiye’de yaşanılan basın hürriyeti meselesine dair özel bir dönemi anlatmasıyla ilgili yazında benzerlerinden ayrılmaktadır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: San Francisco Konferansı, Basın Hürriyeti, 1931 Matbuat Kanunu, Türk Basını, Tan ve La Turquie Gazetesi.
ABSTRACT
The European leg of the Second World War, which started with the German occupation of Poland on September 1, 1939, ended with the unconditional surrender of Germany on May 8, 1945. In the process leading to the defeat of Germany, the winners of the war decided to convene a conference in San Francisco to bring a new and sound peace order to the world. As a participant in this Conference, Turkey, in line with the decisions taken at the conference, started to signal that it will adopt a democratic and multi-party political life. In the spring of 1945, when the signs of this transition began to be felt, there were discussions about freedom of the press both in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) Budget Meetings and in the newspapers. The period in which these debates took place coincides with the end of the Second World War, when the victory of the "Democracy Front" was certain and the rulers' tendency to be liberalized. Within the scope of the freedom of the press within the period, discussions on the theme of "imported freedom", "domestic freedom" and "guild freedom" have been held. In this respect, the aim of the study was determined by leaning against the arguments put forward in these themes and describing how the period framed the freedom of the press. Within the scope of the main framework we have stated, in the light of the information obtained from the discourses of the deputies within the scope of the freedom of the press in the TBMM Ministerial Journals, newspapers scanned from the Periodical Publication Archive of the National Library and the main works in the literature; the functioning of the process is transferred and the discourses in the relevant themes are examined and analyzed. The study is separated from the other studies in the literature because it tells a specific period on the issue of freedom of the press in Turkey.
Keywords: San Francisco Conference, Freedom of the Press, 1931 Print Law, Turkish Press, Tan and La Turquie Newspapers.
gerçekleştirildiği zaman diliminde gazetecilik sektöründe rol üstlenen temsilcilerin dile getirdikleri temalar üzerinden dönemin basınının durumunu betimlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda ortaya çıkan bulgular incelendiğinde ankete katılanların sektörde üstlendikleri roller, temalarda belirleyici bir faktör olarak belirmiştir. Diğer yandan dönemin temsilcilerinde, sektörün problemlerinin çözümü noktasında devletten beklentinin yüksek düzeyde olduğu görülmüştür. Ayrıca sektörde yetişmiş insan gücünün eksikliği vurgulayan katılımcılar, söz konusu eksikliğin giderilmesi noktasında gazetecilikle ilgili eğitim kurumlarının gereksinimine dikkat çekmişlerdir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Türk Basını, Türk Basın Birliği, Tasvir-i Efkâr, Gazetecilik.
In Turkey of 1938, with the aim to institutionalize the profession of journalism, an organization named Turkish Press Union was founded. This study focuses on the responses of people who have different roles in journalism to the survey questions organized by Tasvir-i Efkâr newspaper, on the problems of journalism profession before the second meeting of the Turkish Press Association held on December 13-15, 1943. Within the framework of this subject, the data of the research consist of the numbers of Tasvir-i Efkâr newspaper obtained from the National Library Periodicals Branch through the November-December 1943 and the books and articles in the literature. The study aims to describe the state of the press of the period through the themes
expressed by the representatives who played a role in the journalism sector during the time of the survey. When the findings emerging for this purpose are analyzed, the roles of the respondents in the sector emerged as a determining factor in the themes. On the other hand, in the representatives of the period, it was observed that the expectations from the state were high regarding the solution of the sector's problems. In addition, the participants emphasized the lack of trained manpower in the sector and drew attention to the need of educational institutions related to journalism at the point of overcoming this deficiency.
Keywords: Turkish Press, Turkish Press Union, Tasvir-i Efkâr, Journalism.