dave hill
I'm also Emeritus Professor of Research in Education at Anglia Ruskin University, Chelmsford, England and Visiting Professor of Education at the Kapodistrian and National University of Athens, Greece. Formerly I was Professor of Education Policy at the University of Northampton, England, Visiting Professor in the Education Department at Middlesex University, London, England, Visiting Fellow at Sussex University, Brighton, England, and Visiting Professor of Critical Education Policy and Equality Studies at the University of Limerick, Ireland. I'm also a Marxist political activist electorally (having fought ten local, national Parliamentary, and European Parliament elections) and in terms of direct action (for example having been teargassed while on demonstrations in Athens and in Ankara).
Lots of my articles are online at www.ieps.org.uk, as well as here at academia.edu
other of my info can be found by googling <dave hill marxist> or <dave hill brighton>
There's a wiki on me at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dave_Hill_%28professor%29
Address: Dave Hill
Visiting Professor of Education at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
Fellow of the International Institute for Research and Education, Amsterdam, Netherlands
Chief Editor, Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, www.jceps.com
Series Editor for Routledge Studies in Education and Neoliberalism
Email: [email protected]
Some Dave Hill papers/ chapters/ articles online at www.academia.edu
Lots of my articles are online at www.ieps.org.uk, as well as here at academia.edu
other of my info can be found by googling <dave hill marxist> or <dave hill brighton>
There's a wiki on me at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dave_Hill_%28professor%29
Address: Dave Hill
Visiting Professor of Education at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
Fellow of the International Institute for Research and Education, Amsterdam, Netherlands
Chief Editor, Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies, www.jceps.com
Series Editor for Routledge Studies in Education and Neoliberalism
Email: [email protected]
Some Dave Hill papers/ chapters/ articles online at www.academia.edu
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these proposals. I seek to locate such proposals within Marxist theory and practice.
Key Words: Critical Pedagogy, Class, Activism, Resistance, Marxist Critique, Policy,
In this paper we set out proposals that constitute a democratic Marxist
manifesto for teacher education for economic, environmental and social
justice. In doing so, we of course recognise structural limitations on
progressive action but also that teacher agency is shaped and not erased
by these. We therefore sketch the strategic shape a transformative UK
teacher education might take in resistance to attacks on workers from
longstanding neoliberal hegemony and, more recently, from so-called
‘austerity’.
Keywords: Teacher Education; Social Class; Marxist; Eco-Socialist;
Economic Justice; Environmental Justice; Social Justice
if it smells like a rotten stinking fish,
if it acts like a rotten stinking fish,
if it stinks like a rotten fish.
Then it is a rotten stinking fish.
If it looks like a fascist,
If it sounds like a fascist
if it acts like a fascist,
if it smells like a fascist,
Then it is a fascist.
Even if the label on the box
says democratic
and it dresses in a pin-striped suit.
Dave Hill lives in Brighton and is on the national organizing committee of the Labor Left Alliance. He is a revolutionary Marxist and a member of the Fourth International. He joined the Labour Party when he was 16 in 1961 and became a councillor on Brighton Borough Council , and then East Sussex County Council, as Leader of the Labour Councillors. He left the party in 2005 after “New Labour” under Blair supported the Iraq war and privatisations. He rejoined Labour in 2015 to support the Corbyn movement in its attempt to transform the party. In between, outside of Labour, Dave ran as a candidate for TUSC, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, in the 2010 and 2015 general elections in Brighton. He's been a lifelong trade union activist, including being a shop steward / union rep for a university for a decade, and worked as a professor at different universities in Chelmsford, London and Athens.
Could you first of all describe for us the situation when Corbyn was elected? On the one side, hundreds of thousands, mainly young people, flooded the Labour Party at that time. On the other side, their active participation in the party was somewhat limited. Would it be correct to speak about the surge into the Labor Party or/and Momentum as an "internet phenomenon"? Was it more of an internet-based, loose engagement, but with a lack of organizing and fighting?
Keywords: Comprehensive education; Marxist educators; reproduction Marxist; resistance theory
I then set out what I consider to be five key questions
Marxists ask about education policy. relate to: (i) Curriculum and Assessment, (ii) Pedagogy, (iii) The Organisational Culture within the School/ Institution, (iv) Organisation of The Education System and of Students, that is, comprehensive schooling or selective schooling, and (v) Ownership
and Control of Schools, Colleges and Universities.
I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the various policy proposals put forward. These are, firstly, the belief that reformsare not sustainable under capitalism; secondly, that what is needed is a revolution and that Marxists need to engage in activist praxis, and thirdly, is the salience of class analysis and
organisation as compared with other forms of structural oppression and discrimination and inequality. Marxists go further than criticizing (and acting against) social discrimination, oppressions, for example of sexism, homophobia, racism, into economic rights, and into the recognition that full economic rights cannot be achieved under a capitalist economic system, but
only under a socialist or communist system
particular form of Critical Policy Analysis. I contrast it with ‘Traditional
Policy Analysis’ (TPA) and with ‘Critical Policy Analysis’ (CPA),
generally, and, with respect to Education, work by Michael W. Apple,
Stephen J. Ball, and wider reformist, postmodern and
intersectional/identitarian analysis.
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis is applicable to different areas of policy -
for example, economic, fiscal, labour, foreign, immigration, defence,
housing, transport, environmental, civil liberties, and human rights
policies. MCPA can be applied at any level (local, regional, national or
global).
MCPA, what, in relation to education, I earlier termed ‘Critical Education
Policy Analysis’ (Hill 2009a) centres on the question of ‘Who Wins, Who
Loses?’ but, more precisely, which ‘raced’ and gendered social class, or
class strata, or fractions or layers, win or lose? And what do they win or
lose, when, where, and how.
I critique, in particular, Critical (Education) Policy Analyses (CPA) and
associated theoretical/ideological developments that deny the salience of
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis (MCPA), Traditional Policy Analysis (TPA) & Critical Policy Analysis (CPA) class, occlude class consciousness, are reformist capitalist rather than
revolutionary anti-capitalist Marxist and dismiss or disable revolutionary
activism. I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis (MCPA)
these proposals. I seek to locate such proposals within Marxist theory and practice.
Key Words: Critical Pedagogy, Class, Activism, Resistance, Marxist Critique, Policy,
In this paper we set out proposals that constitute a democratic Marxist
manifesto for teacher education for economic, environmental and social
justice. In doing so, we of course recognise structural limitations on
progressive action but also that teacher agency is shaped and not erased
by these. We therefore sketch the strategic shape a transformative UK
teacher education might take in resistance to attacks on workers from
longstanding neoliberal hegemony and, more recently, from so-called
‘austerity’.
Keywords: Teacher Education; Social Class; Marxist; Eco-Socialist;
Economic Justice; Environmental Justice; Social Justice
if it smells like a rotten stinking fish,
if it acts like a rotten stinking fish,
if it stinks like a rotten fish.
Then it is a rotten stinking fish.
If it looks like a fascist,
If it sounds like a fascist
if it acts like a fascist,
if it smells like a fascist,
Then it is a fascist.
Even if the label on the box
says democratic
and it dresses in a pin-striped suit.
Dave Hill lives in Brighton and is on the national organizing committee of the Labor Left Alliance. He is a revolutionary Marxist and a member of the Fourth International. He joined the Labour Party when he was 16 in 1961 and became a councillor on Brighton Borough Council , and then East Sussex County Council, as Leader of the Labour Councillors. He left the party in 2005 after “New Labour” under Blair supported the Iraq war and privatisations. He rejoined Labour in 2015 to support the Corbyn movement in its attempt to transform the party. In between, outside of Labour, Dave ran as a candidate for TUSC, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition, in the 2010 and 2015 general elections in Brighton. He's been a lifelong trade union activist, including being a shop steward / union rep for a university for a decade, and worked as a professor at different universities in Chelmsford, London and Athens.
Could you first of all describe for us the situation when Corbyn was elected? On the one side, hundreds of thousands, mainly young people, flooded the Labour Party at that time. On the other side, their active participation in the party was somewhat limited. Would it be correct to speak about the surge into the Labor Party or/and Momentum as an "internet phenomenon"? Was it more of an internet-based, loose engagement, but with a lack of organizing and fighting?
Keywords: Comprehensive education; Marxist educators; reproduction Marxist; resistance theory
I then set out what I consider to be five key questions
Marxists ask about education policy. relate to: (i) Curriculum and Assessment, (ii) Pedagogy, (iii) The Organisational Culture within the School/ Institution, (iv) Organisation of The Education System and of Students, that is, comprehensive schooling or selective schooling, and (v) Ownership
and Control of Schools, Colleges and Universities.
I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about the various policy proposals put forward. These are, firstly, the belief that reformsare not sustainable under capitalism; secondly, that what is needed is a revolution and that Marxists need to engage in activist praxis, and thirdly, is the salience of class analysis and
organisation as compared with other forms of structural oppression and discrimination and inequality. Marxists go further than criticizing (and acting against) social discrimination, oppressions, for example of sexism, homophobia, racism, into economic rights, and into the recognition that full economic rights cannot be achieved under a capitalist economic system, but
only under a socialist or communist system
particular form of Critical Policy Analysis. I contrast it with ‘Traditional
Policy Analysis’ (TPA) and with ‘Critical Policy Analysis’ (CPA),
generally, and, with respect to Education, work by Michael W. Apple,
Stephen J. Ball, and wider reformist, postmodern and
intersectional/identitarian analysis.
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis is applicable to different areas of policy -
for example, economic, fiscal, labour, foreign, immigration, defence,
housing, transport, environmental, civil liberties, and human rights
policies. MCPA can be applied at any level (local, regional, national or
global).
MCPA, what, in relation to education, I earlier termed ‘Critical Education
Policy Analysis’ (Hill 2009a) centres on the question of ‘Who Wins, Who
Loses?’ but, more precisely, which ‘raced’ and gendered social class, or
class strata, or fractions or layers, win or lose? And what do they win or
lose, when, where, and how.
I critique, in particular, Critical (Education) Policy Analyses (CPA) and
associated theoretical/ideological developments that deny the salience of
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis (MCPA), Traditional Policy Analysis (TPA) & Critical Policy Analysis (CPA) class, occlude class consciousness, are reformist capitalist rather than
revolutionary anti-capitalist Marxist and dismiss or disable revolutionary
activism. I conclude by setting out what is specifically Marxist about
Marxist Critical Policy Analysis (MCPA)
individual wage and working conditions and rights of workers, such as education workers. In the second section of this chapter I locate these developments more theoretically within Marxist educational analysis, referring to Western Marxist Reproduction and Marxist Resistance theorists such as Althusser, Gramsci, Anyon, Bowles and Gintis, Bourdieu, Apple,
Willis, Giroux, McLaren, Rikowski and to my own work. I conclude by briefly suggesting a Socialist Policy for Education
organized in three parts: “Freire, Boal and critical education”, “Marxism,
critical education and crisis of democracy”, and “Critical education,
inclusivity and struggle for social justice”.
The first part is about the history, the thought, the social commitment
of Paulo Freire and Augusto Boal. It comes from as veias abertas da
America Latina, the open veins of Latin America: from historical
wounds, fractures, and feelings of solidarity with the marginalized,
the mistreated, the forgotten, the oppressed. Latin America becomes a
metaphor of an existential, political, human, psychological, pedagogical
condition of oppression: that of a historically colonized culture that
invades the oppressed in all his/ her being. Freire and Boal are part of
an anti-colonial culture, in favor of resistance of oppressed peoples, and
cultural minorities. One major strand of Critical Education comes from
this tradition of resistance. Freire and Boal were organizers of human
hope that, if not historically rooted, if not politically organized, can
easily become disillusionment. In this ontological vocation of historical
organization of human hope, in this existential tension, we take the side
the political, social and artistic aspects of revolutionary action of Freire
and Boal. It is the poetics of life, the poetics of those who dedicate
their lives to art, to education: Boal in the theatre, Freire in education
(Vittoria, 2016, 2019). They are both part of the historical circumstances
in which social movements were organized in the fields of literacy,
education, popular theatre and land reform for social transformation.
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
… Our epoch … has simplified the class antagonisms … into two great
classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. (Marx &
Engels, 1848/2000)
in Istanbul. The Gezi Resistance has been one of the notable turning
points in the history of twenty-first century class struggles, alongside
mass protests globally which have taken various forms such as Occupy,
dead-in, work-in, sit-in etc. It is, co-incidentally, also published in the
wake of the May 2014 Soma mine disaster, where more than 300 coal
miners died in the worst industrial disaster in Turkish history, a result of
privatisation, neoliberalisation, lack of adequate safety measures in the
mine, and a callous disregard for human life. A callousness expressed in
the prime minister Erdogan’s dismissal of the tragedy as `just another
cal mining accident’. The Turlish state response to the protests by
relatives and friends of the dead miners- at Soma and elsewhere- tear
gas, water cannon, arrests, brutality- echoed the response to Gezi.
When capitalism meets protest, then the response, at Soma, at Gezi and
worldwide, is a ratcheting up, an intensification, of repression
In this chapter I discuss the relationship between social class, society and education. The perspective adopted is Marxist. Firstly I discuss social class and how it is measured. Then I present some of the main concepts of Marxist social class analysis. I will then show how these concepts relate to education, referring to the work of Bourdieu, Althusser, Bowles and Gintis, and, in the UK, work by Bernstein and by Duffield and her co-writers. Finally I differentiate between two types of Marxist analysis — Structuralist neo-Marxism and Culturalist neo-Marxism.
The chapters deal with the various impacts of world capitalism in Ireland, from the revolutionary upheavals of the early twentieth century, to the current economic crash. The individual perspectives of contributing scholars and activists differ substantially; they would not usually be found within the same publication. Nonetheless, they collectively manage to highlight the capitalist character of Irish society, and provide an analysis of its features that is specifically Marxist. They demonstrate that there are alternative ways of looking at Irish history, Irish political economy and the issues currently impacting on the working population and various marginalised or vulnerable groups. They show that the class struggle continues unabated and that progressive social change, now more than ever, requires the development of an organised resistance.
In this chapter I discuss the relationship between social class, society and education. The perspective adopted is Marxist. Firstly I discuss social class and how it is measured. Then I present some of the main concepts of Marxist social class analysis. I will then show how these concepts relate to education, referring to the work of Bourdieu, Althusser, Bowles and Gintis, and, in the UK, work by Bernstein and by Duffield and her co-writers. Finally I differentiate between two types of Marxist analysis — Structuralist neo-Marxism and Culturalist neo-Marxism.