Where societal, political, and economic change is the only constant under colonisation, informal ... more Where societal, political, and economic change is the only constant under colonisation, informal care in Palestine has become important within the Palestinian community during crises. This paper examines the question of why Palestinians turn to community solidarity in times of crisis. It argues that the economic and political structures since 1993 do not allow for the provision of formal care capable of mitigating socio-economic crises, thereby incentivising people to rely on informal care. Further, cronyism, corruption, and the ruling classes’ loyalties to social and political systems rather than their communities limit the Palestinian authorities’ political will to enact policies that protect the interests of marginalised individuals. In making this argument, this paper takes as case studies the Social Security Movement, a nation-wide campaign of over fifteen thousand people demanding the reform of the Social Security Law, and informal care practices during Israel’s ongoing aggression on Palestine since October 2023. It relies on press releases of formal and informal institutions, volunteer groups, and NGOs, media coverage, interviews with activists, and other news sources such as local newspapers and news agencies. The findings showcase that the tendency towards community solidarity during crises is an active and aware response to the inadequacy of formal social protection systems and the Palestinian Authority’s absence during crises. It also reveals a deep mistrust in the political system that roadblocks any formal attempts of formulating formal social protective systems.
The population of the occupied Palestinian territories (the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, includi... more The population of the occupied Palestinian territories (the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem) has been affected by the suffocating impact of prolonged Israeli occupation. A settlement process had already begun within the borders of the State of Israel before 1967; expanded to form the greatest demographic challenge facing the Palestinians. It is the goal of Zionism to settle the entire land of Palestine. The paper studies the impact of colonial policies on population distribution in Palestine, by reviewing the most prominent policies across four population centers defined by the Oslo Accords. These are Areas A and B, Area C, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, where Colonial policies and practices differ in each of these areas. Additionally, this paper examines factors causing population expulsion, characterized by daily confrontations in each region. It identifies the drivers of forced demographic change and developmental weakening. In light of the importance of development as a key pillar of Palestinian resilience, the paper also focuses on the economic and social impact of colonial policies and plans, especially in terms of access to education, health, agricultural services and natural resources, as well as their quality and content. These are important factors in demographic and geographic resilience, specifically in light of the expected increase in the population of Palestine until 2030, and resultant needs. The paper also examines Palestinian procedures and pivotal issues in the resilience-building process, to clarify any existing gaps. Finally, the paper presents a set of recommendations regarding the steadfastness of Palestinians in Palestine, specifically in the most vulnerable and marginalized areas that suffer from intense population expulsion policies
This working paper delves into reflections on the future prospects of the Palestinian cause, part... more This working paper delves into reflections on the future prospects of the Palestinian cause, particularly concerning the economic landscape, starting from ‘Day One’ after the aggression. It starts from the premise of the impossibility for returning to the pre-war status quo, emphasizing the impracticability and unsustainability of reverting to previous political and economic paradigms in light of the damage caused by the Israeli aggression. The paper starts by presenting a condense review of the Palestinian economy prior to October, highlighting its key features, obstacles, and shortcomings. Subsequently, it introduces Israeli mechanisms strategies employed during warfare, with a focus on two key mechanisms used in the Gaza Strip; weaponizing starvation, and migration as a tool of war, alongside Israeli policies in the West Bank. The historical use of these policies and mechanisms is briefly presented, followed by a presentation of their use in the current aggression and key indicators of their impact. A thorough, detailed account of the effect of the aggression on the Gaza Strip, West Bank, and East Jerusalem is then presented using analysis of initial data of socioeconomic indicators from various sources. The paper’s framework discusses the inability of ‘reconstruction’ or a return to pre-October status quo given the high level of destruction not just within the context of the aggression, but prior as well. As such, the paper proceeds to a discussion on future needs, requirements, and challenges in the political, social, and economic realms on the national, regional, and internal levels. The section discusses frameworks of moving forward given political developments in different arenas, in tackling three main preoccupations: the task of attending to the vast humanitarian needs, ruble removal including of bodies underneath and assessing stability of buildings and utilities, and Israel’s previous obligations towards the Palestinian economy and territory. In light of the profound infrastructural damage and losses incurred since 1948, further exacerbated by the current aggression, coupled with the acute humanitarian needs not just now, but for a sustainable and viable future for Palestine and its economy, the paper concludes by positing the pivotal question of “who should pay?” This question underscores the enormity of the daunting and unpredictable challenge in "compensating" for the destruction and "reviving" a suffering populace is dauntingly unpredictable.
The world is witnessing protracted conflicts on various fronts, with the most prominent being the... more The world is witnessing protracted conflicts on various fronts, with the most prominent being the Russian-Ukraine war and the Israeli attacks on Palestine. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 60 contexts are considered fragile wherein 24% of the world's population live. 1 The OECD defines fragility as the "combination of exposure to risk and insufficient coping capacities of the state, system and/ or communities to manage, absorb or mitigate those risks." 2 It measures fragility across six dimensions-economic, environmental, political, security, societal and human. Given that fragile and conflictaffected contexts have limited domestic resources and capacities to address crucial development challenges and to make progress towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs), Official Development Assistance (ODA) is a very important public resource that can contribute to their resilience to
منذ الأيّام الأولى للعدوان على قطاع غزّة ومع كل حدث جلل على المستوى الدّوليّ تعجُّ وسائل الإعلام ... more منذ الأيّام الأولى للعدوان على قطاع غزّة ومع كل حدث جلل على المستوى الدّوليّ تعجُّ وسائل الإعلام بالتّصريحات، والمقالات، والتّحليلات حول "المعايير المزدوجة" للدّول الأوروبيّة والولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة في تعاطيها مع الإبادة الجماعيّة لشعوب العالم غير الغربي. الموقف الغربي الكنسي يتبنّى كذلك المعايير "المزدوجة" المتمثّلة في تبرير ودعم/ والتّواطؤ مع الإبادة الجماعيّة، وهو لا يأتي فقط من خلفيّة الموقف اللّحظي المرتبط بطوفان الأقصى منذ السّابع من تشرين الأوّل الماضي، بل أساساً لما يمكن اعتباره تلاقحاً أيديولوجيّاً بين أيديولوجيّة المؤسّسة الكنسيّة الأوروبيّة والأمريكيّة الاستعماريّة والثّيمات الأيديولوجيّة الدّينيّة التي استندت إليها في مشروع الاستعمار والإبادة للشّعوب الأصلانيّة حول العالم، تلك الثّيمات التي يقف على رأسها "الرّسالة الحضاريّة" و"أرض الميعاد" و"شعب الله المختار" و"النّقاء العرقي"، بتلاقح كل ذلك مع أيديولوجيّة المشروع والكيان الصهيونيّين في فلسطين.
Where societal, political, and economic change is the only constant under colonisation, informal ... more Where societal, political, and economic change is the only constant under colonisation, informal care in Palestine has become important within the Palestinian community during crises. This paper examines the question of why Palestinians turn to community solidarity in times of crisis. It argues that the economic and political structures since 1993 do not allow for the provision of formal care capable of mitigating socio-economic crises, thereby incentivising people to rely on informal care. Further, cronyism, corruption, and the ruling classes’ loyalties to social and political systems rather than their communities limit the Palestinian authorities’ political will to enact policies that protect the interests of marginalised individuals. In making this argument, this paper takes as case studies the Social Security Movement, a nation-wide campaign of over fifteen thousand people demanding the reform of the Social Security Law, and informal care practices during Israel’s ongoing aggression on Palestine since October 2023. It relies on press releases of formal and informal institutions, volunteer groups, and NGOs, media coverage, interviews with activists, and other news sources such as local newspapers and news agencies. The findings showcase that the tendency towards community solidarity during crises is an active and aware response to the inadequacy of formal social protection systems and the Palestinian Authority’s absence during crises. It also reveals a deep mistrust in the political system that roadblocks any formal attempts of formulating formal social protective systems.
The population of the occupied Palestinian territories (the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, includi... more The population of the occupied Palestinian territories (the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem) has been affected by the suffocating impact of prolonged Israeli occupation. A settlement process had already begun within the borders of the State of Israel before 1967; expanded to form the greatest demographic challenge facing the Palestinians. It is the goal of Zionism to settle the entire land of Palestine. The paper studies the impact of colonial policies on population distribution in Palestine, by reviewing the most prominent policies across four population centers defined by the Oslo Accords. These are Areas A and B, Area C, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, where Colonial policies and practices differ in each of these areas. Additionally, this paper examines factors causing population expulsion, characterized by daily confrontations in each region. It identifies the drivers of forced demographic change and developmental weakening. In light of the importance of development as a key pillar of Palestinian resilience, the paper also focuses on the economic and social impact of colonial policies and plans, especially in terms of access to education, health, agricultural services and natural resources, as well as their quality and content. These are important factors in demographic and geographic resilience, specifically in light of the expected increase in the population of Palestine until 2030, and resultant needs. The paper also examines Palestinian procedures and pivotal issues in the resilience-building process, to clarify any existing gaps. Finally, the paper presents a set of recommendations regarding the steadfastness of Palestinians in Palestine, specifically in the most vulnerable and marginalized areas that suffer from intense population expulsion policies
This working paper delves into reflections on the future prospects of the Palestinian cause, part... more This working paper delves into reflections on the future prospects of the Palestinian cause, particularly concerning the economic landscape, starting from ‘Day One’ after the aggression. It starts from the premise of the impossibility for returning to the pre-war status quo, emphasizing the impracticability and unsustainability of reverting to previous political and economic paradigms in light of the damage caused by the Israeli aggression. The paper starts by presenting a condense review of the Palestinian economy prior to October, highlighting its key features, obstacles, and shortcomings. Subsequently, it introduces Israeli mechanisms strategies employed during warfare, with a focus on two key mechanisms used in the Gaza Strip; weaponizing starvation, and migration as a tool of war, alongside Israeli policies in the West Bank. The historical use of these policies and mechanisms is briefly presented, followed by a presentation of their use in the current aggression and key indicators of their impact. A thorough, detailed account of the effect of the aggression on the Gaza Strip, West Bank, and East Jerusalem is then presented using analysis of initial data of socioeconomic indicators from various sources. The paper’s framework discusses the inability of ‘reconstruction’ or a return to pre-October status quo given the high level of destruction not just within the context of the aggression, but prior as well. As such, the paper proceeds to a discussion on future needs, requirements, and challenges in the political, social, and economic realms on the national, regional, and internal levels. The section discusses frameworks of moving forward given political developments in different arenas, in tackling three main preoccupations: the task of attending to the vast humanitarian needs, ruble removal including of bodies underneath and assessing stability of buildings and utilities, and Israel’s previous obligations towards the Palestinian economy and territory. In light of the profound infrastructural damage and losses incurred since 1948, further exacerbated by the current aggression, coupled with the acute humanitarian needs not just now, but for a sustainable and viable future for Palestine and its economy, the paper concludes by positing the pivotal question of “who should pay?” This question underscores the enormity of the daunting and unpredictable challenge in "compensating" for the destruction and "reviving" a suffering populace is dauntingly unpredictable.
The world is witnessing protracted conflicts on various fronts, with the most prominent being the... more The world is witnessing protracted conflicts on various fronts, with the most prominent being the Russian-Ukraine war and the Israeli attacks on Palestine. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 60 contexts are considered fragile wherein 24% of the world's population live. 1 The OECD defines fragility as the "combination of exposure to risk and insufficient coping capacities of the state, system and/ or communities to manage, absorb or mitigate those risks." 2 It measures fragility across six dimensions-economic, environmental, political, security, societal and human. Given that fragile and conflictaffected contexts have limited domestic resources and capacities to address crucial development challenges and to make progress towards the sustainable development goals (SDGs), Official Development Assistance (ODA) is a very important public resource that can contribute to their resilience to
منذ الأيّام الأولى للعدوان على قطاع غزّة ومع كل حدث جلل على المستوى الدّوليّ تعجُّ وسائل الإعلام ... more منذ الأيّام الأولى للعدوان على قطاع غزّة ومع كل حدث جلل على المستوى الدّوليّ تعجُّ وسائل الإعلام بالتّصريحات، والمقالات، والتّحليلات حول "المعايير المزدوجة" للدّول الأوروبيّة والولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة في تعاطيها مع الإبادة الجماعيّة لشعوب العالم غير الغربي. الموقف الغربي الكنسي يتبنّى كذلك المعايير "المزدوجة" المتمثّلة في تبرير ودعم/ والتّواطؤ مع الإبادة الجماعيّة، وهو لا يأتي فقط من خلفيّة الموقف اللّحظي المرتبط بطوفان الأقصى منذ السّابع من تشرين الأوّل الماضي، بل أساساً لما يمكن اعتباره تلاقحاً أيديولوجيّاً بين أيديولوجيّة المؤسّسة الكنسيّة الأوروبيّة والأمريكيّة الاستعماريّة والثّيمات الأيديولوجيّة الدّينيّة التي استندت إليها في مشروع الاستعمار والإبادة للشّعوب الأصلانيّة حول العالم، تلك الثّيمات التي يقف على رأسها "الرّسالة الحضاريّة" و"أرض الميعاد" و"شعب الله المختار" و"النّقاء العرقي"، بتلاقح كل ذلك مع أيديولوجيّة المشروع والكيان الصهيونيّين في فلسطين.
Uploads
Papers by Anmar Rafeedie
The paper starts by presenting a condense review of the Palestinian economy prior to October, highlighting its key features, obstacles, and shortcomings. Subsequently, it introduces Israeli mechanisms strategies employed during warfare, with a focus on two key mechanisms used in the Gaza Strip; weaponizing starvation, and migration as a tool of war, alongside Israeli policies in the West Bank.
The historical use of these policies and mechanisms is briefly presented, followed by a presentation of their use in the current aggression and key indicators of their impact. A thorough, detailed account of the effect of the aggression on the Gaza Strip, West Bank, and East Jerusalem is then presented using analysis of initial data of socioeconomic indicators from various sources. The paper’s framework discusses the inability of ‘reconstruction’ or a return to pre-October status quo given the high level of destruction not just within the context of the aggression, but prior as well. As such, the paper proceeds to a discussion on future needs, requirements, and challenges in the political, social, and economic realms on the national, regional, and internal levels. The section discusses frameworks of moving forward given political developments in different arenas, in tackling three main preoccupations: the task of attending to the vast humanitarian needs, ruble removal including of bodies underneath and assessing stability of buildings and utilities, and Israel’s previous obligations towards the Palestinian economy and territory.
In light of the profound infrastructural damage and losses incurred since 1948, further exacerbated by the current aggression, coupled with the acute humanitarian needs not just now, but for a sustainable and viable future for Palestine and its economy, the paper concludes by positing the pivotal question of “who should pay?” This question underscores the enormity of the daunting and unpredictable challenge in "compensating" for the destruction and "reviving" a suffering populace is dauntingly unpredictable.
The paper starts by presenting a condense review of the Palestinian economy prior to October, highlighting its key features, obstacles, and shortcomings. Subsequently, it introduces Israeli mechanisms strategies employed during warfare, with a focus on two key mechanisms used in the Gaza Strip; weaponizing starvation, and migration as a tool of war, alongside Israeli policies in the West Bank.
The historical use of these policies and mechanisms is briefly presented, followed by a presentation of their use in the current aggression and key indicators of their impact. A thorough, detailed account of the effect of the aggression on the Gaza Strip, West Bank, and East Jerusalem is then presented using analysis of initial data of socioeconomic indicators from various sources. The paper’s framework discusses the inability of ‘reconstruction’ or a return to pre-October status quo given the high level of destruction not just within the context of the aggression, but prior as well. As such, the paper proceeds to a discussion on future needs, requirements, and challenges in the political, social, and economic realms on the national, regional, and internal levels. The section discusses frameworks of moving forward given political developments in different arenas, in tackling three main preoccupations: the task of attending to the vast humanitarian needs, ruble removal including of bodies underneath and assessing stability of buildings and utilities, and Israel’s previous obligations towards the Palestinian economy and territory.
In light of the profound infrastructural damage and losses incurred since 1948, further exacerbated by the current aggression, coupled with the acute humanitarian needs not just now, but for a sustainable and viable future for Palestine and its economy, the paper concludes by positing the pivotal question of “who should pay?” This question underscores the enormity of the daunting and unpredictable challenge in "compensating" for the destruction and "reviving" a suffering populace is dauntingly unpredictable.