Vesa Puuronen

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Andreas Umland

National University of "Kyiv-Mohyla Academy"

Greg Simons

Daffodil International University(DIU)

Armando Marques-Guedes

UNL - New University of Lisbon

Ivan Katchanovski

University of Ottawa | Université d'Ottawa

Dimitrios Triantaphyllou

Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences

Mischa Gabowitsch

University of Mainz

Viacheslav Kuleshov

Stockholm University

Juraj Marušiak

Slovak Academy of Sciences

Viacheslav Artiukh (В'ячеслав Артюх)

Oleksandr Dovzhenko Hlukhіv natіonal pedagogіcal unіversіty

Christopher J . Ward

Clayton State University

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Papers by Vesa Puuronen

Kyvykkäät tytöt ja stereotyyppiset pojat

Kirjallisuusarvostel

Immonen: Ryssästä saa puhua

DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Sep 1, 1987

Somaliyhdistysten rooli kehitysyhteistyössä

Kirjallisuusarvostel

Municipal Politics in the Sámi Homeland in Finland

The Sámi World

Nuoriso, arvot ja media Venäjällä

Idäntutkimus, 2008

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The Change of Anti-Immigration Discourses in Finland

Nordic Arctic Youth Future Perspectives

The questions of how to retain and attract young populations are central issues for regional poli... more

Valkoisen vallan lähettiläät : rasismin arki ja arjen rasismi

Iazyk vrazhdy protiv obshchestva. Ed. Aleksandr Verkhovskii. Moscow: Informatsionno-analiticheskii tsentr “SOVA,” 2007. 259 pp. Notes. Tables. Hard bound

Slavic Review, 2009

Among the issues addressed by the authors, three are of particular significance. What is the poli... more Among the issues addressed by the authors, three are of particular significance. What is the political potential of the extreme ultranationalist, neofascist forces existing in postcommunist Russia? How does the Russian state react to the activities of the far Right? What explains the popularity of Putinism as a specific form of postcommunist authoritarianism? Underlying these questions is a deep concern about the possible emergence of a fascisttype regime in Russia—either through die capture of the state by a fascist movement or through the evolution of the existing state toward some form of fascism. The data and analyses presented in these studies help clarify why, concerns of the 1990s about a "Weimar Russia" scenario notwithstanding, right-wing extremism has remained a marginal political phenomenon in Russian politics, despite the wrenching transition crisis and the development of dangerous strains of racism and authoritarianism in the public mind. At the turn of the century, Russian society turned out to be receptive to a different, conservative form of authoritarianism and nationalism represented by Vladimir Putin's presidency. Putinism has coopted some key nationalist and authoritarian themes and appeals that were cultivated by anti-El'tsin opposition forces in the 1990s, such as a desire for a strong state, resentment about the way the west treated Russia during its troubled transition, assertion of Russian national pride, and an insistence on an independent course in foreign affairs. In the context of Russia's perceived resurgence, fuelled by a decade of robust economic growth, Putin's coalition has effectively displaced the "red-brown" forces, even while maintaining continuity with key policies of the El'tsin administration that were the target of their protests. Such cooptation has had ambiguous consequences for Russian democracy. On the one hand, ultranationalism became redundant. On the other hand, many of its themes became politically respectable. Indeed, only in the last years of the Putin presidency did authorities begin to shift from their typically permissive attitude toward incidents of racist violence to prosecuting some of the most egregious cases. At the same time, the Kremlin's own "antifascist" campaign, carried out by loyalist youth groups, mainly targeted Putin's democratic opponents, rather than skinhead or neo-Nazi thugs. Demokratiia vertikali, offering a detailed examination of the Putin regime, devotes much space to a discussion of democratic prospects in Russia. Sociologist Boris Dubin of the Levada Center in Moscow cites poll findings that overwhelming majorities of Russians are in favor of democracy, but the democracy they have in mind differs from the liberal-democratic version currently considered normative in the west. Democracy, as it is understood in Russia, is associated with a state that is active, socially oriented, and headed by a powerful leader. This explains why only a minority of Russians saw the Putin presidency as fundamentally undemocratic. Russians' basic political attitudes come across as quite realistic. While large majorities expressed support for Putin's leadership throughout his eight years in office, few Russians had illusions about the state under his command, with its corruption, lawlessness, and oligarchic concentration of wealth and power. Russian society entered the twenty-first century in a state of deep fatigue, demoralization, withdrawal into private concerns, and uncertainty about the future. Support for Putin was an expression of hope that under his leadership Russia may have found an exit from its crisis, and most citizens were willing to grant the leader and his government the mandate to govern without much transparency, consultation, or accountability. There is much reason to believe that such a mandate was a temporary, emergency arrangement. The post-Soviet Russian state continues to be in flux, its ultimate shape to be determined by the course of political struggles that will sooner or later return to the public arena in full force.

The long shadows of the difficult past? How young people in Denmark, Finland and Germany remember WWII

Journal of Youth Studies, 2016

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the question of how young people today evaluate the Second World W... more ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the question of how young people today evaluate the Second World War today and how this ‘difficult past’ determines their political attitudes. Furthermore, the channels through which the current young generation in Europe is informed about the events dating back to the first half of the twentieth century (e.g. parents and grandparents, schools, the media) are examined. The theoretical basis chosen for addressing these questions is the work of Mannheim (1928) on the formation of successive generations, and the theories of collective memories and identities of Eisenstadt and his followers. Our empirical evidence comes from a transnational comparison of young people’s memories of this difficult past in Denmark, Finland and Germany. From a historical perspective a comparison of the three countries is particularly interesting as they played different roles during the Second World War. The evidence highlights the different perceptions of history among youth and points to the absence of a common European understanding of what happened between 1939 and 1945. The empirical evidence comes from a research project (2011–2015) funded by the European Commission and covering 14 European countries. Its main focus has been on present-day young people’s perceptions of history and politics (MYPLACE = Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).

Tutkintoja keinolla millä hyvänsä

Suomen Akatemian tutkimusohjelmat ja tieteen tason kohottaminen

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Sosiologia ja fysiikka : keskustelua

Suomalaisen sosiologian paradigmoja 1960-luvulta nykypäivään

Research design in applied youth research

Young, 1993

This article deals with the basic problems and questions of applied youth research. Before treati... more This article deals with the basic problems and questions of applied youth research. Before treating distinctive problems I give some tentative definitions of applied research in the social sciences, especially in sociology. According to Thesaurus of sociological research terminology (van der Merve, 1976) the concept applied research is <mnAnymous with pragmatic research. The different types of applied research are: policy, evaluation, prediction (including research focused on methods of ,tion and prognostic research), operations (including e.g. management science :ience of decisions), action research and community self-survev. Basic research

Youth in a Changing Karelia: A Comparative Study of Everyday Life, Future Orientations, and Political Culture of Youth in North-West Russia and Eastern Finland

Slavic Review, 2001

Part 1 Introduction: living in Karelia - the changing life contexts of adolescents. Part 2 The ev... more Part 1 Introduction: living in Karelia - the changing life contexts of adolescents. Part 2 The everyday life of young people: the everyday life of young people in Karelia in the mid-1990s health and health behaviour of youth in Karelia. Part 3 Adolescents' values and identity development in changing societies: value orientations of Russian and Finnish young people what is valued in work gender differences in identity development. Part 4 Constructing a personal future: the personal future - general aspects of adolescents' future orientation developing occupational goals and plans personal future in hopes and fears my daily life in 2010, Russian and Finnish adolescents' constructs of their future everyday life. Part 5 Political culture of young people: social values and attitudes of Russian and Finnish youth the political commitment and knowledge of Russian and Finnish young people the national prejudices of Russian and Finnish young people. Part 6 Conclusions: the challenges of cross-cultural research.