Journal articles by Tay Jeong
According to the interventionist framework of actual causality, causal claims in history are ulti... more According to the interventionist framework of actual causality, causal claims in history are ultimately claims about special types of functional dependencies between variables, which consist not only of actual events but also of corresponding counterfactual states of affairs. Instead of advocating the methodological use of counterfactuals tout court, we propose specific circumstances in historical writing where counterfactual reasoning comes in most handy. At the level of semantics, that is, the specification of the variables and their possible values, an explicit specification of the latent contrast classes becomes particularly useful in situations where one may be prompted to take an event that is pre-empted by the antecedent of interest as its proper causal contrast. At the level of inference, we argue that cases in which two or more antecedents appear to be playing a similar role tend to fumble our pretheoretical intuition about cause and propose a sequence of counterfactual tests based on actual examples from causal historiography.
Nations and Nationalism, 2024
We recognise nationalist and centre-seeking ethnic civil
wars as distinct types of conflict and d... more We recognise nationalist and centre-seeking ethnic civil
wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas
from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes
of each. First, we argue that the character of states
shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict
in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist
warfare but integrative states contributing to centreseeking
civil war. Second, we propose that the relative
power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war,
arguing that centre-seeking civil war is most common in
situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist
civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power
relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements
of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power
relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil
war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To
test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to
measure configurations of communal power and the state
antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood,
create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial
states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of
civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings
support our hypotheses.
Hypatia, 2024
Feminist epistemology aims to propose epistemic reasons for increasing the representation of wome... more Feminist epistemology aims to propose epistemic reasons for increasing the representation of women or socially subordinated people in science. This is typically done-albeit often only implicitly-by positing a causal mechanism through which the representation of sociodemographic minorities exerts a positive effect on scientific advancement. Two types of causal theories can be identified. The "epistemic diversity thesis" presents a causal path from sociodemographic diversity to scientific progress mediated by epistemic diversity. The "thesis of epistemic advantage" proposes a causal path from social subjugation to capacity for inquiry. The latter theory is defined with substantial ambiguity in the existing literature, and I present an explicit causal reformulation that disambiguates it. The epistemic diversity thesis focuses on the effect of group composition on collective epistemic performance and is largely silent about what kind of characteristics lead to individual epistemic excellence. On the other hand, the thesis of epistemic advantage seeks to identify sociodemographic background conditions that make certain epistemic agents strictly better knowers or inquirers than others and pays little attention to the synergistic effects of diverse group composition. Such a difference in the causal structure reflects the diverging political characteristics of the two theories.
Child Abuse and Neglect, 2023
Nations and Nationalism, 2023
Does ethnic empowerment under colonial rule shape ethnic power even after independence? Existing ... more Does ethnic empowerment under colonial rule shape ethnic power even after independence? Existing research offers mixed arguments and rarely differentiates between different types of political empowerment. Drawing on the histori
Nations and Nationalism, 2023
Recent research argued that the colonial policy of community-based representation in the legislat... more Recent research argued that the colonial policy of community-based representation in the legislative assembly strongly increases the risk of postcolonial ethnic warfare in former British and French colonies. This paper delves deeper into the relationship by using an updated dataset that codes the receipt or non-receipt of communal representation for nearly all ethnic groups in former British and French colonies. The results confirm the war-inducing effect of this communalising colonial policy and additionally find that such an effect applies relatively uniformly to groups that benefited from this policy as well as those that were excluded from it. In addition, based on sociological theory and previous research, it was hypothesised that a combination of precolonial receipt of communal legislative representation and postcolonial political exclusion would make an ethnic group particularly prone to postcolonial ethnic warfare. This hypothesis, however, was not supported by the data. This null result has theoretical implications for our understanding of the conditions that give rise to conflict-inducing psychological strain in the field of colonialism and ethnic warfare.
Social Science and Medicine, 2022
In the multilevel modeling literature, contextual effect is defined as or identified by the effec... more In the multilevel modeling literature, contextual effect is defined as or identified by the effect of the target group level variable while controlling for the corresponding individual-level variable. This paper extends the notion of “contextual effects” (or “neighborhood” or “school” effects) to an interaction setting, such that the effect of one explanatory variable Xij on the outcome Yij is modeled as a function of a group-level ‘moderating’ or predisposing variable Zj* as well as its counterpart at the individual level Zij. Researchers frequently use regression models that only contain a cross-level interaction between Xij and Zj* to test contextual hypotheses in an interaction setting, but this modeling strategy is unable to discriminate the immediate rival hypothesis that attributes a causal role to the corresponding individual-level variable. This paper points out the prevalence of this type of fallacy through a review of past research on contextual determinants of psychiatric resilience. It is argued that the simple step of adding an appropriate individual-level interaction XijZij could help more robustly test substantive hypotheses about how neighborhood context alters the effect of proximal stressors on health outcomes.
Society, 2022
One of the most widely agreed-upon tenets of the current “postpositivist” consensus in sociologic... more One of the most widely agreed-upon tenets of the current “postpositivist” consensus in sociological theory is the categorical dismissal of the pursuit of value neutrality in the social and natural sciences, a pursuit that is seen as both futile and undesirable. This dismissal is based on the rejection of the “positivist” claim that mainstream scientific knowledge is in some sense more objectively valid than other forms of knowledge. But this results in a “bias paradox:” on what basis can those denying the possibility of any value-neutral knowledge still claim validity for their own knowledge claims? In this paper, we analyze a series of attempts, broadly going under the label of “standpoint theory,” to resolve the paradox. We show how each of these is seriously flawed and that efforts to repair those flaws have merely led to a covert return to the kind of “positivism” the authors claim to reject.We conclude that this is the result of the persistent failure of “critical” theorists of various stripes to recognize the fact that the “positivist” ideals of value neutrality and objectivity embody the very principles of egalitarianism and democracy they claim to subscribe to.
Nations and Nationalism, 2022
Since colonial times, many have argued that British and
French colonial rule differed in fundamen... more Since colonial times, many have argued that British and
French colonial rule differed in fundamental ways, and
recent works exploring colonial legacies build on these
claims to suggest that different forms of rule promoted contrasting
postcolonial outcomes. Yet many historians and
sociologists argue that claims of interimperial differences
are inaccurate, overlook important similarities among British
and French colonies, and overstate the influence of colonialism.
In this article, we test these opposing positions
through a multimethod analysis that focuses on the colonial
models of political community. Through a statistical analysis
of different colonial policies, we provide evidence that the
general British model of political community was relatively
pluralist whereas the French colonial model was usually
highly integrative. And through a comparative-historical
analysis, we offer insight into the different origins of both:
The French colonial model was influenced by the dominant
model in France and metropolitan political concerns,
whereas anticolonialism in India contributed to the rise and
proliferation of the more pluralist British model.
European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie, 2021
In this article, we reorient the literature on colonialism and ethnic violence by exploring how d... more In this article, we reorient the literature on colonialism and ethnic violence by exploring how different types of communalizing colonial policy (CCP) affected postcolonial patterns of ethnic warfare. We hypothesize that CCPs have limited or mixed effects when they simply recognize or empower communities but that they promote ethnic warfare when explicitly favoring some communities over others, especially when this discrimination affects the power of communities. To test these hypotheses, we combine a statistical analysis of the British Empire with a focused case study of Myanmar. We find that two relatively non-discriminatory CCPs—the use of communal census categories and high levels of indirect rule—had limited or mixed effects on postcolonial ethnic warfare. Unequal communal representation in the legislature and security forces and a mixed use of indirect rule, on the other hand, are three highly discriminatory CCPs, and we provide evidence that they increased the odds of postcolonial ethnic warfare.
International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 2021
Communalizing colonial policies (CCPs) include a variety of practices that recognize and institut... more Communalizing colonial policies (CCPs) include a variety of practices that recognize and institutionalize communal difference among colonized populations, and several qualitative analyses find that they promoted postcolonial ethnic conflict. In contrast, the few quantitative analyses that explore this issue focus on several mechanisms, make conflicting claims, and provide mixed results, thereby suggesting that CCPs do not have general effects. Yet the quantitative findings might be inaccurate for several reasons: Some use the identity of the colonizer as a proxy for CCPs, others measure a CCP but have small samples with limited variation in the focal independent variable, and all of these analyses are unable to explore whether CCPs affect ethnic conflict through different and competing mechanisms. To address these limitations, we create four ideal types of CCPs, gather data on a CCP that conforms to each ideal type, and test the relationships between CCPs and ethnic civil warfare onset using the set of former British and French colonies. We find that a discriminatory CCP is associated with high odds of ethnic civil war onset, especially shortly after independence. Alternatively, differentiating and accommodating CCPs lack general relationships with ethnic civil war onset, and an empowering CCP is negatively related to ethnic warfare in most models.
PLOS ONE, 2021
It is widely held in socio-behavioral studies of suicide that higher levels of stress and lower l... more It is widely held in socio-behavioral studies of suicide that higher levels of stress and lower levels of economic status amplify suicidal vulnerability when confronted with a proximal stressor, reflecting the traditionally prevalent understanding in health psychology and sociology that associates adverse life circumstances with undesirable mental health outcomes. However, upon reflection, there are strong theoretical reasons to doubt that having more stress or being in a more stressful environment always increases suicidal vulnerability given the occurrence of a crisis. Using large nationally representative public survey data on South Korean adolescents, I show that the association between recent psychosocial crisis and suicidal ideation often gets stronger with more favorable levels of perceived stress and improving levels of family economic status. Overall, the increase in the probability of suicidal ideation from recent exposure to a psychosocial crisis is consistently the smallest around medium levels of stress or family economic status and larger at low or high levels. A supplementary exercise suggests that the identified moderation effects operate mainly in virtue of individual-level stress or family economic status in the relative absence of contextual influences at the school level. The findings present preliminary evidence of the stress inoculation hypothesis with regard to suicidal ideation. Research on suicidal vulnerability could benefit from increased attentiveness to the mechanisms through which being in an adverse or unfavorable life situation could protect against the suicide-inducing effects of proximal stressors.
Journal of Asian History, 2019
Error in the editors' note:
The editors' statement "Upon his request, Tay Jeong was given an op... more Error in the editors' note:
The editors' statement "Upon his request, Tay Jeong was given an opportunity to contribute to the forum" is a misrepresentation. Rather, I [Tay Jeong] was invited to contribute an article without ever having requested it first. This is not an important problem, but I'm mentioning it here for the record. The following is an excerpt from an email I received from Dr. Schaab-Hanke who is one of the editors.
"As you will see, Prof. Mittag and I have decided to open a forum for the issue Andrew Logie is rising, namely when does historical research tend to become a kind of pseudohistory, it it a very sensitive but also highly actual topic. Of course you are invited to send a response to Andrew Logie's indeed rather critical stance, and please feel free to defend your own position so that we may publish this in one of our upcoming issues."
경제와 사회 (Economy and Society), 2019
[full text link]
현재 진행되고 있는 북-미 협상에서 미국이 북한에 지급할 보상의 개념과 그를 지칭 하는 용어는 비교적 뚜렷하게 구분되는 세 단계를 거치면서 정립... more [full text link]
현재 진행되고 있는 북-미 협상에서 미국이 북한에 지급할 보상의 개념과 그를 지칭 하는 용어는 비교적 뚜렷하게 구분되는 세 단계를 거치면서 정립된다. 제3기에 해당하 는 2018년 6월 이후 용어는 ‘security guarantee’, 객체는 DPRK로 공식화되는 것을 협상 당사국 및 관련국 고위인사들의 발언에서 확인할 수 있다. 그렇다면 한국 언론은 그동안 협상 당사자들이 사용한 이 용어를 어떻게 보도했는가? 원발언에 없는 ‘체제’라 는 개념을 임의로 덧붙인 보도가 많다는 점에 주목해 24개 주요 중앙지, 경제지, 방송
사의 보도 패턴을 분석했으며, 특히 제3기 외국 고위인사들의 ‘security guarantee’라 는 발언을 인용해 보도한 기사들을 자세히 살펴본다. 또한, 외신 보도와 비교해 인용의 정확성을 상대적으로 평가한다.
What is it that the United States is supposed to provide to the DPRK in the context of the ongoing negotiations on denuclearization? A thorough review of the statements of the important policymakers involved in the negotiation process reveals that the concept, as well as the term that refers to it, has developed in three relatively clearly demarcated stages over the past two years. In the third stage, which corresponds to the period after June 2018, virtually all the parties involved in the egotiations settled on the term “security guarantee” with the DPRK as the object. How, then, have the South Korean news media reported this term? This article reveals how it systematically distorted a key term in the ongoing negotiations by systematically inserting the term “regime” as the object
“security guarantee”. Particular attention will be paid to critically analyzing patterns of news reportage that cite the term “security guarantee” included in the statements of key foreign officials during the third stage.
歷史批評 (Critical Review of History), 2018
One controversial fact about ancient history scholarship in Korea is that there has always been a... more One controversial fact about ancient history scholarship in Korea is that there has always been a minority group of researchers who theorize a much larger geographic and chronological scope of ancient Korean polities than what is normally accepted by the majority of experts. Recently, the term ‘pseudohistory’ has been extensively used by South Korean mainstream historians to refer to their minority adversaries in the ongoing academic conflict about the historical geography of Korean antiquity. While the widespread usage of such a disparaging term may seem excusable in light of the aggressive attacks launched by some extra-institutional minority historians against their mainstream counterparts, this article argues that using this term produces three kinds of effects with undesirable epistemic, pragmatic, and ethical consequences. First, the term ‘pseudohistory’, unlike its literal meaning that denotes research that make weakly justified truth claims about the past, is prone to be used to refer to those that infer certain types of minority conclusions. I demonstrate that being an unconventional hypothesis is not a reliable indicator of pseudohistory in the study of the historical geography of ancient Korea, and that taking the former as an indicator of the latter is likely to incur significant epistemic costs. Second, using the term ‘pseudohistory’ to refer to one’s academic adversaries produces certain kinds ‘indirect evidence’ about expert opinion that prompt intellectually responsible non-experts to lower their confidence in the soundness of arguments advocated by the side that used that term. If the mainstream scholars’ usage of this term had the intention of reducing the public support minority scholars receive, it contains an element of self-contradiction. Third, using the term ‘pseudohistory’ contributes to the ideologization of the debate. I try to show that the main objective of the ideological attacks conducted by mainstream historians against their minority adversaries is to consolidate the support of non-experts who decide their stance in expert disagreement based on pre-existing ideological convictions. In the short run, such a persuasion strategy can be acknowledged as a justifiable self-defense against the political attacks of some amateur historians who have traditionally relied on the same strategy to foster public resentment against mainstream historical research in South Korea. However, this is not a strategy that the most authoritative group of experts in a country can reasonably pursue in the long run.
Journal of Asian History, 2018
Few topics in the ancient history of Northeast Asia have drawn as much contention as that of the ... more Few topics in the ancient history of Northeast Asia have drawn as much contention as that of the historical geography of Old Chosŏn and Lelang Commandery. The recent suspension of the Harvard Early Korea Project was a reminder to scholars of the political vitriol associated with his topic. This academic contention has often been understood simply as a case of nationalist pseudohistory, which poses wasteful challenges to serious historical research. While such a characterization may suit certain specific cases, it inadequately accounts for the larger debate on the historical geography of Old Chosŏn and Lelang Commandery that has taken place over the course of modem historical research. What exactly is at stake, who are the parties involved, and why has it continued to attract attention for so long? The repeated influence of political agendas and the constant shifting of the boundary between standard and deviant hypotheses raise caution against taking expert majority opinion as an indicator of shared knowledge.
Review of Korean Studies, 2017
Stature has been a widely used measure in the recent debate on Korean
living standards under Japa... more Stature has been a widely used measure in the recent debate on Korean
living standards under Japanese colonial rule. Past studies tended to focus on
presenting novel data or calculation methods and insufficiently accounted for
the divergence of arguments in the literature. This paper attempts the task of
critically reviewing past research on Korean height during the colonial period
and suggesting a reasonable interpretation with regard to living standards. A
careful review supports the previously influential claim that average height
decreased from the birth cohorts of the 1920s until around 1950. Other
indicators of living standards closely related to the biological living standards of
the general populace such as unskilled wage, food consumption, and inequality
are consistent with height trends from the 1920s onwards, lending plausibility
to the traditionally prevalent thesis that Koreans experienced a decrease in
living standards as the colonial economic system took root in earnest. Recent
revisionist claims that the colonial period was a boon for Korean well-being
must be reconsidered.
Opinion pieces by Tay Jeong
The Diplomat, 2022
A security feature article included in issue 98 of the Diplomat magazine
Book Reviews by Tay Jeong
Uploads
Journal articles by Tay Jeong
wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas
from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes
of each. First, we argue that the character of states
shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict
in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist
warfare but integrative states contributing to centreseeking
civil war. Second, we propose that the relative
power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war,
arguing that centre-seeking civil war is most common in
situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist
civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power
relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements
of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power
relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil
war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To
test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to
measure configurations of communal power and the state
antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood,
create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial
states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of
civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings
support our hypotheses.
French colonial rule differed in fundamental ways, and
recent works exploring colonial legacies build on these
claims to suggest that different forms of rule promoted contrasting
postcolonial outcomes. Yet many historians and
sociologists argue that claims of interimperial differences
are inaccurate, overlook important similarities among British
and French colonies, and overstate the influence of colonialism.
In this article, we test these opposing positions
through a multimethod analysis that focuses on the colonial
models of political community. Through a statistical analysis
of different colonial policies, we provide evidence that the
general British model of political community was relatively
pluralist whereas the French colonial model was usually
highly integrative. And through a comparative-historical
analysis, we offer insight into the different origins of both:
The French colonial model was influenced by the dominant
model in France and metropolitan political concerns,
whereas anticolonialism in India contributed to the rise and
proliferation of the more pluralist British model.
The editors' statement "Upon his request, Tay Jeong was given an opportunity to contribute to the forum" is a misrepresentation. Rather, I [Tay Jeong] was invited to contribute an article without ever having requested it first. This is not an important problem, but I'm mentioning it here for the record. The following is an excerpt from an email I received from Dr. Schaab-Hanke who is one of the editors.
"As you will see, Prof. Mittag and I have decided to open a forum for the issue Andrew Logie is rising, namely when does historical research tend to become a kind of pseudohistory, it it a very sensitive but also highly actual topic. Of course you are invited to send a response to Andrew Logie's indeed rather critical stance, and please feel free to defend your own position so that we may publish this in one of our upcoming issues."
현재 진행되고 있는 북-미 협상에서 미국이 북한에 지급할 보상의 개념과 그를 지칭 하는 용어는 비교적 뚜렷하게 구분되는 세 단계를 거치면서 정립된다. 제3기에 해당하 는 2018년 6월 이후 용어는 ‘security guarantee’, 객체는 DPRK로 공식화되는 것을 협상 당사국 및 관련국 고위인사들의 발언에서 확인할 수 있다. 그렇다면 한국 언론은 그동안 협상 당사자들이 사용한 이 용어를 어떻게 보도했는가? 원발언에 없는 ‘체제’라 는 개념을 임의로 덧붙인 보도가 많다는 점에 주목해 24개 주요 중앙지, 경제지, 방송
사의 보도 패턴을 분석했으며, 특히 제3기 외국 고위인사들의 ‘security guarantee’라 는 발언을 인용해 보도한 기사들을 자세히 살펴본다. 또한, 외신 보도와 비교해 인용의 정확성을 상대적으로 평가한다.
What is it that the United States is supposed to provide to the DPRK in the context of the ongoing negotiations on denuclearization? A thorough review of the statements of the important policymakers involved in the negotiation process reveals that the concept, as well as the term that refers to it, has developed in three relatively clearly demarcated stages over the past two years. In the third stage, which corresponds to the period after June 2018, virtually all the parties involved in the egotiations settled on the term “security guarantee” with the DPRK as the object. How, then, have the South Korean news media reported this term? This article reveals how it systematically distorted a key term in the ongoing negotiations by systematically inserting the term “regime” as the object
“security guarantee”. Particular attention will be paid to critically analyzing patterns of news reportage that cite the term “security guarantee” included in the statements of key foreign officials during the third stage.
living standards under Japanese colonial rule. Past studies tended to focus on
presenting novel data or calculation methods and insufficiently accounted for
the divergence of arguments in the literature. This paper attempts the task of
critically reviewing past research on Korean height during the colonial period
and suggesting a reasonable interpretation with regard to living standards. A
careful review supports the previously influential claim that average height
decreased from the birth cohorts of the 1920s until around 1950. Other
indicators of living standards closely related to the biological living standards of
the general populace such as unskilled wage, food consumption, and inequality
are consistent with height trends from the 1920s onwards, lending plausibility
to the traditionally prevalent thesis that Koreans experienced a decrease in
living standards as the colonial economic system took root in earnest. Recent
revisionist claims that the colonial period was a boon for Korean well-being
must be reconsidered.
Opinion pieces by Tay Jeong
Book Reviews by Tay Jeong
wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas
from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes
of each. First, we argue that the character of states
shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict
in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist
warfare but integrative states contributing to centreseeking
civil war. Second, we propose that the relative
power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war,
arguing that centre-seeking civil war is most common in
situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist
civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power
relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements
of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power
relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil
war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To
test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to
measure configurations of communal power and the state
antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood,
create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial
states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of
civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings
support our hypotheses.
French colonial rule differed in fundamental ways, and
recent works exploring colonial legacies build on these
claims to suggest that different forms of rule promoted contrasting
postcolonial outcomes. Yet many historians and
sociologists argue that claims of interimperial differences
are inaccurate, overlook important similarities among British
and French colonies, and overstate the influence of colonialism.
In this article, we test these opposing positions
through a multimethod analysis that focuses on the colonial
models of political community. Through a statistical analysis
of different colonial policies, we provide evidence that the
general British model of political community was relatively
pluralist whereas the French colonial model was usually
highly integrative. And through a comparative-historical
analysis, we offer insight into the different origins of both:
The French colonial model was influenced by the dominant
model in France and metropolitan political concerns,
whereas anticolonialism in India contributed to the rise and
proliferation of the more pluralist British model.
The editors' statement "Upon his request, Tay Jeong was given an opportunity to contribute to the forum" is a misrepresentation. Rather, I [Tay Jeong] was invited to contribute an article without ever having requested it first. This is not an important problem, but I'm mentioning it here for the record. The following is an excerpt from an email I received from Dr. Schaab-Hanke who is one of the editors.
"As you will see, Prof. Mittag and I have decided to open a forum for the issue Andrew Logie is rising, namely when does historical research tend to become a kind of pseudohistory, it it a very sensitive but also highly actual topic. Of course you are invited to send a response to Andrew Logie's indeed rather critical stance, and please feel free to defend your own position so that we may publish this in one of our upcoming issues."
현재 진행되고 있는 북-미 협상에서 미국이 북한에 지급할 보상의 개념과 그를 지칭 하는 용어는 비교적 뚜렷하게 구분되는 세 단계를 거치면서 정립된다. 제3기에 해당하 는 2018년 6월 이후 용어는 ‘security guarantee’, 객체는 DPRK로 공식화되는 것을 협상 당사국 및 관련국 고위인사들의 발언에서 확인할 수 있다. 그렇다면 한국 언론은 그동안 협상 당사자들이 사용한 이 용어를 어떻게 보도했는가? 원발언에 없는 ‘체제’라 는 개념을 임의로 덧붙인 보도가 많다는 점에 주목해 24개 주요 중앙지, 경제지, 방송
사의 보도 패턴을 분석했으며, 특히 제3기 외국 고위인사들의 ‘security guarantee’라 는 발언을 인용해 보도한 기사들을 자세히 살펴본다. 또한, 외신 보도와 비교해 인용의 정확성을 상대적으로 평가한다.
What is it that the United States is supposed to provide to the DPRK in the context of the ongoing negotiations on denuclearization? A thorough review of the statements of the important policymakers involved in the negotiation process reveals that the concept, as well as the term that refers to it, has developed in three relatively clearly demarcated stages over the past two years. In the third stage, which corresponds to the period after June 2018, virtually all the parties involved in the egotiations settled on the term “security guarantee” with the DPRK as the object. How, then, have the South Korean news media reported this term? This article reveals how it systematically distorted a key term in the ongoing negotiations by systematically inserting the term “regime” as the object
“security guarantee”. Particular attention will be paid to critically analyzing patterns of news reportage that cite the term “security guarantee” included in the statements of key foreign officials during the third stage.
living standards under Japanese colonial rule. Past studies tended to focus on
presenting novel data or calculation methods and insufficiently accounted for
the divergence of arguments in the literature. This paper attempts the task of
critically reviewing past research on Korean height during the colonial period
and suggesting a reasonable interpretation with regard to living standards. A
careful review supports the previously influential claim that average height
decreased from the birth cohorts of the 1920s until around 1950. Other
indicators of living standards closely related to the biological living standards of
the general populace such as unskilled wage, food consumption, and inequality
are consistent with height trends from the 1920s onwards, lending plausibility
to the traditionally prevalent thesis that Koreans experienced a decrease in
living standards as the colonial economic system took root in earnest. Recent
revisionist claims that the colonial period was a boon for Korean well-being
must be reconsidered.