Books by Simon McMahon
What is it like to travel to Europe over land and sea in order to secure a future for yourself an... more What is it like to travel to Europe over land and sea in order to secure a future for yourself and your family? Why are so many people willing to risk their lives crossing the Mediterranean? What are their hopes and fears? And why is Europe, one of the richest regions of the world, unable to cope?
Drawing on compelling first-hand accounts from 500 people who arrived on the shores of Europe in 2015, this important new book unpacks their routes, experiences and decisions. It provides a framework for understanding the dynamics underpinning recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean, casting new light on the ‘migration crisis’ and challenging politicians, policy makers and the media to rethink their understanding of why and how people move.
This Handbook discusses theoretical approaches to migration studies in general, as well as confro... more This Handbook discusses theoretical approaches to migration studies in general, as well as confronting various issues in international migration from a distinctive and unique international political economy perspective. With a focus on the relation between globalization and migration, the international political economy (IPE) theories of migration are systematically addressed.
Original new contributions from leading migration scholars offer a complete overview of international migration. They examine migration as part of a global political economy whilst addressing the theoretical debates relating to the capacity of the state to control international migration and the so called ‘policy gap’ or ‘gap hypothesis’ between migration policies and their outcomes. An examination of the relationship between regional integration and migration, with examples from Europe, North America, the Middle East and North Africa, as well as South-East Asia – is also included.
Aimed at political scientists and political economists with an interest in globalization and EU policymaking this collection will be accessible to students, academic and policymakers alike.
Immigration has become one of the most significant and emotionally charged social and political i... more Immigration has become one of the most significant and emotionally charged social and political issues of contemporary Europe. Public and political debates on immigration, however, differ greatly. This book asks how and why differences arise by examining public debates on Romanian migrants and the Roma minority in Italy and Spain. In so doing, it reveals what it means to become a citizen of an enlarging European Union facing economic crisis.
McMahon's study shows how political responses to immigration and negotiation of the terms of citizenship are mediated by political positioning and claims making. It is a contextual and contested process, and often therefore tells us more about the political dynamics in the host country than about the immigrants themselves. Analysing three levels of these dynamics: the national, the local dimension in the capital cities of Rome and Madrid and the cross-border dimension of transnational political and social relations, this book provides a rich insight into the politics of citizenship and will be a valuable resource to scholars of Political Science, Sociology, Political Economy and Anthropology.
The institution of citizenship has traditionally been understood as equal membership of a politic... more The institution of citizenship has traditionally been understood as equal membership of a political community. Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship comes at a time when this is undergoing a period of intense scrutiny. Academics have questioned the extent to which we can refer to unified, homogeneous national citizenries in a world characterised by globalisation, international migration, socio-cultural pluralism and regional devolution, whilst on the other hand in political practice we find the declared Death of Multiculturalism, policy-makers urging for active, responsible citizens, and members of social movements calling for a more equitative, equal and participatory democracy. Citizenship is being reassessed and redefined both from above and from below in politics and society. The contributions to this volume engage in analysis of the processes which are bringing about an evolution of our understanding of citizenship and the individual s relationship to the state, the polity and globalisation. Through empirical case studies, they highlight how in practice the terms of membership of a citizenry are negotiated in society through laws, political discourse, cultural associations, participatory processes, rituals and ceremonies. In doing so, these contributions offer an illustration of the diversity of venues and processes of citizenship and illustrate the benefits of an understanding of citizenship as a social practice. The book thus provides an opportunity to pose theoretical, practical and moral questions relating to these issues, as well as offering avenues for further research in the future.
Articles and reports by Simon McMahon
From 2014 to the end of 2016, over 450,000 people crossed from North Africa towards Italy via the... more From 2014 to the end of 2016, over 450,000 people crossed from North Africa towards Italy via the Central Mediterranean route. The number of people recorded as dead or missing in the same stretch of water steadily increased too. Crisis-talk in the region led to renewed efforts by the European Union and its Member States to govern and control migration to and across the Central Mediterranean. Against this backdrop, this article draws upon over 200 interviews with newly arrived boat migrants and 55 stakeholders in Italy to reveal a fundamental disjuncture between the drivers and dynamics of migration and the assumptions underpinning policy development, the saliency of which becomes apparent at three crucial junctions: along migration land routes; at sea; and upon arrival in Europe. In doing so, the article questions current ways of understanding journeys in research and policy, and highlights their consequences for the governance of migration.
Since 2008, dramatic economic crises have brought falling GDP, rapidly rising unemployment and pr... more Since 2008, dramatic economic crises have brought falling GDP, rapidly rising unemployment and pressure on government to limit public spending to Spain and Italy. These are two countries with similar experiences of migration but quite different politics of immigration over the past two decades, with public order and security concerns coming to the fore in Italy during the 1990s and 2000s, whilst there was a general avoidance of the issue in Spain. Spain and Italy therefore provide a useful opportunity to examine the interaction between the economic crisis and political debates on immigration. Examining political debates on immigration in the parliaments of both countries from 2008 to 2011, this paper finds that during the crisis there was not a mainstream negative politicisation of immigration in these countries, despite high migration flows, rising high unemployment, aggressive austerity from government and uncertainty regarding the economy. This is explained by showing how the political debate in each country is mediated by different configurations of public opinion, institutions and discursive structures.
In 2015 over a million people crossed the Mediterranean Sea by boat in search of safety and a bet... more In 2015 over a million people crossed the Mediterranean Sea by boat in search of safety and a better life in Europe as part of what became known as ‘the Mediterranean migration crisis’. But in fact, Italy had already been in a state of proclaimed crisis for years. Since at least 2011, with the arrival of thousands of north Africans in the shadow of the instability and violence that followed the Arab Spring, the Italian government has framed the arrival of migrants and refugees from across the sea as an ‘emergenza’.
Criticisms associated with Italy’s attempts to manage Mediterranean migration range from short-termism and a denial of refugees’ rights to widespread corruption and a criminalisation of solidarity. But less reported has been the impact it has had on research and the transparency of the treatment of refugees and migrants in the country.
This is a chapter in the report 'Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity' by the Institute of Race Relations
A summary can be seen here: http://www.irr.org.uk/news/eu-member-states-in-criminalising-humanitarians-are-feeding-europes-far-right/
The UK media's reporting of events in 2015 contained constantly evolving categorisations of peopl... more The UK media's reporting of events in 2015 contained constantly evolving categorisations of people attempting to reach Europe and the UK, each with different implications for their treatment. A discourse analysis of UK media outputs charts the development of the terminology used to present the crisis and those people involved. First, “Mediterranean migrant crisis” was used to present those involved as “migrants” to be prevented from reaching Europe. Next, it became a “Calais migrant crisis” in which migrants were constructed as a threat to UK security and then the “European migrant crisis” an ongoing threat to Europe. Photographs of a drowned child led to a shift to a “refugee crisis” in which refugees were presented in a humane and sympathetic way. When terrorist attacks were linked with the crisis, refugees reverted to migrants. Findings are discussed regarding the impact of categorisation on debates about the inclusion and exclusion of refugees.
Guest post for Border Criminologies by Simon McMahon, Research Fellow at the Centre for Trust, Pe... more Guest post for Border Criminologies by Simon McMahon, Research Fellow at the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations at Coventry University
Between September 2015 and November 2016 a team of researchers led by the Centre for Trust, Peace... more Between September 2015 and November 2016 a team of researchers led by the Centre for Trust, Peace and Social Relations (CTPSR) at Coventry University, working in collaboration with University of Birmingham’s Institute for Research into Superdiversity and the Centre on Migration, Policy and Society at the University of Oxford, conducted research into the ‘migration crisis’ at the borders of southern Europe.
The MEDMIG project provides the first large-scale, systematic and
comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, routes and aspirations of refugees and migrants in three EU Member States – Italy, Greece and Malta – and Turkey.
In 2015 an estimated 1,011,712 people crossed the Mediterranean to Europe in search of safety and... more In 2015 an estimated 1,011,712 people crossed the Mediterranean to Europe in search of safety and a better life. 3,770 are known to have died trying to make this journey1. Funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Department for International Development (DfID), the MEDMIG project examines the dynamics, determinants, drivers and infrastructures underpinning this recent migration across and loss of life in the Mediterranean. This research brief presents some of our findings in relation to the Central Mediterranean route from North Africa to Italy and Malta, exploring the dynamics of migration before, during and after the sea crossing. We will place particular focus on the motivations, routes and experiences of those making the journey and local, national and European Union (EU) policy responses.
“We must stop this carnage.” These five simple, powerful words were used by Italian Prime Ministe... more “We must stop this carnage.” These five simple, powerful words were used by Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi to describe the migration situation in the Mediterranean Sea in April 2015. But what happens once people have been taken to land? This essay takes a closer look at the situation in Italy, where there has been widespread entry of people into positions of precariousness and vulnerability, living in informal settlements, often without humanitarian protection or residence permits. It is a situation that highlights the longer-term implications of the crisis and the shortcomings of the responses that have so far been put in place.
In 2015 an estimated 1,011,712 people crossed the Mediterranean to Europe in search of safety and... more In 2015 an estimated 1,011,712 people crossed the Mediterranean to Europe in search of safety and a better life1. 3,770 are known to have died trying to make this journey. Funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and the Department for International Development (DfID), the MEDMIG project examines the dynamics, determinants, drivers and infrastructures underpinning this recent migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean.
This research brief provides an overview of the research that has been undertaken to date. It summarises our emerging findings in relation to the dynamics of the Central and Eastern Mediterranean routes, as well as the characteristics of those on the move and their journeys and trajectories. The brief also reflects on the implications on policy at the local, national and EU levels.
Victims and Villains explores how migrant voices and experiences are framed in Britain’s migratio... more Victims and Villains explores how migrant voices and experiences are framed in Britain’s migration debate, against the backdrop of a complex relationship between the media, political debate and public attitudes. We asked; were the voices and experiences of migrants present in media reporting on migration issues in the months leading up to the 2015 General Election? And if migrants were able to have a voice, how were their experiences and perspectives represented and framed?
Immigration has consistently been one of the most controversial political topics in many European... more Immigration has consistently been one of the most controversial political topics in many European countries over recent years. Much research has consequently focused on highlighting and describing negative views of immigrants which dominate political debate. This has been particularly the case in studies of Spain. Yet such studies rarely examine positive views of immigration or explain the dominance of some views over others. This article offers a distinct contribution by examining the contested framing of Romanian immigration in Madrid’s politics. At the same time that Romanian immigration has increased rapidly to form the largest single nationality population in the country and public opinion has registered specific concerns regarding this nationality, political debate has declared a ‘magnificent atmosphere’ of coexistence. The article explores why, highlighting the stability of discursive and institutional structures which emphasise values of democracy, equality and tolerance over potentially discriminatory acts and statements.
Dirty Cities: Towards a Political Economy of the Underground in Global Cities , Jul 2013
Over recent years, a significant body of theoretical and empirical analysis has explored the way ... more Over recent years, a significant body of theoretical and empirical analysis has explored the way that cross-border laws and flows of capital, ideas, people, goods and services in the current phase of globalisation have contributed to a blurring of the boundaries between local, national and international levels of politics, economics and social relations (see for example, Beck 2005, Castells 2000, Sassen 1996, 2008, Soysal 1994, Talani 2004, 2009, Walker 1993, 2010). In this context, cities have occupied a central role as nodes where such transnational flows are embedded (Castells 2000, 2009) and as hubs of power where financial and social networks are densely concentrated, from global information technology and the finance sector to local physical interaction and transaction between highly diverse peoples (Sassen 1991; 1994). Transformations such as these have posed a challenge to traditional conceptions of the state as holder of sovereign power over a fixed and bounded territorial space, but have also provided new opportunities for local and transnational political participation (Della Porta et al 2006; Sassen 1994). This study examines the social organisation and political participation of the Romanian immigrant population of the city of Rome with a view to gathering insights into these urban dynamics. It will illustrate how for many Romanian immigrants life in Italy’s capital is one of precarity, but for some these living conditions can also provide an opportunity for political mobilisation.
European University Institute Working Papers
In the opening months of 2011 thousands of migrants arrived on the small Italian island of Lamped... more In the opening months of 2011 thousands of migrants arrived on the small Italian island of Lampedusa. In their responses, national governments in Europe appeared to self-interestedly close their national borders, rather than establish a common protection of the Mediterranean border to ‘Fortress Europe’. Different border controls appeared in Lampedusa, the Italian peninsula and the Franco-Italian border. This paper examines this case and asks why controls arose in different times and places in Southern Europe. The border is conceptualised as a process of differentiation tied to politically contingent decision making processes in which Italian, French and European actors attempted to define the nature of the flows and the responses to take within the structural framework of the EU’s border regime. The analysis illustrates the political dynamics by which migration through Europe’s Southern border can be regulated and controlled in contextually contingent locations.
Journal of Contemporary European Studies, Aug 24, 2012
The article uses analysis of the legal status of Romanian nationals in Italy, where they constitu... more The article uses analysis of the legal status of Romanian nationals in Italy, where they constitute the largest immigrant population, to explore the question of the extent to which the formal institution of European Union citizenship has superseded national conceptions of citizenship. It is argued that, although EU citizenship has offered an opportunity for market-oriented rights, inclusion in the labour market and rights of residence, it is national citizenship that continues to outline the boundaries of full membership to the national community and the terms for distinguishing between natives and foreigners. Since 2007, Italian legislation has also ensured that EU citizens can be deported if not registered residents. Thus despite the expansion of Union citizenship, the Italian state reaffirms its sovereignty by imposing limits on the inclusion of Romanian nationals in the labour market and involvement in national politics, and by deporting Romanians on security grounds. The contemporary institution of citizenship in Italy should therefore be seen as a negotiation between the supranational institutional arrangement and the path dependency of national conceptions of citizenship and security-based approaches to immigration.
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Books by Simon McMahon
Drawing on compelling first-hand accounts from 500 people who arrived on the shores of Europe in 2015, this important new book unpacks their routes, experiences and decisions. It provides a framework for understanding the dynamics underpinning recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean, casting new light on the ‘migration crisis’ and challenging politicians, policy makers and the media to rethink their understanding of why and how people move.
Original new contributions from leading migration scholars offer a complete overview of international migration. They examine migration as part of a global political economy whilst addressing the theoretical debates relating to the capacity of the state to control international migration and the so called ‘policy gap’ or ‘gap hypothesis’ between migration policies and their outcomes. An examination of the relationship between regional integration and migration, with examples from Europe, North America, the Middle East and North Africa, as well as South-East Asia – is also included.
Aimed at political scientists and political economists with an interest in globalization and EU policymaking this collection will be accessible to students, academic and policymakers alike.
McMahon's study shows how political responses to immigration and negotiation of the terms of citizenship are mediated by political positioning and claims making. It is a contextual and contested process, and often therefore tells us more about the political dynamics in the host country than about the immigrants themselves. Analysing three levels of these dynamics: the national, the local dimension in the capital cities of Rome and Madrid and the cross-border dimension of transnational political and social relations, this book provides a rich insight into the politics of citizenship and will be a valuable resource to scholars of Political Science, Sociology, Political Economy and Anthropology.
Articles and reports by Simon McMahon
Criticisms associated with Italy’s attempts to manage Mediterranean migration range from short-termism and a denial of refugees’ rights to widespread corruption and a criminalisation of solidarity. But less reported has been the impact it has had on research and the transparency of the treatment of refugees and migrants in the country.
This is a chapter in the report 'Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity' by the Institute of Race Relations
A summary can be seen here: http://www.irr.org.uk/news/eu-member-states-in-criminalising-humanitarians-are-feeding-europes-far-right/
The MEDMIG project provides the first large-scale, systematic and
comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, routes and aspirations of refugees and migrants in three EU Member States – Italy, Greece and Malta – and Turkey.
This research brief provides an overview of the research that has been undertaken to date. It summarises our emerging findings in relation to the dynamics of the Central and Eastern Mediterranean routes, as well as the characteristics of those on the move and their journeys and trajectories. The brief also reflects on the implications on policy at the local, national and EU levels.
This project, funded by Ben and Jerry's, explored who drives dominant narratives on migration and diversity and their purpose. To answer this question we examined the factors that shape attitudes to migration and diversity in four case study countries: Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK, focusing in particular on the development of alternative narratives by a growing number of civil society and grass roots organisations, based on values of diversity, solidarity and human compassion.
A summary and video can be seen here: http://www.coventry.ac.uk/research/research-directories/current-projects/2017/beyond-fear-and-hate-mobilising-people-power-to-create-a-new-narrative-on-migration-and-diversity/
Drawing on compelling first-hand accounts from 500 people who arrived on the shores of Europe in 2015, this important new book unpacks their routes, experiences and decisions. It provides a framework for understanding the dynamics underpinning recent unprecedented levels of migration across, and loss of life in, the Mediterranean, casting new light on the ‘migration crisis’ and challenging politicians, policy makers and the media to rethink their understanding of why and how people move.
Original new contributions from leading migration scholars offer a complete overview of international migration. They examine migration as part of a global political economy whilst addressing the theoretical debates relating to the capacity of the state to control international migration and the so called ‘policy gap’ or ‘gap hypothesis’ between migration policies and their outcomes. An examination of the relationship between regional integration and migration, with examples from Europe, North America, the Middle East and North Africa, as well as South-East Asia – is also included.
Aimed at political scientists and political economists with an interest in globalization and EU policymaking this collection will be accessible to students, academic and policymakers alike.
McMahon's study shows how political responses to immigration and negotiation of the terms of citizenship are mediated by political positioning and claims making. It is a contextual and contested process, and often therefore tells us more about the political dynamics in the host country than about the immigrants themselves. Analysing three levels of these dynamics: the national, the local dimension in the capital cities of Rome and Madrid and the cross-border dimension of transnational political and social relations, this book provides a rich insight into the politics of citizenship and will be a valuable resource to scholars of Political Science, Sociology, Political Economy and Anthropology.
Criticisms associated with Italy’s attempts to manage Mediterranean migration range from short-termism and a denial of refugees’ rights to widespread corruption and a criminalisation of solidarity. But less reported has been the impact it has had on research and the transparency of the treatment of refugees and migrants in the country.
This is a chapter in the report 'Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity' by the Institute of Race Relations
A summary can be seen here: http://www.irr.org.uk/news/eu-member-states-in-criminalising-humanitarians-are-feeding-europes-far-right/
The MEDMIG project provides the first large-scale, systematic and
comparative study of the backgrounds, experiences, routes and aspirations of refugees and migrants in three EU Member States – Italy, Greece and Malta – and Turkey.
This research brief provides an overview of the research that has been undertaken to date. It summarises our emerging findings in relation to the dynamics of the Central and Eastern Mediterranean routes, as well as the characteristics of those on the move and their journeys and trajectories. The brief also reflects on the implications on policy at the local, national and EU levels.
This project, funded by Ben and Jerry's, explored who drives dominant narratives on migration and diversity and their purpose. To answer this question we examined the factors that shape attitudes to migration and diversity in four case study countries: Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK, focusing in particular on the development of alternative narratives by a growing number of civil society and grass roots organisations, based on values of diversity, solidarity and human compassion.
A summary and video can be seen here: http://www.coventry.ac.uk/research/research-directories/current-projects/2017/beyond-fear-and-hate-mobilising-people-power-to-create-a-new-narrative-on-migration-and-diversity/
Efforts to enable people to escape from situations of slavery, violence and exploitation in Libya are certainly welcome. But they will need to go beyond the short-term perspective that so often accompanies responses to proclamations of crisis. And these new efforts will reek of hypocrisy if they do not also recognise the relationship between existing migration control policies and the vulnerability of migrants using routes into and through Libya.
Full article here: https://theconversation.com/slave-auctions-in-libya-are-the-latest-evidence-of-a-reality-for-migrants-the-eu-prefers-to-ignore-88589
Full article here: https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/09/08/from-the-beast-to-broken-shoes-shifting-dangers-in-southern-mexico
Full article here: https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/08/29/why-its-too-early-to-call-rise-in-refugee-boats-to-spain-a-crisis
Full article here: https://theconversation.com/is-spain-really-facing-a-new-migration-crisis-82951
Leggi tutto l'articolo qua: http://www.meltingpot.org/Il-controllo-dei-confini-e-la-vita-precaria-dei-migranti-in.html
This is a risky move. Prohibiting rescued migrants from arriving in ports is unlikely to be possible in practice and could go against international law. In the meantime, the political rhetoric is poisoning the way search and rescue at sea is seen in Italy and giving credence to the anti-migrant views of an emboldened far-right. What happens next will be a major test of Europe’s capacity to come up with better ways of responding to migration across the Mediterranean.
Full article here: https://theconversation.com/italys-bluff-to-close-its-ports-to-migrant-boats-heightens-tensions-in-the-mediterranean-80428
One of the key problems being faced on Europe’s southern borders is the difficulty in processing asylum decisions at a pace that can keep up with the numbers of new arrivals. As Simon McMahon writes, the establishment of so called ‘hot spot’ reception centres in areas hit by the current crisis has been proposed as a mechanism for quickly identifying valid asylum claims. However he argues that while this approach may have its merits, grey areas exist, with many individuals having their status determined by arbitrary judgements that risk denying them their right to protection.
At first glance, migration to the island seems to be managed in an orderly way; the new arrivals are kept behind security fences and far from the eyes of the general public. Yet in many places, confusion reigns behind the façade. As part of the authorities' efforts to fast-track processing of arrivals, expulsion orders have been handed out to groups of people who don’t understand the implications – potentially in defiance of international law.
And yet the views expressed in public opinion surveys are often based on misinformation and false assumptions. This matters because it restricts the available space for envisioning and debating different approaches to the issue.
Full article here: http://classonline.org.uk/blog/item/too-often-public-opinion-about-migration-is-based-on-false-information
Full article here: https://theconversation.com/the-pointless-migration-numbers-game-does-more-harm-than-good-46717
Back in April, Europe’s leaders were keen to take rapid action to address what they saw as a humanitarian emergency. Now, however, it is telling that the issue is on the agenda as a “Security Challenge”. Humanitarian measures aimed at improving the welfare of migrants have been thin on the ground, and are getting thinner.
Such comments follow a trend that has seen Sarkozy lambast foreigners and their influence on French life. His motives are clear: raising fears of immigration being out of control in order to in order to court the vote of the far-right National Front by proposing tough security measures. Blaming this apparent lack of control on the weakness of the EU also absolves his incumbent government of any responsibility.
However, in doing so Sarkozy also oversimplifies and misrepresents the EU's policies on border control and immigration. Despite the dramatic images of boats in the Mediterranean and camps at Calais suggesting that borders are repeatedly breached by cunning illegal immigrants, the reality is that governments have not entirely lost control in the way that they suggest, but instead reorganised and repositioned their controls.
The original Schengen agreement of 1985 was praised for enabling the free movement of citizens by abolishing border controls between member states. It was presented as a cornerstone for the construction of a European society. But critics stated that the abolition of checks between member states would also open the doors to illegal migration by taking away the ability of national governments to choose who enters and stays in their countries. A range of security measures were therefore introduced as a counterweight.
Today, migrants from outside the EU can be denied entry to member states for "not having enough funds" or if considered a "threat to public policy, internal security, public health or the international relations of any of the member states". Governments also have the freedom to reintroduce border controls for 30 days where there is "a serious threat to public policy or internal security", which has since 1995 been carried out repeatedly by various countries. Also, while declaring the abolishment of border checks between member states the EU has provided for an upgrading of security measures and controls within them.
A Schengen information system database on possible illegal or undesirable migrants seeking entry to the EU, the Eurodac fingerprint database of asylum seekers, a DNA database on potential criminals, terrorists and illegal immigrants, a common visa scheme and cross-border policing have ensured that the European Commission and national governments are able to keep track of who enters their countries, for how long and for what reasons. These governments can, of course, also still deport migrants, a measure which was extended by the EU free movement directive of 2004 to include EU citizens deemed to pose a threat to public policy, public security or public health.
Sarkozy's comments misrepresent the terms of the Schengen agreement and its related policies, which aim to maintain strong and effective security controls on the entry and activity of foreigners in Europe. Blaming Europe for illegal immigration also overlooks the fact that in France these controls must be put into practice by French border guards, police officers and judges. In short, if there is a problem of illegal immigration in France, then it is a French problem. Indeed, the record level of deportations seen in 2011, as well as the recent expulsion of Roma populations, are clear examples of the French government taking advantage of these rules.
The focus on security measures in European rules on borders, immigration and free movement has already compromised the EU's hopes of establishing a society of mobile, equal citizens and been criticised for not standing up to the terms of the European charter of fundamental rights. A further push for controls such as suggested by Sarkozy's populist rhetoric would surely take them even further away from these ideals.
Kept at the island's port, the refugees built themselves tents from plastic sheets and waited for the government to prepare its plans. The conditions at the camp have been severely criticised by NGOs – particularly Médecins Sans Frontières, the Red Cross, and Amnesty International – as a nightmare unfit for human existence. The migrants themselves have complained of being treated as animals. Last Thursday and Friday almost 2,000 refugees were transferred to Taranto in the southern region of Puglia, and the remaining 4,000 on the island are gradually being taken elsewhere. Last night, a boat carrying 200 refugees capsized off the coast of the island; 150 people are still missing.
The reaction from Italy's leaders has been unequivocal: the refugees' presence is only temporary. Likening the crisis to a "human tsunami" engulfing the country, a tsunami made up of "5,000 Tunisian citizens who are not particularly acceptable", Silvio Berlusconi has offered deportation as the only resolution, promising to get the migrants out of the way and life on Lampedusa back to normal in a matter of days.
This response should not come as a surprise. For the past two decades the political debate on immigration and asylum in Italy has been dominated by those equating the presence of foreigners to increased crime and insecurity, calling for the closing of Italy's borders, a stepping up of internal security measures and the deportation of undocumented migrants. In the current situation this discourse of security and expulsion has permeated the government's practice.
This explains the Italian foreign minister's current attempt to find any willing takers on to which to pass the north African migrants. However, his hands are tied by European Union legislation, namely the Dublin convention of 1990, stating that applications for asylum in the EU must be processed in the country of arrival. So, despite the fact that many of the migrants are not even intending to remain in Italy, with thousands attempting to reach relatives in France, they are unable to cross the border until their applications have been processed.
The Italian government faces a dilemma. Its goal is to get rid of the migrants without granting thousands of visas. But in order to pass migrants on to other EU member states, it must first grant asylum status and permission to reside in Italy. These are thousands of the very foreigners they have spent so long trying to keep out.
The answer for the Berlusconi government is to send them back to Africa. However, in ensuring that the migrant's presence is temporary, the Berlusconi government has failed to ensure adequate levels of care in Italy. Indeed, although the arrival of the refugees has been called a humanitarian crisis, the response has had little of the "humanitarian" about it.
Reinforcing the temporary nature of their presence, the migrants are to be housed in camps far removed from Italian society to await their deportation orders. But while NGOs complain about a shortage of drinking water, a lack of sanitation and poor sleeping arrangements, the interior minister Roberto Maroni promises increased surveillance, an increased police presence by 150%, a horse-back security force to patrol the camp perimeter, and other measures included in a "security pact" with regional government.
This is not a humanitarian response. This is a military-security mission designed to ensure the foreigners are kept separate and sent away as quickly as possible. By concentrating on the expulsion of migrants through the use of public order and security measures, the very rights, freedoms and humanitarian assistance that Europe's leaders claim to be supporting in north Africa have been denied within Europe's borders. But with more refugees expected to leave Libya over the coming weeks, this should not just be seen as a problem for Rome but a challenge for Brussels, too.
The seeds of this long-running debate were sown in 2002 by David Blunkett’s emphasis ↑ on the importance of migrants speaking English in order to integrate. In 2007, Ruth Kelly ↑ brought the subject into the spotlight by claiming that translation services removed the incentive of foreigners to learn English, and consequently inhibited their integration. Such arguments, presented within a framework that saw British national identity as under threat from immigration, were criticised ↑ for xenophobia and for their implication that immigrants should assimilate rather than integrate.
Meanwhile, a great deal of research has been conducted on the English language not as a marker of identity but as a facilitator of social capital ↑ . Such papers as the ‘Our Shared Future’ report ↑ of 2007 and the Home Office Green Paper ‘The Path to Citizenship’ ↑ of 2008 presented language abilities as crucial in enabling individuals to build relationships and interpersonal networks in order to publicly voice their opinions, socially integrate on a local level, and find employment. They also proposed funding to widen the opportunities for learning the English language.
In the light of this debate, the comments made by Cameron and Hopkins are a cause for concern and risk alienating rather than integrating non-English speakers. Firstly, there is no qualification of how many are ‘too many children’ who do not speak English. Secondly, whereas previously there was a concern for facilitating English acquisition among speakers of other languages, these latest comments suggest this is to be replaced by a blaming of foreigners for not learning. We are on dangerous ground here. There are many cultural, economic and physical barriers affecting the ability of some to learn a foreign language. Signalling those who do not learn as unwilling to integrate illustrates a lack of understanding of their social situation and risks fuelling social exclusion by emphasising and stigmatizing their differences from the rest of society.
A common language is intended to assist different cultural groups to communicate and better understand each other. Yet, as noted by Vaughan Jones in June 2010, this is only possible where the channels and opportunities for learning are opened up and made available to all. To achieve this, the political classes would do well to develop greater understanding of the situation of migrant communities in Britain.