Papers by Salim Cevik
Muhafazaka? r du? şu? nce, 2008
ÖZET Türk ulusal kimliğinin oluşum sürecinde dine biçilen rol üzerine yapılan analizler iki uç ar... more ÖZET Türk ulusal kimliğinin oluşum sürecinde dine biçilen rol üzerine yapılan analizler iki uç arasında savrulmaktadır. Ya laik Türk ulusçuluğunun dine hiçbir hayat hakkı tanımadığı, ya da tam tersine, Türk ulusal kimliğinin Sünni İslam ekseninde şekillendiği iddia edilmiştir. Bu indirgemeci yaklaşımlar, konunun çetrefilli karakterini göstermekten uzaktır. Bu yazıda, konuyu daha iyi analiz edebilmek için, kendi tarihsel tecrübemiz milliyetçilik literatürünün birikimleri ışığında ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. Batı dışı topluluklarda, uluslar modernleşmenin bir sonucu değil, modernleşebilmenin bir vesilesi olarak ortaya çık(arıl)mışlardır. Özellikle bir imparatorluktan ulus devlet yaratma çabaları kaçınılmaz olarak toplumu homojenleştirmeyi hedeflemiştir. Din bu homojenleşmenin önemli bir aracıdır. Dinin ulusal kimlikte oynadığı çelişkili rol dinin ulus oluşumunun farklı safhalarındaki rolunün değişmesinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Dinin ulusal kimlikteki yerini belir-leyen unsur dinin toplumu homojenleştirme açısından oynadığı rolle ilgilidir. Din ulus oluşumunun ilk safhasında toplumun homojenleştirilmesi için önemli bir işlev görmiş ve bu süreçte milli kimlik din eksenli tanımlanmıştır. Gayrimüslimlerin büyük oranda ülkeden ayrılmasıyla beraber, din bu işlevini yitirmiş ve daha ileri düzeyde bir homojenleşme laik bir etnik kimlik vurgusuyla sağlanmaya çalışılmış-tır. Dinin ulus oluşumundaki rolü iki yüzlüdür; ilk safhada merkezi unsur iken
Turkey’s accusations against Sweden and Finland are informed by a purposefully broad and vague de... more Turkey’s accusations against Sweden and Finland are informed by a purposefully broad and vague definition of terrorism that cannot be accepted by democratic countries
SWP-Comment, 2022
In the early hours of 18 April, Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) launched a military operation inside N... more In the early hours of 18 April, Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) launched a military operation inside Northern Iraq dubbed Claw-Lock. Simultaneously, Turkey intensified its military activities in Syria. Furthermore, on 23 May, President Tayyip Erdoğan announced that Turkey will soon start a new military operation in Syria. These moves reflect Turkey’s new military strategy, based on area control, against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). So far, this new approach has yielded military success. However, it is precisely military success that is reinforcing the tendency to deal with the Kurdish problem only in terms of security and military solutions and to rule out any long-term political solution to the problem. Europe should continue to support efforts towards seeking a solution that also addresses the political dimensions of the problem.
Muharrem İnce was the presidential candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The election... more Muharrem İnce was the presidential candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The election results did not reflect the hopes İnce had created, and his ineptitude in managing the post-election process further undermined his popularity and credibility. However, İnce’s inclusive appeals throughout the campaign suggest a potentially successful approach for opposition parties in general and the CHP in particular. To challenge President Erdoğan effectively, they need to mitigate the significance of identity politics.
Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2021
Erdoğan’s chances of being reelected are decreasing due to severe economic downturn a... more Erdoğan’s chances of being reelected are decreasing due to severe economic downturn and the emergence of credible and able challengers to his rule. Nonetheless, a post-Erdoğan era would not automatically spell democracy for Turkey, especially when observing the country’s authoritarian practices even before Erdoğan came onto the scene. Thus, Turkish opposition not only has to be successful in the upcoming elections but also make deliberate efforts aimed at overcoming the country’s democratic challenges embodied in the strong state structure and elite resistance to pluralism, both of which operate at the expense of individual rights for a consolidated democracy in the country.
The recent emergence of two splinter parties from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) points ... more The recent emergence of two splinter parties from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) points to a deepening crisis within the party and growing discontent toward party leader and president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Although the leaders of the two new parties, Ali Babacan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, are both former high-ranking AKP politicians, they differ significantly in their style of politics and ideological leanings. Babacan is trying to position himself at the center of Turkey’s ideological spectrum and emphasize issues of good governance and the rule of law. Davutoğlu is aiming for the more conservative voters, focusing on the moral shortcomings of the current regime. Davutoğlu’s strategy has better chances in the short term, whereas Babacan is poised for a long game. The importance of both parties relies on their potential to attract votes from the AKP base. In a country that is deeply divided into two almost equal-sized camps that support Erdoğan and oppose him, even a small fraction of votes shifting from the AKP to the opposition can be a game changer.
Orta Dogu'da Devlet Alti Gruplar, 2015
Pakistan bugün uluslararası medya ve düşünce kuruluşları tarafından sıklıkla failed state (çökmüş... more Pakistan bugün uluslararası medya ve düşünce kuruluşları tarafından sıklıkla failed state (çökmüş devlet) olarak tanımlanmaktadır. 1 Bu tanımın arkasında devletin güvenlik, adalet ve eğitim gibi en temel işlevlerini dahi yerine getirmesindeki başarısızlık kadar "Pakistan fikrinin" 2 bir proje olarak başarısız olduğu iddiası da yatmaktadır. Pakistan'da bir devlet krizinin yanı sıra ve belki daha önemli olarak bir ulus olma krizinin yaşandığı söylenebilir. Bu bağlamda ünlü Pakistan'lı siyaset bilimci Khaleed B. Sayyed Pakistan'ın zayıf da olsa bir devlete sahip olduğu ama bir ulusa sahip olmadığını söylemiştir. 3 Yani bir ulus olarak Pakistan projesi Pakistan'ı oluşturan halklar tarafından artık kabul görmemektedir ve devletin meşruiyeti zedelenmiştir. Pakistan ulus kimliğinin toplumsal kabul görmesinin önünde en büyük engel olarak ulus altı kimliklerin gücünün yattığı ileri sürülebilir. Önemli bir Peştun milliyetçisi olan Veli Han'ın şu sözleri tam da bu sıkıntıya
Muhafazakar Dusunce, 2008
ÖZET Türk ulusal kimliğinin oluşum sürecinde dine biçilen rol üzerine yapılan analizler iki uç ar... more ÖZET Türk ulusal kimliğinin oluşum sürecinde dine biçilen rol üzerine yapılan analizler iki uç arasında savrulmaktadır. Ya laik Türk ulusçuluğunun dine hiçbir hayat hakkı tanımadığı, ya da tam tersine, Türk ulusal kimliğinin Sünni İslam ekseninde şekillendiği iddia edilmiştir. Bu indirgemeci yaklaşımlar, konunun çetrefilli karakterini göstermekten uzaktır. Bu yazıda, konuyu daha iyi analiz edebilmek için, kendi tarihsel tecrübemiz milliyetçilik literatürünün birikimleri ışığında ele alınmaya çalışılmıştır. Batı dışı topluluklarda, uluslar modernleşmenin bir sonucu değil, modernleşebilmenin bir vesilesi olarak ortaya çık(arıl)mışlardır. Özellikle bir imparatorluktan ulus devlet yaratma çabaları kaçınılmaz olarak toplumu homojenleştirmeyi hedeflemiştir. Din bu homojenleşmenin önemli bir aracıdır. Dinin ulusal kimlikte oynadığı çelişkili rol dinin ulus oluşumunun farklı safhalarındaki rolunün değişmesinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Dinin ulusal kimlikteki yerini belir-leyen unsur dinin toplumu homojenleştirme açısından oynadığı rolle ilgilidir. Din ulus oluşumunun ilk safhasında toplumun homojenleştirilmesi için önemli bir işlev görmiş ve bu süreçte milli kimlik din eksenli tanımlanmıştır. Gayrimüslimlerin büyük oranda ülkeden ayrılmasıyla beraber, din bu işlevini yitirmiş ve daha ileri düzeyde bir homojenleşme laik bir etnik kimlik vurgusuyla sağlanmaya çalışılmış-tır. Dinin ulus oluşumundaki rolü iki yüzlüdür; ilk safhada merkezi unsur iken
Orient, 2019
Despite being merely a municipal election, the 31 March 2019 elections in Turkey will be a waters... more Despite being merely a municipal election, the 31 March 2019 elections in Turkey will be a watershed event in the Turkish political history. This article depicts two crucial features of Turkish Politics; competitive authoritarian nature of the political regime and the dominance of identity politics and cleavages in the political life. These two features weighed heavily in this election as well, but the election process and its immediate aftermath also demonstrated tectonic changes in both features. As such, the long-term implications of this election would go far beyond the limits of a local election.
Tayyip Erdoğan’s management of the religious realm in Turkey relies on three different but compl... more Tayyip Erdoğan’s management of the religious realm in Turkey relies on three different but complementary components: i) using state institutions and resources to define and control the religious discourse and life, ii) incorporating religious communities and organisations into the party and state institutions, and iii) forming new religious organisations and communities through family-controlled religious foundations (vakıf).
Muharrem İnce was the presidential candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The election... more Muharrem İnce was the presidential candidate of the Republican People’s Party (CHP). The election results did not reflect the hopes İnce had created, and his ineptitude in managing the post-election process further undermined his popularity and credibility. However, İnce’s inclusive appeals throughout the campaign suggest a potentially
successful approach for opposition parties in general and the CHP in particular. To challenge President Erdoğan effectively, they need to mitigate the significance of identity politics.
Middle East Critique, 2013
Since 2011, the Arab uprisings, signaling a new wave of political mobilization, have restored bel... more Since 2011, the Arab uprisings, signaling a new wave of political mobilization, have restored belief in the potential for civil society to make democratic openings. Nevertheless, the academic literature up to the present has attributed the enduring authoritarianism in the Middle East region to the weakness or dominantly Islamist nature of civil society and promoted the development of secular platforms. This article argues that the discussion about civil society is misplaced, and the democratic potential of civil society is not related to its being Islamic or secular, but rather to its attachment to the state. For this purpose, it examines the emergence of a secularist civil societal current in Turkey with special focus on one of its major manifestations, the Republic Rallies in 2007.
Estudios Politicos, Jun 1, 2011
mixed by Salim Cevik
Conference (PROGRAM-Abstract-pdf)
Myths and Narratives of Habsburg and Ottoman Multinationalism ... more Conference (PROGRAM-Abstract-pdf)
Myths and Narratives of Habsburg and Ottoman Multinationalism 1848–1918
1–3 November 2018, Copenhagen
Conference Presentations by Salim Cevik
Talks by Salim Cevik
Program and abstracts from a conference comparing the late Ottoman and Hapsburg projects and thei... more Program and abstracts from a conference comparing the late Ottoman and Hapsburg projects and their legacies - real and imagined - today. A book gathering the interdisciplinary chapters from history, politics, international relations, sociology, comparative literature, and cultural studies is forthcoming.
Thesis Chapters by Salim Cevik
This study investigates the role of religion in nation building processes of Turkey and Pakistan.... more This study investigates the role of religion in nation building processes of Turkey and Pakistan. Current literature on these two countries is divided between those who claim that Islam was an essential arm of nation-building and those who claim that the role of Islam, if there was any, was merely instrumental and strategic. In that it reflects the divide in the wider literature on nationalism; between those who consider nationalism as a modern and secular(izing) phenomenon and those who underline the importance of pre-modern identities in general and religion in particular in the nation formation.
This thesis aims to go beyond this dichotomy by pointing that religion in any nation-building plays a much more complex role. It can be crucial for nation-building at a certain stage, but it may be useless, irrelevant or even an impediment at another stage of nation-building. This dissertation argues that since nation-building is a process of homogenization, the role of religion can be best analyzed through its contribution to this process at the national level.
Assimilation and exclusion are two means of homogenization and religion often contributes to national homogenization by excluding members of different religious communities. This is particularly true for the multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies, with an imperial legacy.
By understanding nation-building largely as a process of homogenization, this thesis builds on the legacy of Ernest Gellner and his works on nationalism. However, it aims to go beyond Gellner by bringing the role of religion to the process of homogenization. Another important aspect of this study is that homogenization is discussed in the context of the emergence of modern state and the transition from empire to nation-state.
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Papers by Salim Cevik
successful approach for opposition parties in general and the CHP in particular. To challenge President Erdoğan effectively, they need to mitigate the significance of identity politics.
mixed by Salim Cevik
Myths and Narratives of Habsburg and Ottoman Multinationalism 1848–1918
1–3 November 2018, Copenhagen
Conference Presentations by Salim Cevik
https://modernity.ku.dk/calendar/myths-and-narratives-of-habsburg-and-ottoman-multinationalism-1848-1918/
Talks by Salim Cevik
Thesis Chapters by Salim Cevik
This thesis aims to go beyond this dichotomy by pointing that religion in any nation-building plays a much more complex role. It can be crucial for nation-building at a certain stage, but it may be useless, irrelevant or even an impediment at another stage of nation-building. This dissertation argues that since nation-building is a process of homogenization, the role of religion can be best analyzed through its contribution to this process at the national level.
Assimilation and exclusion are two means of homogenization and religion often contributes to national homogenization by excluding members of different religious communities. This is particularly true for the multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies, with an imperial legacy.
By understanding nation-building largely as a process of homogenization, this thesis builds on the legacy of Ernest Gellner and his works on nationalism. However, it aims to go beyond Gellner by bringing the role of religion to the process of homogenization. Another important aspect of this study is that homogenization is discussed in the context of the emergence of modern state and the transition from empire to nation-state.
successful approach for opposition parties in general and the CHP in particular. To challenge President Erdoğan effectively, they need to mitigate the significance of identity politics.
Myths and Narratives of Habsburg and Ottoman Multinationalism 1848–1918
1–3 November 2018, Copenhagen
https://modernity.ku.dk/calendar/myths-and-narratives-of-habsburg-and-ottoman-multinationalism-1848-1918/
This thesis aims to go beyond this dichotomy by pointing that religion in any nation-building plays a much more complex role. It can be crucial for nation-building at a certain stage, but it may be useless, irrelevant or even an impediment at another stage of nation-building. This dissertation argues that since nation-building is a process of homogenization, the role of religion can be best analyzed through its contribution to this process at the national level.
Assimilation and exclusion are two means of homogenization and religion often contributes to national homogenization by excluding members of different religious communities. This is particularly true for the multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies, with an imperial legacy.
By understanding nation-building largely as a process of homogenization, this thesis builds on the legacy of Ernest Gellner and his works on nationalism. However, it aims to go beyond Gellner by bringing the role of religion to the process of homogenization. Another important aspect of this study is that homogenization is discussed in the context of the emergence of modern state and the transition from empire to nation-state.