When the United States invaded Iraq in April 2003, it attempted to change an internal political s... more When the United States invaded Iraq in April 2003, it attempted to change an internal political situation by toppling Saddam Hussein's regime,which was supposed to establish democracy. Then, following the plan fora new Middle East promoted by the neo-conservatives (Yetiv 2007, Little 2008), other countries might be reshuffled and, in a few years, the clash of civilizations as described by Samuel Huntington (1996) would be over. This perspective collapsed soon after, as Iraq entered a deep and long internal crisis. Violence, sectarianism, massive waves of refugees and, in return, a deep moral crisis in the United States could be seen between 2003 and 2011. Rather than focusing once again on the Iraqi crisis, a topic which has occasionedsome very insightful studies and has scholars' interest back to this country (Allawi 2007, DeFronzo 2010, Haddad 2011, Keegan 2004, Tejel et al. 2013), I will argue in the present chapter that the "Iraqi-American war" of 2003 impacted the whole region, and that its effects on the populations in neighbouring countries need to be studied as elements of the crisis. While researchers have considered refugees and refugee settlements (Doraï 2009), the indirect outcomes of the crisis have been overshadowed by the direct and highly mediatized violence that spread across Iraq. However, this crisis cannot be isolated from the regional stage, nor can its 201 importance be underestimated; indeed, an "Iraq War generation" emerged from these events. I will attempt to show how the televised destruction of Baghdad and the increase in sectarian violence (as the war made things worse), the image of Saddam as an ordinary man in the face of death, the influx of refugees fleeing Iraq and the everyday interactions with these refugeesthe impact of the Iraq War onthe neighbouring countriesconverged with other important social trends to shape a new age group. The Syrian situation highlights the crisis' regional echoes. A generation there developed a new way of looking at the world around it, a view that was shaped by the events it had suffered. Certainly, it is not possible to reduce the social transformation of Syria in the last decade to the social and cultural effectsof foreign events. I will argue that a whole set of phenomena led to the emergence of a new group in Syria, which might be called the Iraq War generation. It is this phenomenon that created the underpinnings of the current protest movements in Syria. It has been argued that the so-called Arab spring was produced by youth, leading some Middle Eastern specialists such as Thierry Boissiere (2012) to speak about a 'new generation' that emerged from current events. Others have emphasizeda'lost' generation (Hosseini 2014). These analyses are relevant to the change introduced by the conflict, but they overlook the pre-existing patterns of Syrian society that made the uprising possible. It is necessary to define the term 'generation' in order to clarify its use. The word "generation" refers to a certain mass of population sharing the same age group. But, as Karl Mannheim (1972) 202 argues, the criterion of age is not sufficient, 1 as such agroup is unified by experiencing a common event which frames its perception of the world. Within this general perspective, wars have beenhighlighted as a useful criterion for understanding generational processes. Jean-François Sirinelli (2008) refined this notion by underlining the limits of Mannheim's conception.Mannheimemphasizes an event as crucial to sparking generational emergence while,to the contrary, Sirinelli (2008) foregrounds the diversity of trajectories of different groups in the same generation. He does not refuse to identifysome age groups as generations, but uses them as a key factor to clarify the social changes that occur during a certain period. Academic studies have linked generations and youth. Focusing on the latter allows many researchers to target the former. It seems obvious that,for some analyses, inquiring about a generation implies tackling the trajectory taken byyouth. This approach provesrelevantand I will adopt itbut it is important toclarifyits underlying hypothesis. First, it is clear that a generation might designate age groups other than youth. For example, in Syria, generations emerged from the series of wars between Israel and Arab countries.In his memoirs, Bashīr al-Azmih called his generation the "generation of the defeat," to remind the public how the dissolutionof the United Arab Republic constituted a clear breaking point in the trajectories of the country and its population (al-`Azmih 1991). However, in considering the new order in Syria 1 More generally on the notion of generation and its use in social sciences, see Attias Donfut 1988, 38-43. 203 from 2000 onwards, the youth seem to be the main group thatconducted the uprising in Syria. Second, while some studies have been undertaken on Arab youth, they have focused on countries other than Syria. 2 If Syrian studies haveseen a renewal since 2000, 3 mainly due to better access to fieldwork, mainstream research addressesculture, social life, the religious apparatus, and foreign policy. This research has not paid attention to the youth in Syria as an issue for 207
situation and those of other countries (France, Israel, and South Africa, among others) and to pa... more situation and those of other countries (France, Israel, and South Africa, among others) and to pay special attention to international courts. Regrettably, there is very little material on the East, or on all of China. Representing Justice is teeming with stimulating ideas such as "visual accessibility." Others are more problematic, such as "transnational iconography." Is the Lady of Justice really transnational? Is she not specific to the West? How do the Chinese perceive this representation of justice as a naked woman? Would it not have been preferable to approach this very rich material in terms of confrontational symbolism? It is not a crippling flaw because, on many occasions, the authors situate architectures in their cultural contexts. For example, they explain the architect's project for the Supreme Court of Israel, one of the most impressive judicial buildings in the world. The result is a splendid book that will serve as a starting point for students, but also for judges and lawyers. It will provide them with a very detailed overview of a dimension of law and courts that they have to deal with, whether they choose to or not. Scholars will take advantage of the very exhaustive bibliography and end notes that close the book (223 pages). This is a monumental work from the perspective of both the subject and the dimension. It is a very informative tool for everyone interested in law and courts. Mention must be made of the extraordinarily rich iconography: all the major representations, symbols, and buildings in the United States, as well as in the rest of the world (that is, almost all of them because there are very few from the non-Western world). This work is more than a book on the representations of justice: it is a fundamental book, which defines a new field of research, frames debates, and generates controversies.
Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. Distribution électronique Cairn... more Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit. Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse https://www.cairn.info/revue-vingtieme-siecle-revue-d-histoire-2014-4-page-47.htm Découvrir le sommaire de ce numéro, suivre la revue par email, s'abonner... Flashez ce QR Code pour accéder à la page de ce numéro sur Cairn.info. L'avènement des régimes militaires au Moyen-Orient Une relecture du « temps des révolutions » Henry Laurens (2) Parmi les analyses contemporaines des différents pays arabes, voir
When the United States invaded Iraq in April 2003, it attempted to change an internal political s... more When the United States invaded Iraq in April 2003, it attempted to change an internal political situation by toppling Saddam Hussein's regime,which was supposed to establish democracy. Then, following the plan fora new Middle East promoted by the neo-conservatives (Yetiv 2007, Little 2008), other countries might be reshuffled and, in a few years, the clash of civilizations as described by Samuel Huntington (1996) would be over. This perspective collapsed soon after, as Iraq entered a deep and long internal crisis. Violence, sectarianism, massive waves of refugees and, in return, a deep moral crisis in the United States could be seen between 2003 and 2011. Rather than focusing once again on the Iraqi crisis, a topic which has occasionedsome very insightful studies and has scholars' interest back to this country (Allawi 2007, DeFronzo 2010, Haddad 2011, Keegan 2004, Tejel et al. 2013), I will argue in the present chapter that the "Iraqi-American war" of 2003 impacted the whole region, and that its effects on the populations in neighbouring countries need to be studied as elements of the crisis. While researchers have considered refugees and refugee settlements (Doraï 2009), the indirect outcomes of the crisis have been overshadowed by the direct and highly mediatized violence that spread across Iraq. However, this crisis cannot be isolated from the regional stage, nor can its 201 importance be underestimated; indeed, an "Iraq War generation" emerged from these events. I will attempt to show how the televised destruction of Baghdad and the increase in sectarian violence (as the war made things worse), the image of Saddam as an ordinary man in the face of death, the influx of refugees fleeing Iraq and the everyday interactions with these refugeesthe impact of the Iraq War onthe neighbouring countriesconverged with other important social trends to shape a new age group. The Syrian situation highlights the crisis' regional echoes. A generation there developed a new way of looking at the world around it, a view that was shaped by the events it had suffered. Certainly, it is not possible to reduce the social transformation of Syria in the last decade to the social and cultural effectsof foreign events. I will argue that a whole set of phenomena led to the emergence of a new group in Syria, which might be called the Iraq War generation. It is this phenomenon that created the underpinnings of the current protest movements in Syria. It has been argued that the so-called Arab spring was produced by youth, leading some Middle Eastern specialists such as Thierry Boissiere (2012) to speak about a 'new generation' that emerged from current events. Others have emphasizeda'lost' generation (Hosseini 2014). These analyses are relevant to the change introduced by the conflict, but they overlook the pre-existing patterns of Syrian society that made the uprising possible. It is necessary to define the term 'generation' in order to clarify its use. The word "generation" refers to a certain mass of population sharing the same age group. But, as Karl Mannheim (1972) 202 argues, the criterion of age is not sufficient, 1 as such agroup is unified by experiencing a common event which frames its perception of the world. Within this general perspective, wars have beenhighlighted as a useful criterion for understanding generational processes. Jean-François Sirinelli (2008) refined this notion by underlining the limits of Mannheim's conception.Mannheimemphasizes an event as crucial to sparking generational emergence while,to the contrary, Sirinelli (2008) foregrounds the diversity of trajectories of different groups in the same generation. He does not refuse to identifysome age groups as generations, but uses them as a key factor to clarify the social changes that occur during a certain period. Academic studies have linked generations and youth. Focusing on the latter allows many researchers to target the former. It seems obvious that,for some analyses, inquiring about a generation implies tackling the trajectory taken byyouth. This approach provesrelevantand I will adopt itbut it is important toclarifyits underlying hypothesis. First, it is clear that a generation might designate age groups other than youth. For example, in Syria, generations emerged from the series of wars between Israel and Arab countries.In his memoirs, Bashīr al-Azmih called his generation the "generation of the defeat," to remind the public how the dissolutionof the United Arab Republic constituted a clear breaking point in the trajectories of the country and its population (al-`Azmih 1991). However, in considering the new order in Syria 1 More generally on the notion of generation and its use in social sciences, see Attias Donfut 1988, 38-43. 203 from 2000 onwards, the youth seem to be the main group thatconducted the uprising in Syria. Second, while some studies have been undertaken on Arab youth, they have focused on countries other than Syria. 2 If Syrian studies haveseen a renewal since 2000, 3 mainly due to better access to fieldwork, mainstream research addressesculture, social life, the religious apparatus, and foreign policy. This research has not paid attention to the youth in Syria as an issue for 207
situation and those of other countries (France, Israel, and South Africa, among others) and to pa... more situation and those of other countries (France, Israel, and South Africa, among others) and to pay special attention to international courts. Regrettably, there is very little material on the East, or on all of China. Representing Justice is teeming with stimulating ideas such as "visual accessibility." Others are more problematic, such as "transnational iconography." Is the Lady of Justice really transnational? Is she not specific to the West? How do the Chinese perceive this representation of justice as a naked woman? Would it not have been preferable to approach this very rich material in terms of confrontational symbolism? It is not a crippling flaw because, on many occasions, the authors situate architectures in their cultural contexts. For example, they explain the architect's project for the Supreme Court of Israel, one of the most impressive judicial buildings in the world. The result is a splendid book that will serve as a starting point for students, but also for judges and lawyers. It will provide them with a very detailed overview of a dimension of law and courts that they have to deal with, whether they choose to or not. Scholars will take advantage of the very exhaustive bibliography and end notes that close the book (223 pages). This is a monumental work from the perspective of both the subject and the dimension. It is a very informative tool for everyone interested in law and courts. Mention must be made of the extraordinarily rich iconography: all the major representations, symbols, and buildings in the United States, as well as in the rest of the world (that is, almost all of them because there are very few from the non-Western world). This work is more than a book on the representations of justice: it is a fundamental book, which defines a new field of research, frames debates, and generates controversies.
Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. Distribution électronique Cairn... more Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Presses de Sciences Po. La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit. Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse https://www.cairn.info/revue-vingtieme-siecle-revue-d-histoire-2014-4-page-47.htm Découvrir le sommaire de ce numéro, suivre la revue par email, s'abonner... Flashez ce QR Code pour accéder à la page de ce numéro sur Cairn.info. L'avènement des régimes militaires au Moyen-Orient Une relecture du « temps des révolutions » Henry Laurens (2) Parmi les analyses contemporaines des différents pays arabes, voir
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