The distribution of linking elements in Dutch nominal compounds seems erratic at first glance. Th... more The distribution of linking elements in Dutch nominal compounds seems erratic at first glance. The literature attributes this to the origin of the linking elements as case markers. When the decay of the case system set in, these markers were retained in compounds but gradually lost their meaning. This allowed the case markers to spread to compounds with a paradigmatically incongruous first element and to acquire their new functions as plural ending and prosodic element. This sketch suggests that the decline of the case system was the main factor in the development of the linking elements. We argue against this view. The loss of case does not overtly correlate with the increase of linking elements. Furthermore, already in Middle-Dutch, the linking element had a prosodic function. The loss of case can only partly account for the spread of linking elements. We hypothesize that an equally important factor is the presence of head-initial stress, which also set in motion the decay of the ...
Gothic gain in origin a derivational verbal prefi x on a par with prefi xes like Modern Dutch ont... more Gothic gain in origin a derivational verbal prefi x on a par with prefi xes like Modern Dutch ont-, be-and ver-, and the ancestor of Dutch and German ge-, shows the beginnings of a new use which was no longer derivational (altering the aktionsart of the verb) but infl ectional (perfective aspect). Postma (2002) notes that its Middle Dutch form, ghe-, seems to have developed into a prefi x that transforms a following verb into a negative polarity item. Our paper tries to account for this development by pointing out possible routes for such a reinterpretation, the most signifi cant of which is the appearance of ghe-as a marker on the infi nitive after specifi c modals, which we argue to have arisen out of a need for marking modals expressing dynamic modality as lexical verbs rather than auxiliaries-which the other modals, epistemic and deontic, were grammaticalizing into. The dialect of Brabant turned out to have reinterpreted KUNNEN as a negative polarity verb, partnered by KUNNEN as a negative polarity verb, partnered by KUNNEN MOGEN as HOEVEN is partnered by MOETEN in Modern Dutch. MOETEN in Modern Dutch.
The diffusion and cause of procope and prothesis of h in Middle Dutch In this article we examine ... more The diffusion and cause of procope and prothesis of h in Middle Dutch In this article we examine the geographical distribution of procope and prothesis of h in Dutch charters from the 13th and 14th centuries, and the frequency with which these phenomena occur, while trying to find patterns in the data. We then venture an explanation of why these phenomena originate in the Flemish dialects. Our hypothesis is that procope of h was induced by language contact between Dutch (Flemish) and French, due to the many bilinguals in Flanders. The contact situation triggered an already existing internal tendency by which h was lost or weakened before sonorants and glides to also affect prevocalic h.
In this contribution we describe how comparative dialectology in the Low Countries started with t... more In this contribution we describe how comparative dialectology in the Low Countries started with the gathering of dialect texts, and how a new research method, the dialect survey, arose. Next we describe the language maps and language atlases that were made on the basis of dialect surveys. We then turn to the various dialect groupings of Dutch, and the underlying principles. We subsequently look at the dialect geography of older periods of Dutch. We conclude with a brief view of the future.
The distribution of linking elements in Dutch nominal compounds seems erratic at first glance. Th... more The distribution of linking elements in Dutch nominal compounds seems erratic at first glance. The literature attributes this to the origin of the linking elements as case markers. When the decay of the case system set in, these markers were retained in compounds but gradually lost their meaning. This allowed the case markers to spread to compounds with a paradigmatically incongruous first element and to acquire their new functions as plural ending and prosodic element. This sketch suggests that the decline of the case system was the main factor in the development of the linking elements. We argue against this view. The loss of case does not overtly correlate with the increase of linking elements. Furthermore, already in Middle-Dutch, the linking element had a prosodic function. The loss of case can only partly account for the spread of linking elements. We hypothesize that an equally important factor is the presence of head-initial stress, which also set in motion the decay of the ...
Gothic gain in origin a derivational verbal prefi x on a par with prefi xes like Modern Dutch ont... more Gothic gain in origin a derivational verbal prefi x on a par with prefi xes like Modern Dutch ont-, be-and ver-, and the ancestor of Dutch and German ge-, shows the beginnings of a new use which was no longer derivational (altering the aktionsart of the verb) but infl ectional (perfective aspect). Postma (2002) notes that its Middle Dutch form, ghe-, seems to have developed into a prefi x that transforms a following verb into a negative polarity item. Our paper tries to account for this development by pointing out possible routes for such a reinterpretation, the most signifi cant of which is the appearance of ghe-as a marker on the infi nitive after specifi c modals, which we argue to have arisen out of a need for marking modals expressing dynamic modality as lexical verbs rather than auxiliaries-which the other modals, epistemic and deontic, were grammaticalizing into. The dialect of Brabant turned out to have reinterpreted KUNNEN as a negative polarity verb, partnered by KUNNEN as a negative polarity verb, partnered by KUNNEN MOGEN as HOEVEN is partnered by MOETEN in Modern Dutch. MOETEN in Modern Dutch.
The diffusion and cause of procope and prothesis of h in Middle Dutch In this article we examine ... more The diffusion and cause of procope and prothesis of h in Middle Dutch In this article we examine the geographical distribution of procope and prothesis of h in Dutch charters from the 13th and 14th centuries, and the frequency with which these phenomena occur, while trying to find patterns in the data. We then venture an explanation of why these phenomena originate in the Flemish dialects. Our hypothesis is that procope of h was induced by language contact between Dutch (Flemish) and French, due to the many bilinguals in Flanders. The contact situation triggered an already existing internal tendency by which h was lost or weakened before sonorants and glides to also affect prevocalic h.
In this contribution we describe how comparative dialectology in the Low Countries started with t... more In this contribution we describe how comparative dialectology in the Low Countries started with the gathering of dialect texts, and how a new research method, the dialect survey, arose. Next we describe the language maps and language atlases that were made on the basis of dialect surveys. We then turn to the various dialect groupings of Dutch, and the underlying principles. We subsequently look at the dialect geography of older periods of Dutch. We conclude with a brief view of the future.
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Papers by M. Rem