Papers by Ahmed Abd Rabou
Middle East Law and Governance
This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Str... more This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” While legislators in democratic settings have the electorate as their main principal, mps in semi- and nondemocratic settings need to serve two principals to remain in office: the regime and the active segment of the electorate. This dichotymy sometimes requires particular skills in parliamentary behavior. For the case of Egypt, we investigate how mps strike a balance between regime support and representing their constituents up to an extent that does not endanger their chances for re-election. A content analysis of session scripts of the Egyptian parliament in 2016 was conducted to examine how mps walk this – traditionally understudied – thin line. Our findings indicate that representation gets reduced to “descriptive representation,” i.e. a representation that puts more emphasis on representing local constituents and demographic segments, like Copts and women, tha...
Arab Reform Initiative, Mar 24, 2014
Arab Reform Initiative, Oct 28, 2016
Soad, Mohamed, and all the youth in the Middle East who resist peacefully, work hard, and sacrifi... more Soad, Mohamed, and all the youth in the Middle East who resist peacefully, work hard, and sacrifice their bodies, freedoms, and souls for the sake of democracy, justice, and liberty in the region. Although the explanatory merit of such works is beyond doubt, they do little to explain the military's role in politics in less developed countries that are still transitioning to democracy. In such cases, civilian control has never existed, or was only ever a distant goal, given the military's privileged position. Unlike The Theory of Civil-Military Relations Militarism can be avoided only by asserting civilian control over the military. Harold A. Trinkunas (1999) argues that civilian control exists when government officials hold ultimate jurisdiction over military activities and that this control is maximized when soldiers are confined to tasks linked to their primary function: preparing for war. Civilian control will emerge only when civilian rulers gain enough power to compel the armed forces to accept their oversight. Moreover, democracy will prevail only if civilian control is institutionalized. In summary, in the context of CMR, civilian control is not so much an endpoint as it as an ongoing process, because even the rulers of consolidated democracies focus primarily on supervising their armed forces by defining their roles, missions, and budgets. However, this control should be democratic in terms of military compliance with government authority, rather than just be the absence of armed rebellion. This situation exists when government officials, rather than military generals, make decisions concerning the military's missions, organization, and deployment. On top of that, complete civilian control over the military also means that the latter refrains from interfering in the public policy-making process. In this context, Samuel Huntington (1957) differentiates between two versions of democratic civilian control:
Arab Reform Initiative, Mar 24, 2014
Good Governance and Civil-Security Relations, 2020
Good Governance and Civil-Security Relations, 2020
The paper examines democracy and secularism in Malaysia, a state rooted in Islam, and how it has ... more The paper examines democracy and secularism in Malaysia, a state rooted in Islam, and how it has been implemented in a country with a majority Muslim population. It briefly outlines how Islam was brought to the region and how British colonialism was able to implement secularism and democratic practices in such a way that religion was not wholeheartedly erased. Indeed, peaceful decolonization combined with a history of accommodating elites served to promote a newly independent Malaysia, to create a constitutional democracy which declares Islam as the religion of the Federation, and simultaneously religious freedom. Despite the constitution, the United Malays National Organization, UMNO, Malaysia’s ruling party for 61 years, managed to cap democracy through a variety of methods, including enraging ethnic tensions and checking electoral competitiveness. Growing public discontent from such actions resulted in Islamic Revivalist movements and increased Islamization at the expense of secu...
Arab Spring, 2019
The main aim of this chapter is to explore the broadly defined academic status of Middle Eastern ... more The main aim of this chapter is to explore the broadly defined academic status of Middle Eastern studies on the issue of democracy and transition in the region. In this context, the author conducts a critical survey of academic studies from 1989 to 2017 on the topics of democracy and authoritarianism by using interpretative content analysis. The survey offers a glimpse at how the field of Middle Eastern studies has changed its perspective on Arab democracy over three comparative periods: prior to 2011, between 2011 and 2013, and after 2013. The analysis will serve to answer the main question: “Where does Middle Eastern studies stand on the issue of democracy in the region?”
Good Governance and Civil-Security Relations, 2020
Developing the traditional civil-military relations approach to include security actors, the book... more Developing the traditional civil-military relations approach to include security actors, the book compares the style of civil-security relations in both Egypt and Turkey. The volume comprehends the competition between civilian actors and military and security actors to impose control over the political regimes in transition and how this is related to the issue of good governance and democratization. The Egyptian and Turkish cases are viably comparable in terms of the status of civil-security relations and level of civilian control, specifically considering the different outcomes of the latest military putsches in both country (2013 in Egypt and 2016 in Turkey), and the extended experiences of both countries with a strong military influence and presence in politics. The different responses of the Egyptian and Turkish publics to the coup attempts invite an interesting comparison, especially given that in both cases, the public was the decisive factor in the success or failure of the coup. Focusing on civil-security relations within the broader context of good governance and democracy in Egypt and Turkey this book will be a key resource for students and scholars interested in political science, specifically comparative government studies and Middle East studies.
Global Policy, 2017
Can Egypt achieve economic and security-related stability without first achieving some sort of po... more Can Egypt achieve economic and security-related stability without first achieving some sort of political and civil control? While many regional and international actors seem convinced that it can be done, this essay argues that stability in post-revolution Egypt is only possible by empowering civilian and political actors in cooperation with military and security establishments. Based on an analysis of Egyptian civil security relations, it shall be shown that the prioritising of economic and security sector solutions over political reforms has led to a dysfunctional system and a vicious cycle of political violence, economic hardships and security failures. In consideration of ways forward, the essays end with policy recommendations for the EU and other international actors in their approach towards Egypt. • Keep open dialogue and negotiations with Egypt's senior politicians. • Provide more oversight to the Egyptian scene with less political conditionality and no direct interventions. • Strengthen the role of Egyptian civil society -with particular attention focused on civil security relations. • Cooperate with the Egyptian military while prioritising security sector reforms.
Political Insight, 2015
In 2011, Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak's regime fell amid the region-wide Arab Spring. More... more In 2011, Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak's regime fell amid the region-wide Arab Spring. More than four years later, Egyptian hopes of democracy and prosperity have yet to be realised. Ahmed Abd Rabou reports.
Education and the Arab Spring, 2016
Basic education teaches people to interact with others and raises the benefits of civic participa... more Basic education teaches people to interact with others and raises the benefits of civic participation, including voting and organizing. Glaeser, Giacomo and Shleifer (2007) claimed that democracy has a wide potential base of support but offers weak incentives to its defenders, whereas dictatorship provides stronger incentives to a narrower base.
Middle East Law and Governance
This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Str... more This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” While legislators in democratic settings have the electorate as their main principal, mps in semi- and nondemocratic settings need to serve two principals to remain in office: the regime and the active segment of the electorate. This dichotymy sometimes requires particular skills in parliamentary behavior. For the case of Egypt, we investigate how mps strike a balance between regime support and representing their constituents up to an extent that does not endanger their chances for re-election. A content analysis of session scripts of the Egyptian parliament in 2016 was conducted to examine how mps walk this – traditionally understudied – thin line. Our findings indicate that representation gets reduced to “descriptive representation,” i.e. a representation that puts more emphasis on representing local constituents and demographic segments, like Copts and women, tha...
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Papers by Ahmed Abd Rabou