Michael C Urban
Michael is Manager, Strategic Standards Development at CSA Group. Previously, he was Director, Research, Special Projects (Future Skills) at the Ted Rogers School of Management's Diversity Institute at Toronto Metropolitan University and has also worked as Practice Lead for Government Transformation at the University of Toronto's Mowat Centre, as a Returning Officer for Elections Canada, and with Global Affairs Canada, most recently in the department’s Policy Research Division as a Cadieux-Léger Fellow.
Michael is often asked to speak about his research on disruptive technologies and regulatory issues. His research and analysis on these issues, as well as his academic research on international relations, the role of trust and ideas in politics, and Canadian history and foreign policy, have appeared in academic publications, policy-focused outlets like Apolitical and Policy Options, and major newspapers such as The Toronto Star, The National Post and Winnipeg Free Press.
Michael is also passionate about building a better democracy in Canada. He is the chairperson of the Ranked Ballot Initiative of Toronto, a non-partisan, independent, grassroots campaigning organization dedicated to improving democracy in Toronto through the adoption of ranked ballots for municipal elections. He has also previously been involved in Canada’s youth parliament movement.
Michael holds degrees from Balliol College at the University of Oxford (where he studied as a Rhodes scholar), the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University, and Queen’s University.
Supervisors: Dr Edward Keene
Michael is often asked to speak about his research on disruptive technologies and regulatory issues. His research and analysis on these issues, as well as his academic research on international relations, the role of trust and ideas in politics, and Canadian history and foreign policy, have appeared in academic publications, policy-focused outlets like Apolitical and Policy Options, and major newspapers such as The Toronto Star, The National Post and Winnipeg Free Press.
Michael is also passionate about building a better democracy in Canada. He is the chairperson of the Ranked Ballot Initiative of Toronto, a non-partisan, independent, grassroots campaigning organization dedicated to improving democracy in Toronto through the adoption of ranked ballots for municipal elections. He has also previously been involved in Canada’s youth parliament movement.
Michael holds degrees from Balliol College at the University of Oxford (where he studied as a Rhodes scholar), the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs at Carleton University, and Queen’s University.
Supervisors: Dr Edward Keene
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Scholarly Articles by Michael C Urban
Les actions du Canada durant la crise des missiles de Cuba ouvrent une fenètre revelatrice sur les relations entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis et les influences infra-Statiques s'exercant sur ces relations. En refusant une demande des Etats-Unis d'elever l'etat d'alerte des forces canadiennes, le Premier ministre John Diefenbaker a precipite l'une des pires crises dans les relations canado- americaines; en bravant secrètement ce refus, le commandement de l'armee canadienne a fait en sorte que les forces canadiennes fournissent aux Etats-Unis un plus soutien militaire plus fort que tout autre allie. Dans cet article, je soutiens qu'une divergence significative sur le plan du degre de confiance accordee par le Premier ministre canadien et le commandement militaire du pays a leurs homologues americains represente une partie cruciale de toute explication de cette réponse bifurquee. Pour ce faire, je me base sur une nouvelle conceptualisation de la confiance et la maniere dont elle influe sur la prise de decisions dans le milieu politique international. En appliquant ce modele, j'elabore une explication du comportement contradictoire du Canada qui est superieur aux explications existantes des decisions prises par les Canadiens durant cette crise.
that Canada’s non-acquisition of nuclear weapons can only be accounted for by an explanation that recognizes the importance of trust. To do so, I develop a conceptual framework for understanding trust in international politics. Drawing on research from psychology, economics, and even neurology, I develop a model that shows how narratives
like liberalism can render trusting behaviour reasonable for agents, and how five mechanisms can generate the conditions required for trust to obtain. By applying this model to the Canada–US relationship I provide an explanation for Canada’s non-acquisition that is superior to existing accounts.
Conference Papers by Michael C Urban
In this paper I argue that France’s decision is best explained by recognizing the importance of trust in the Franco-German relationship. I begin by developing a new conceptual framework for understanding trust, how it is generated, and how it influences agents’ decision-making. Engaging with recent scholarship on trust in international relations, and drawing on research from social and cognitive psychology, behavioral economics, and even neurology, I develop a model which shows how narratives like liberalism can render trusting behavior reasonable for agents, and how five factors (interactivity, homogeneity, common interests, shared experiences, and altercasting), which I operationalize both quantitatively and qualitatively, can generate the positive affect and collective identification required for trust to obtain. By rigorously applying this theory I provide an explanation for France’s decision that is both superior to existing accounts and highlights the usefulness of this new and important conceptual tool.
In this paper I argue that Canada’s non-acquisition of nuclear weapons can only be accounted for by an explanation that recognizes the importance of trust in the Canada-USA relationship. In order to make such an argument, I develop a new conceptual framework for understanding trust, how it is generated, and how it influences agents’ decision-making in international politics. Engaging with the recent flowering of scholarship on trust in international relations, and drawing on research from social and cognitive psychology, behavioral economics, and even neurology, I develop a model which shows how narratives like liberalism can render trusting behavior reasonable for agents, and how five mechanisms (interactivity, homogeneity, common interests, shared experiences, and altercasting), which I operationalize both quantitatively and qualitatively, can generate the positive affect and collective identification required for trust to obtain. By rigorously applying this model to the Canada-USA relationship I provide an explanation for Canada’s non-acquisition that is both superior to existing accounts and highlight an important new conceptual tool for the study of international politics.
Policy Papers by Michael C Urban
Les employeurs et les établissements d’enseignement postsecondaire (EPS) ont réagi en manifestant un intérêt renouvelé pour des systèmes d’apprentissage et de formation professionnelle souples, agiles et réactifs qui pourraient les mettre en relation avec les apprenants et les partenaires de l’emploi, et ce, tant pour la conception que pour la prestation des programmes.
Les micro-titres de compétences offrent une option intéressante pour répondre à ces besoins collectifs; ils sont explorés en Ontario, partout au Canada et dans le monde. En effet, au cours des derniers mois, une série de rapports sur des initiatives ont été publiés, contribuant à faire progresser notre compréhension de la fonction, de la gouvernance et du contexte des micro-titres de compétences au Canada.
Alors que ces conversations de haut niveau sur les micro-titres de compétences se déroulent, il est essentiel de prendre en compte les expériences vécues par ceux qui les élaborent et les donnent déjà. Au cours des trois dernières années, eCampusOntario a travaillé avec divers partenaires pour élaborer des initiatives de micro-titres de compétences dans les EPS ontariens par le biais d’une série de projets pilotes. Bien que chacun de ces projets pilotes soit unique, ils ont tous été conçus à l’aide du document Principes et cadre de microcertification, un plan cocréé en collaboration dans le but de préparer et de mettre à l’échelle les programmes de micro-titres de compétences en Ontario.
Ce rapport, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une collaboration plus large entre eCampusOntario, le Diversity Institue, Magnet et le Centre des Compétences futures, met l’accent sur ces projets pilotes afin de mettre en lumière ce qui fonctionne, ce qui manque et ce que l’avenir nous réserve au chapitre des micro-titres de compétences au Canada. Nous avons recueilli ces expériences en utilisant une approche mixte : 1) un sondage auprès des responsables des projets pilotes de microtitres de compétences d’eCampusOntario, et 2) une série de groupes de discussion comprenant des responsables de projets pilotes et des partenaires communautaires et employeurs participant à l’un des 36 projets pilotes. Cette approche a été conçue pour rendre compte des expériences sur le terrain des personnes engagées dans le programme pilote et pour explorer leurs perceptions et leurs croyances sur l’avenir des micro-titres de compétences en Ontario.
Employers and post-secondary institutions (PSIs) responded with renewed interest in flexible, agile, and responsive systems of learning and work-relevant training that could connect them with learners and employment partners in both program design and delivery. Micro-credentials offer an exciting option for meeting these needs and are currently being explored in Ontario, across Canada, and around the world. Indeed, in just the last few months, a series of reports on initiatives have been published, helping to advance our evolving understanding of the function, governance, and context of micro-credentials in Canada.
While these high-level conversations about micro-credentials are unfolding, it is critical to consider the lived experiences of those who are already developing and delivering them. Over the last three years, eCampusOntario has worked with a variety of partners to develop micro-credential initiatives at Ontario PSIs through a series of pilot projects. While each of these pilot projects is unique, they were all designed using the collaboratively co-created eCampusOntario Micro-credential Principles and Framework, a blueprint for creating and scaling micro-credential programs in Ontario.
This report, which is part of a larger collaboration between eCampusOntario, external link, opens in new window, the Diversity Institute, Magnet, external link, opens in new window, and the Future Skills Centre, external link, opens in new window, focuses on these pilot projects to illuminate what is working, what is missing, and where we might be going when it comes to micro-credentials in Canada. We collected these experiences using a mixed-methods approach: 1) a survey of eCampusOntario’s micro-credential pilot project leads, and 2) a series of focus groups that included pilot project leads and community and employer partners involved in one of the 36 pilot projects. This approach was designed to capture the on-the-ground experiences of those engaged with the pilot program, and to explore their perceptions and beliefs about the future of micro-credentials in Ontario.
Recent reports have pointed to how the meteoric emergence of superstar digital firms such as Google or Amazon has coincided with trends across several economic indicators that show competition declining in a variety of markets. Commentators are increasingly arguing that these phenomena, which appear particularly pronounced in the digital economy, are interlinked and are likely impacting global innovation in a negative way.
We examine the evidence for this argument and evaluate the threats to innovation posed by declining competition, both present and potential. We identify a series of recent phenomena that are impeding competition and harming innovation, and highlight a number of potential threats to the competitive landscape.
There are a number of key obstacles to effective horizontal collaboration in government, ranging from misaligned professional incentive structures to incompatible computer systems. But a number of governments – Estonia, the UK, and New Zealand – have all recently introduced innovative initiatives that are succeeding in creatively tackling these complex horizontal challenges. In each case, this is delivering critical benefits – reduced government costs and regulatory burdens, getting more out of existing personnel while recruiting more high quality professionals, or providing new and impactful data-driven insights that are helping improve the quality of human services.
How are they achieving this? We answer this question by using an analytical framework organized along three fundamental dimensions: governance (structuring accountability and responsibility), people (managing culture and personnel), and data (collecting, transmitting and using information). In each of our three cases, we show how specific steps taken along one of these dimensions can help overcome important obstacles that commonly arise and, in so doing, enable successful horizontal collaboration.
In 2016, Canada’s federal, provincial and territorial (FPT) governments – minus Manitoba and Saskatchewan – signed the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change (PCF). The PCF collected a host of FPT climate change policies and programs and also laid out a set of new measures designed to help Canada reach the greenhouse gas emissions reductions targets that it committed to at the Paris Climate Change Conference in 2015.
Unfortunately, despite the very real progress that the PCF represents, Canada is still not on track to meet its climate change targets. Why are we still failing, and why have we consistently failed to meet our emissions reductions targets for the last 30 years? One major reason is that solving the climate change policy problem requires collaboratively aligning all 14 FPT governments’ climate change policies – and Canada’s existing intergovernmental institutions are simply not up to the task of making that happen.
Any successful Canadian climate change policy will need to be able to reduce Canada’s emissions in a way that is effective, efficient and fair. New and innovative intergovernmental institutional frameworks are required to achieve this and to overcome the various obstacles – such as diverging regional interests and significant economic diversity – that have scuttled previous efforts.
This paper argues that a new independent institution, co-created by the FPT governments, will be a crucial first step in this direction. This new climate change institution should be mandated to give evidence-based advice aimed at collaboratively optimizing Canada’s 14 separate FPT climate change policies and to guide the allocation of federal transfers designed to help address the asymmetrical economic burden emissions reduction policies will create, specifically in emissions-intensive provinces.
Les actions du Canada durant la crise des missiles de Cuba ouvrent une fenètre revelatrice sur les relations entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis et les influences infra-Statiques s'exercant sur ces relations. En refusant une demande des Etats-Unis d'elever l'etat d'alerte des forces canadiennes, le Premier ministre John Diefenbaker a precipite l'une des pires crises dans les relations canado- americaines; en bravant secrètement ce refus, le commandement de l'armee canadienne a fait en sorte que les forces canadiennes fournissent aux Etats-Unis un plus soutien militaire plus fort que tout autre allie. Dans cet article, je soutiens qu'une divergence significative sur le plan du degre de confiance accordee par le Premier ministre canadien et le commandement militaire du pays a leurs homologues americains represente une partie cruciale de toute explication de cette réponse bifurquee. Pour ce faire, je me base sur une nouvelle conceptualisation de la confiance et la maniere dont elle influe sur la prise de decisions dans le milieu politique international. En appliquant ce modele, j'elabore une explication du comportement contradictoire du Canada qui est superieur aux explications existantes des decisions prises par les Canadiens durant cette crise.
that Canada’s non-acquisition of nuclear weapons can only be accounted for by an explanation that recognizes the importance of trust. To do so, I develop a conceptual framework for understanding trust in international politics. Drawing on research from psychology, economics, and even neurology, I develop a model that shows how narratives
like liberalism can render trusting behaviour reasonable for agents, and how five mechanisms can generate the conditions required for trust to obtain. By applying this model to the Canada–US relationship I provide an explanation for Canada’s non-acquisition that is superior to existing accounts.
In this paper I argue that France’s decision is best explained by recognizing the importance of trust in the Franco-German relationship. I begin by developing a new conceptual framework for understanding trust, how it is generated, and how it influences agents’ decision-making. Engaging with recent scholarship on trust in international relations, and drawing on research from social and cognitive psychology, behavioral economics, and even neurology, I develop a model which shows how narratives like liberalism can render trusting behavior reasonable for agents, and how five factors (interactivity, homogeneity, common interests, shared experiences, and altercasting), which I operationalize both quantitatively and qualitatively, can generate the positive affect and collective identification required for trust to obtain. By rigorously applying this theory I provide an explanation for France’s decision that is both superior to existing accounts and highlights the usefulness of this new and important conceptual tool.
In this paper I argue that Canada’s non-acquisition of nuclear weapons can only be accounted for by an explanation that recognizes the importance of trust in the Canada-USA relationship. In order to make such an argument, I develop a new conceptual framework for understanding trust, how it is generated, and how it influences agents’ decision-making in international politics. Engaging with the recent flowering of scholarship on trust in international relations, and drawing on research from social and cognitive psychology, behavioral economics, and even neurology, I develop a model which shows how narratives like liberalism can render trusting behavior reasonable for agents, and how five mechanisms (interactivity, homogeneity, common interests, shared experiences, and altercasting), which I operationalize both quantitatively and qualitatively, can generate the positive affect and collective identification required for trust to obtain. By rigorously applying this model to the Canada-USA relationship I provide an explanation for Canada’s non-acquisition that is both superior to existing accounts and highlight an important new conceptual tool for the study of international politics.
Les employeurs et les établissements d’enseignement postsecondaire (EPS) ont réagi en manifestant un intérêt renouvelé pour des systèmes d’apprentissage et de formation professionnelle souples, agiles et réactifs qui pourraient les mettre en relation avec les apprenants et les partenaires de l’emploi, et ce, tant pour la conception que pour la prestation des programmes.
Les micro-titres de compétences offrent une option intéressante pour répondre à ces besoins collectifs; ils sont explorés en Ontario, partout au Canada et dans le monde. En effet, au cours des derniers mois, une série de rapports sur des initiatives ont été publiés, contribuant à faire progresser notre compréhension de la fonction, de la gouvernance et du contexte des micro-titres de compétences au Canada.
Alors que ces conversations de haut niveau sur les micro-titres de compétences se déroulent, il est essentiel de prendre en compte les expériences vécues par ceux qui les élaborent et les donnent déjà. Au cours des trois dernières années, eCampusOntario a travaillé avec divers partenaires pour élaborer des initiatives de micro-titres de compétences dans les EPS ontariens par le biais d’une série de projets pilotes. Bien que chacun de ces projets pilotes soit unique, ils ont tous été conçus à l’aide du document Principes et cadre de microcertification, un plan cocréé en collaboration dans le but de préparer et de mettre à l’échelle les programmes de micro-titres de compétences en Ontario.
Ce rapport, qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une collaboration plus large entre eCampusOntario, le Diversity Institue, Magnet et le Centre des Compétences futures, met l’accent sur ces projets pilotes afin de mettre en lumière ce qui fonctionne, ce qui manque et ce que l’avenir nous réserve au chapitre des micro-titres de compétences au Canada. Nous avons recueilli ces expériences en utilisant une approche mixte : 1) un sondage auprès des responsables des projets pilotes de microtitres de compétences d’eCampusOntario, et 2) une série de groupes de discussion comprenant des responsables de projets pilotes et des partenaires communautaires et employeurs participant à l’un des 36 projets pilotes. Cette approche a été conçue pour rendre compte des expériences sur le terrain des personnes engagées dans le programme pilote et pour explorer leurs perceptions et leurs croyances sur l’avenir des micro-titres de compétences en Ontario.
Employers and post-secondary institutions (PSIs) responded with renewed interest in flexible, agile, and responsive systems of learning and work-relevant training that could connect them with learners and employment partners in both program design and delivery. Micro-credentials offer an exciting option for meeting these needs and are currently being explored in Ontario, across Canada, and around the world. Indeed, in just the last few months, a series of reports on initiatives have been published, helping to advance our evolving understanding of the function, governance, and context of micro-credentials in Canada.
While these high-level conversations about micro-credentials are unfolding, it is critical to consider the lived experiences of those who are already developing and delivering them. Over the last three years, eCampusOntario has worked with a variety of partners to develop micro-credential initiatives at Ontario PSIs through a series of pilot projects. While each of these pilot projects is unique, they were all designed using the collaboratively co-created eCampusOntario Micro-credential Principles and Framework, a blueprint for creating and scaling micro-credential programs in Ontario.
This report, which is part of a larger collaboration between eCampusOntario, external link, opens in new window, the Diversity Institute, Magnet, external link, opens in new window, and the Future Skills Centre, external link, opens in new window, focuses on these pilot projects to illuminate what is working, what is missing, and where we might be going when it comes to micro-credentials in Canada. We collected these experiences using a mixed-methods approach: 1) a survey of eCampusOntario’s micro-credential pilot project leads, and 2) a series of focus groups that included pilot project leads and community and employer partners involved in one of the 36 pilot projects. This approach was designed to capture the on-the-ground experiences of those engaged with the pilot program, and to explore their perceptions and beliefs about the future of micro-credentials in Ontario.
Recent reports have pointed to how the meteoric emergence of superstar digital firms such as Google or Amazon has coincided with trends across several economic indicators that show competition declining in a variety of markets. Commentators are increasingly arguing that these phenomena, which appear particularly pronounced in the digital economy, are interlinked and are likely impacting global innovation in a negative way.
We examine the evidence for this argument and evaluate the threats to innovation posed by declining competition, both present and potential. We identify a series of recent phenomena that are impeding competition and harming innovation, and highlight a number of potential threats to the competitive landscape.
There are a number of key obstacles to effective horizontal collaboration in government, ranging from misaligned professional incentive structures to incompatible computer systems. But a number of governments – Estonia, the UK, and New Zealand – have all recently introduced innovative initiatives that are succeeding in creatively tackling these complex horizontal challenges. In each case, this is delivering critical benefits – reduced government costs and regulatory burdens, getting more out of existing personnel while recruiting more high quality professionals, or providing new and impactful data-driven insights that are helping improve the quality of human services.
How are they achieving this? We answer this question by using an analytical framework organized along three fundamental dimensions: governance (structuring accountability and responsibility), people (managing culture and personnel), and data (collecting, transmitting and using information). In each of our three cases, we show how specific steps taken along one of these dimensions can help overcome important obstacles that commonly arise and, in so doing, enable successful horizontal collaboration.
In 2016, Canada’s federal, provincial and territorial (FPT) governments – minus Manitoba and Saskatchewan – signed the Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change (PCF). The PCF collected a host of FPT climate change policies and programs and also laid out a set of new measures designed to help Canada reach the greenhouse gas emissions reductions targets that it committed to at the Paris Climate Change Conference in 2015.
Unfortunately, despite the very real progress that the PCF represents, Canada is still not on track to meet its climate change targets. Why are we still failing, and why have we consistently failed to meet our emissions reductions targets for the last 30 years? One major reason is that solving the climate change policy problem requires collaboratively aligning all 14 FPT governments’ climate change policies – and Canada’s existing intergovernmental institutions are simply not up to the task of making that happen.
Any successful Canadian climate change policy will need to be able to reduce Canada’s emissions in a way that is effective, efficient and fair. New and innovative intergovernmental institutional frameworks are required to achieve this and to overcome the various obstacles – such as diverging regional interests and significant economic diversity – that have scuttled previous efforts.
This paper argues that a new independent institution, co-created by the FPT governments, will be a crucial first step in this direction. This new climate change institution should be mandated to give evidence-based advice aimed at collaboratively optimizing Canada’s 14 separate FPT climate change policies and to guide the allocation of federal transfers designed to help address the asymmetrical economic burden emissions reduction policies will create, specifically in emissions-intensive provinces.
Examining the potential impact of a basic income on social entrepreneurs
In this report, we examine the potential impact of a basic income on social entrepreneurship. The paper presents the results of a new survey administered to 1,473 members of Toronto’s Centre for Social Innovation (CSI) as well as a focus group and several individual case study interviews.
Through an analysis of the findings of this primary research, combined with a review of the previously separate literatures concerned with basic income and social entrepreneurship, we develop a three-part framework for understanding how a basic income might impact social entrepreneurship and a set of hypothesis about how this impact might materialize. Through this analysis we also identify a number of potential implications of a basic income for the social mission ecosystem that policymakers and stakeholders ought to keep in mind, as well as a set of steps that ought to be taken to further advance discussion of this topic.
This report is part of a series of papers prepared under the auspices of the Northern Policy Institute’s (NPI) Basic Income Guarantee (BIG) project. An earlier version of this paper was presented at NPI’s BIG conference held in Sudbury, Ontario in October 2016. Links to videos, presentations and input from participants attending the conference can be found at http://www.northernpolicy.ca/big.
In its 2016 Budget, the government of Ontario committed to designing a basic income pilot project. The idea of basic income is not new, but in the face of a radically different labour market and new technological disruption the concept is once again on the radar of governments around the world. Our latest paper takes a look at the research from a series of basic income experiments conducted in the U.S. and Canada in the 1960s and ‘70s. It discusses the lessons learned from these projects as well as several more recent experiments in low and medium income countries.
Taking into account recent changes to the structure of the labour market and the impending effects of technology and automation on jobs, Pilot Lessons explores how a basic income could impact entrepreneurship, innovation and society’s relationship to work. Combining these analyses of past experiments and the current context, the report makes recommendations on how Ontario could best design a basic income pilot project.
For consumers, “shared mobility” – which describes the innovations in mobility enabled by the sharing economy – offers the possibility of significant benefits, including more convenient and less costly transportation options. More broadly, these emerging business models have the potential to limit greenhouse gas emissions, reduce congestion and fill gaps in the GTHA’s transportation system. Alongside these potential benefits come challenges, however, as shared mobility stands to disrupt many existing services and traditional jobs associated with them within the transportation system, as well as threatening to undermine policies designed to support equity and accessibility.
Consequently, policymakers should adopt approaches that are proactive, flexible, innovative and collaborative to ensure that the benefits of shared mobility are secured while avoiding its potential pitfalls. More specifically, transportation strategies in the GTHA must incorporate shared mobility services by improving support for multi-modal transportation – the use of multiple modes of transportation (e.g. bike and subway) as parts of a single trip – and encouraging more public-private partnerships between transportation providers. Furthermore, several key issues must be addressed, ranging from specific concerns about taxation to issues that are broader in scope such as the inclusiveness of our transportation system.
Black Blocks: A policymaker’s introduction to blockchain, distributed ledger
technology and the “Internet of Value”"
To the extent that this is true, Trump’s election is just one in a series of recent events where declining trust in institutions has played a key role (remember Brexit?) This trend represents a major problem for governments and identifying ways of rebuilding trust has emerged as a key contemporary challenge. The path to solving this problem can start with understanding the curious case of Boaty McBoatface.
Unfortunately, the somewhat different question of whether referenda work well as public policy decision-making tools has been all but lost in the jockeying for political advantage that has characterized these discussions. Standing in the shadows of Brexit and the recent Colombian vote against the proposed peace accord with the FARC, we’ve been concerned by this absence and decided to try and fill this gap by thinking through the question from an evidence-based perspective.
sectors engage positively to ensure that public interest is at the heart of all activities in this emerging space. In this guide, we present best practices that have been adopted to seize these opportunities and overcome challenges to maximize the benefit of the sharing economy to communities – as well as draw attention to persistent challenges
that require further attention and governance innovation.