Era fácil sentirse interpelado por las manifestaciones en la plaza Syntagma, entre 2010 y 2012. L... more Era fácil sentirse interpelado por las manifestaciones en la plaza Syntagma, entre 2010 y 2012. Las multitudes tomando el espacio público, los acampes, las consignas desafiantes, las resonancias con los procesos de revuelta en Túnez, Egipto, España… y salvando las distancias, el estallido del 19 y 20 de Diciembre de 2001. Sólo hacía falta un poco de sensibilidad común para ver que es de nosotros de quienes estos procesos hablaban. De ese posible nosotros que nos hacía reconocernos en un mismo momento histórico, que nos permitía, como observadores entusiastas, hacernos las preguntas que valen la pena. Vernos capturados en una red similar, amenazados por las mismas fuerzas. Sabernos rehenes de un mismo mecanismo esterilizante e inmovilizador.
1. We want to test the following hypothesis: The current cycle of popular mobilizations that goes... more 1. We want to test the following hypothesis: The current cycle of popular mobilizations that goes from the Tunisian revolution and its resonances in Egypt to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil inaugurates a new global political sequence based on egalitarian principles. We are contemporary to a series of preliminary and localized essays of what will be a whole new historical period. The first meritorious objection warns us that these movements respond to specific situations and cannot be generalized or considered part of the same process other than the mere confirmation of uneasiness in global capitalism and its only two possible outcomes, which are – they keep reminding us day after day-democracy or totalitarianism. Note that this objection-that seems to challenge the very possibility of a universal political process-is completely dependent on the alleged universality of the Empire of Necessity and its legal framework. In other words: the supremacy of the world market and its forms of State. However inarticulate, preliminary, or non-localized they may be, these rebellions do not account for a future political order whose structure can be inferred. They are not signs of what is coming, but rather the opposite: whatever is to come, it is these events that will determine the shape of it. This is not the place, nor the time to dream of a utopian society and ascribe future global significance to it. Again, it is the ideas that emerge in these riots what authorizes us to think in universal terms. The proletarians of the world are not an integral part of societies, classes and cultures, but the affirmative power of the common. The first person plural is in itself a constitutive part of the hypothesis being tested. We begin by affirming the existence of the we.
Era fácil sentirse interpelado por las manifestaciones en la plaza Syntagma, entre 2010 y 2012. L... more Era fácil sentirse interpelado por las manifestaciones en la plaza Syntagma, entre 2010 y 2012. Las multitudes tomando el espacio público, los acampes, las consignas desafiantes, las resonancias con los procesos de revuelta en Túnez, Egipto, España… y salvando las distancias, el estallido del 19 y 20 de Diciembre de 2001. Sólo hacía falta un poco de sensibilidad común para ver que es de nosotros de quienes estos procesos hablaban. De ese posible nosotros que nos hacía reconocernos en un mismo momento histórico, que nos permitía, como observadores entusiastas, hacernos las preguntas que valen la pena. Vernos capturados en una red similar, amenazados por las mismas fuerzas. Sabernos rehenes de un mismo mecanismo esterilizante e inmovilizador.
1. We want to test the following hypothesis: The current cycle of popular mobilizations that goes... more 1. We want to test the following hypothesis: The current cycle of popular mobilizations that goes from the Tunisian revolution and its resonances in Egypt to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil inaugurates a new global political sequence based on egalitarian principles. We are contemporary to a series of preliminary and localized essays of what will be a whole new historical period. The first meritorious objection warns us that these movements respond to specific situations and cannot be generalized or considered part of the same process other than the mere confirmation of uneasiness in global capitalism and its only two possible outcomes, which are – they keep reminding us day after day-democracy or totalitarianism. Note that this objection-that seems to challenge the very possibility of a universal political process-is completely dependent on the alleged universality of the Empire of Necessity and its legal framework. In other words: the supremacy of the world market and its forms of State. However inarticulate, preliminary, or non-localized they may be, these rebellions do not account for a future political order whose structure can be inferred. They are not signs of what is coming, but rather the opposite: whatever is to come, it is these events that will determine the shape of it. This is not the place, nor the time to dream of a utopian society and ascribe future global significance to it. Again, it is the ideas that emerge in these riots what authorizes us to think in universal terms. The proletarians of the world are not an integral part of societies, classes and cultures, but the affirmative power of the common. The first person plural is in itself a constitutive part of the hypothesis being tested. We begin by affirming the existence of the we.
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