Papers by Marten Schalkwijk
Interaktie Vol 1 Nr 2, 1994
The world has changed dramatically between the 1970s and 1990s. For most of the Third World this... more The world has changed dramatically between the 1970s and 1990s. For most of the Third World this has been a change from an optimistic world-view towards a more sobering view. This shift is reflected in changes within the field of Development Sociology. Some theories that once seemed to have great explanatory value have lost their appeal. Instead, students in the field are much more realistic and cautious in their efforts to amend old theories or in crafting new ones. Development Sociologists have to work within a fluctuating environment that demands new approaches, but this is no reason to despair.
American Sociological Association annual conference, 2012
There is still no consensus, however, about the way society works and what kind of behavior is do... more There is still no consensus, however, about the way society works and what kind of behavior is dominant i.e. does the Economy call the shots? Or the State? Or the Citizens as an organized Civil Society? And what is the role of democracy in all this?
Cultural and historic processes and external influences (e.g. foreign occupation) have shaped particular societies and help explain why we have a multitude of different societies, even in their structure. Still there is a need to compare societies with each other since we want to explain differences and similarities. In this paper I suggest a unique approach to look at societies and compare between them. In earlier work I have been able to reconstruct society in the Caribbean from its very inception. In that process I have made some very interesting discoveries about the relationships between what I would term different “Spheres” (or domains or dimensions’ I hesitate to call them systems) in society i.e. the Economy, the State and Civil Society. Every Society (e.g. nations, groups) consists of these three spheres, which are interacting with each other.
OSO vol. 25 Nr.1 , 2005
Het traject van de democratie is niet altijd even rechtlijnig en soms vervalt men in ondemocratis... more Het traject van de democratie is niet altijd even rechtlijnig en soms vervalt men in ondemocratische regeringsvormen, zoals veel Zuid Amerikaanse landen en ook Suriname, hebben ondervonden. De weg terug noemt men herdemocratisering, waarbij een transitie nodig is van een autoritair regime naar een meer democratische regeringsvorm. Het democratisch traject dat Suriname heeft afgelegd tussen de eerste algemene verkiezingen in 1949 en de laatste van 2005, inclusief de transities van autoritaire regimes, is nauwelijks systematisch beschreven. In dit artikel waag ik een poging om dit vanuit een duidelijk conceptueel raamwerk te doen.
Academic Journal of Suriname, 2016
Samenvatting De standaardopvatting van het recht is dat het recht de samenleving helpt ordenen o.... more Samenvatting De standaardopvatting van het recht is dat het recht de samenleving helpt ordenen o.m. door criminaliteit te bestrijden. Het principe van de rechtsstaat (Rule of Law) moet dit ondersteunen, zodat het recht voor iedereen geldt. De elite misbruikt soms hun machtspositie om zichzelf te beschermen en bepaalde groepen te discrimineren. Dit gebeurt vooral bij autoritaire regimes en autoritaire machthebbers. Machthebbers scheppen op deze wijze zelf conflicten in de samenleving en ondermijnen de rechtsstaat. Wanneer men dit intern niet kan corrigeren is er externe druk nodig om het rechtssysteem eerlijker te maken. De rechtsontwikkeling moet steeds bevorderd worden.
Durkheim and Marx in the Caribbean: Slavery, Laws and Marronage in Suriname 1650-1863, 2010
Caribbean plantation societies started out as economic projects that were structurally linked to ... more Caribbean plantation societies started out as economic projects that were structurally linked to slavery, with its own mode of production. The legal system during slavery was not a reflection or expression of moral solidarity of its population, but clearly served the interest of the dominant class in a Marxist sense. Between 1684 and 1842 numerous laws against marronage were issued, which underlines the class character of the legal system. The Slave Laws reflected the reality of their time, but became more humane towards Emancipation. Coding of some 1800 laws shows that laws can be treated as social facts in a Durkheimian sense i.e. they reveal important information about the nature of society at the time. Laws could be tied to historic periods. Slave Revolts and Maroon Wars can be interpreted as typical manifestations of the class struggle in plantation societies. Such revolts and wars are highly correlated with the earlier more exploitative period of plantation societies, which was accompanied by a harsher treatment of the slaves. Laws are initially more driven by the elites, and give insights in behavior of the Colonial State. Gradually, and especially after Emancipation, the laws are expected to reflect more of the general public's interests. Over time plantation society in the Caribbean is shifting from a dichotomized Marxist type of society towards a more Durkheimian society, where the law is not an instrument in the hands of the elites, but serves the whole population.
Books by Marten Schalkwijk
ILO , 2003
The ILO commissioned NIKOS to conduct a rapid assessment on the worst forms of child labor in 200... more The ILO commissioned NIKOS to conduct a rapid assessment on the worst forms of child labor in 2002. The fieldwork was done from April until July. The focus was on children between 4 and 17 years. The research was meant to develop an insight in the extent of child labor in Suriname and the working conditions of these children. Such an analysis is necessary for the development of policy-programs to eradicate the worst forms of child labor. To provide an overview of the worst forms of child labor in Paramaribo and the districts, NIKOS conducted interviews with 142 key persons, 169 working children and 52 parents or guardians.
Many key persons did not distinguish between child labor and child work, while these are two different concepts. Not all work done by children can be considered as child labor. Especially in the interior, the children need to learn skills to survive as part of the daily process. Based on the fieldwork the distinction between child work and child labor has been made mainly –but not only- on basis of the number of working hours. We propose the following definition:
Child work comprises all economic activities performed by children under 15 years, during less than 15 hours a week, which is not forbidden by law or custom, which consists primarily of non-dangerous and non-hazardous light types of work, and does not interfere with school hours and performance.
Child work is often not compensated financially and seen as a normal contribution by a child to a household. With respect to child labor we believe that the following ILO definition is adequate:
Child labor is work that becomes a necessity for the child, that deprives a child at educational and social levels, harms the child’s safety and health and/or is likely to offend a child’s morality and dignity.
Based on these definitions we considered in our rapid assessment survey that 46% of the children we interviewed were involved with child work and 54% with child labor.
A national survey on working children conducted by the Ministry of Labor in 1998 found that 2% of the children between 4 and 14 years were economically active. This included both child work and child labor.
In Suriname we did not observe clear clusters of child labor, but rather an array of individual cases spread over different sectors and regions.
The largest group of the children worked in the production sector (i.e. 36.5% in agriculture, fisheries, timber, mining), trade (19.8% e.g. vending a variety of products), or the service sector (24.0% e.g. domestic work). Another 19.8% worked in a less defined sector, which often meant that they held several jobs in different sectors. Especially with regard to the production sector, children complained about the circumstances in this sector. For instance, of those that said they had to always lift heavy weight during work 75% were active in this sector. Of those working with hazardous materials 65% were active in the production sector.
Amrit - Ninsee Reeks, 2011
Prof. Dr. Marten Schalkwijk has produced an impressive sociological study on the history of Surin... more Prof. Dr. Marten Schalkwijk has produced an impressive sociological study on the history of Suriname and the colonial state in the Caribbean. His monumental study (500 pages) is important for several reasons.
It is the first study that has uncovered personal networks in Suriname over three centuries in the state apparatus. No one has previously managed to dissect the networks of planters, soldiers, officials. He applies methods from mathematical sociology to illustrate how far the distribution of power in colonial society occurs through individuals in social networks, These networks are built on the basis of race, color and class. He also shows how these networks change over time.
Where many historical studies of Suriname are very descriptive, Schalkwijk has constructed a theoretical framework of the colonial state that helps us to understand the evolution of the colonial society in Suriname. He shows how the Jewish and Maroon communities function as a state within a state and how the colonial state itself works.
In his detailed study he links social data on population, ethnicity, religion, and education with economic data about products, prices, import and export, taxation, government budgets, the type of plantations and brings them together with data on institutions, associations, personal networks and thus provides us with an understanding of the nature of the colonial state.
VanderBilt University Lapop series, 2013
Since Suriname was described as a ‘Plural Society’ in the late 1940s, it has evolved today into a... more Since Suriname was described as a ‘Plural Society’ in the late 1940s, it has evolved today into a society with a much greater complexity. In addition to ethnicity, religion and culture, other dimensions – such as class, gender, region, equity and immigration - are important factors that must be considered in order to understand the social, political and economic dynamics. Inequality is a major issue in Suriname that is largely influenced by differences between urban, rural and interior regions, rather than gender and skin color as in other countries in the region. Discrimination is not a major issue in Suriname, and does not have a large impact on political legitimacy and engagement. Interestingly we found that the older generation supports democracy more than the younger generation. This is partly explained by the views of the older generation that experienced the military regime of the 1980s, which was another form of government, while the younger generation did not. In Suriname crime, democracy and perceptions of corruption are among the lowest in the Americas.
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Papers by Marten Schalkwijk
Cultural and historic processes and external influences (e.g. foreign occupation) have shaped particular societies and help explain why we have a multitude of different societies, even in their structure. Still there is a need to compare societies with each other since we want to explain differences and similarities. In this paper I suggest a unique approach to look at societies and compare between them. In earlier work I have been able to reconstruct society in the Caribbean from its very inception. In that process I have made some very interesting discoveries about the relationships between what I would term different “Spheres” (or domains or dimensions’ I hesitate to call them systems) in society i.e. the Economy, the State and Civil Society. Every Society (e.g. nations, groups) consists of these three spheres, which are interacting with each other.
Books by Marten Schalkwijk
Many key persons did not distinguish between child labor and child work, while these are two different concepts. Not all work done by children can be considered as child labor. Especially in the interior, the children need to learn skills to survive as part of the daily process. Based on the fieldwork the distinction between child work and child labor has been made mainly –but not only- on basis of the number of working hours. We propose the following definition:
Child work comprises all economic activities performed by children under 15 years, during less than 15 hours a week, which is not forbidden by law or custom, which consists primarily of non-dangerous and non-hazardous light types of work, and does not interfere with school hours and performance.
Child work is often not compensated financially and seen as a normal contribution by a child to a household. With respect to child labor we believe that the following ILO definition is adequate:
Child labor is work that becomes a necessity for the child, that deprives a child at educational and social levels, harms the child’s safety and health and/or is likely to offend a child’s morality and dignity.
Based on these definitions we considered in our rapid assessment survey that 46% of the children we interviewed were involved with child work and 54% with child labor.
A national survey on working children conducted by the Ministry of Labor in 1998 found that 2% of the children between 4 and 14 years were economically active. This included both child work and child labor.
In Suriname we did not observe clear clusters of child labor, but rather an array of individual cases spread over different sectors and regions.
The largest group of the children worked in the production sector (i.e. 36.5% in agriculture, fisheries, timber, mining), trade (19.8% e.g. vending a variety of products), or the service sector (24.0% e.g. domestic work). Another 19.8% worked in a less defined sector, which often meant that they held several jobs in different sectors. Especially with regard to the production sector, children complained about the circumstances in this sector. For instance, of those that said they had to always lift heavy weight during work 75% were active in this sector. Of those working with hazardous materials 65% were active in the production sector.
It is the first study that has uncovered personal networks in Suriname over three centuries in the state apparatus. No one has previously managed to dissect the networks of planters, soldiers, officials. He applies methods from mathematical sociology to illustrate how far the distribution of power in colonial society occurs through individuals in social networks, These networks are built on the basis of race, color and class. He also shows how these networks change over time.
Where many historical studies of Suriname are very descriptive, Schalkwijk has constructed a theoretical framework of the colonial state that helps us to understand the evolution of the colonial society in Suriname. He shows how the Jewish and Maroon communities function as a state within a state and how the colonial state itself works.
In his detailed study he links social data on population, ethnicity, religion, and education with economic data about products, prices, import and export, taxation, government budgets, the type of plantations and brings them together with data on institutions, associations, personal networks and thus provides us with an understanding of the nature of the colonial state.
Cultural and historic processes and external influences (e.g. foreign occupation) have shaped particular societies and help explain why we have a multitude of different societies, even in their structure. Still there is a need to compare societies with each other since we want to explain differences and similarities. In this paper I suggest a unique approach to look at societies and compare between them. In earlier work I have been able to reconstruct society in the Caribbean from its very inception. In that process I have made some very interesting discoveries about the relationships between what I would term different “Spheres” (or domains or dimensions’ I hesitate to call them systems) in society i.e. the Economy, the State and Civil Society. Every Society (e.g. nations, groups) consists of these three spheres, which are interacting with each other.
Many key persons did not distinguish between child labor and child work, while these are two different concepts. Not all work done by children can be considered as child labor. Especially in the interior, the children need to learn skills to survive as part of the daily process. Based on the fieldwork the distinction between child work and child labor has been made mainly –but not only- on basis of the number of working hours. We propose the following definition:
Child work comprises all economic activities performed by children under 15 years, during less than 15 hours a week, which is not forbidden by law or custom, which consists primarily of non-dangerous and non-hazardous light types of work, and does not interfere with school hours and performance.
Child work is often not compensated financially and seen as a normal contribution by a child to a household. With respect to child labor we believe that the following ILO definition is adequate:
Child labor is work that becomes a necessity for the child, that deprives a child at educational and social levels, harms the child’s safety and health and/or is likely to offend a child’s morality and dignity.
Based on these definitions we considered in our rapid assessment survey that 46% of the children we interviewed were involved with child work and 54% with child labor.
A national survey on working children conducted by the Ministry of Labor in 1998 found that 2% of the children between 4 and 14 years were economically active. This included both child work and child labor.
In Suriname we did not observe clear clusters of child labor, but rather an array of individual cases spread over different sectors and regions.
The largest group of the children worked in the production sector (i.e. 36.5% in agriculture, fisheries, timber, mining), trade (19.8% e.g. vending a variety of products), or the service sector (24.0% e.g. domestic work). Another 19.8% worked in a less defined sector, which often meant that they held several jobs in different sectors. Especially with regard to the production sector, children complained about the circumstances in this sector. For instance, of those that said they had to always lift heavy weight during work 75% were active in this sector. Of those working with hazardous materials 65% were active in the production sector.
It is the first study that has uncovered personal networks in Suriname over three centuries in the state apparatus. No one has previously managed to dissect the networks of planters, soldiers, officials. He applies methods from mathematical sociology to illustrate how far the distribution of power in colonial society occurs through individuals in social networks, These networks are built on the basis of race, color and class. He also shows how these networks change over time.
Where many historical studies of Suriname are very descriptive, Schalkwijk has constructed a theoretical framework of the colonial state that helps us to understand the evolution of the colonial society in Suriname. He shows how the Jewish and Maroon communities function as a state within a state and how the colonial state itself works.
In his detailed study he links social data on population, ethnicity, religion, and education with economic data about products, prices, import and export, taxation, government budgets, the type of plantations and brings them together with data on institutions, associations, personal networks and thus provides us with an understanding of the nature of the colonial state.