In progressive Case attraction, the Case of a head nominal overwrites the
Case of a following co... more In progressive Case attraction, the Case of a head nominal overwrites the
Case of a following coindexed relative pronoun. The reverse process is called
‘inverse’ Case attraction. There, the morphologically overt Case of a relative pronoun
overwrites the Case of a preceding head nominal. Inverse Case attraction has
been attested in languages like Ancient Greek, Latin, and in the history of different
Germanic languages. For modern standard German, its existence has in general been
denied. We first discuss current analyses which have nevertheless identified inverse
Case attraction in modern German on the basis of historical data and experimental
judgement studies. We then present four behavioral experiments on the processing
of German sentences. Effects of inverse Case attraction in the comprehension of
German are revealed in self-paced reading times. They are fundamentally different
in structures allowing attraction of dative Case than in structures allowing attraction
of accusative Case, with much stronger effects for dative than for accusative Case.
The results are interpreted in a theory of Case that draws a syntactic difference
between structural and inherent (‘lexical’) Case rather than along the lines of the
familiar Case hierarchy.
In progressive Case attraction, the Case of a head nominal overwrites the
Case of a following co... more In progressive Case attraction, the Case of a head nominal overwrites the
Case of a following coindexed relative pronoun. The reverse process is called
‘inverse’ Case attraction. There, the morphologically overt Case of a relative pronoun
overwrites the Case of a preceding head nominal. Inverse Case attraction has
been attested in languages like Ancient Greek, Latin, and in the history of different
Germanic languages. For modern standard German, its existence has in general been
denied. We first discuss current analyses which have nevertheless identified inverse
Case attraction in modern German on the basis of historical data and experimental
judgement studies. We then present four behavioral experiments on the processing
of German sentences. Effects of inverse Case attraction in the comprehension of
German are revealed in self-paced reading times. They are fundamentally different
in structures allowing attraction of dative Case than in structures allowing attraction
of accusative Case, with much stronger effects for dative than for accusative Case.
The results are interpreted in a theory of Case that draws a syntactic difference
between structural and inherent (‘lexical’) Case rather than along the lines of the
familiar Case hierarchy.
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Papers by Laura Dörre
Case of a following coindexed relative pronoun. The reverse process is called
‘inverse’ Case attraction. There, the morphologically overt Case of a relative pronoun
overwrites the Case of a preceding head nominal. Inverse Case attraction has
been attested in languages like Ancient Greek, Latin, and in the history of different
Germanic languages. For modern standard German, its existence has in general been
denied. We first discuss current analyses which have nevertheless identified inverse
Case attraction in modern German on the basis of historical data and experimental
judgement studies. We then present four behavioral experiments on the processing
of German sentences. Effects of inverse Case attraction in the comprehension of
German are revealed in self-paced reading times. They are fundamentally different
in structures allowing attraction of dative Case than in structures allowing attraction
of accusative Case, with much stronger effects for dative than for accusative Case.
The results are interpreted in a theory of Case that draws a syntactic difference
between structural and inherent (‘lexical’) Case rather than along the lines of the
familiar Case hierarchy.
Case of a following coindexed relative pronoun. The reverse process is called
‘inverse’ Case attraction. There, the morphologically overt Case of a relative pronoun
overwrites the Case of a preceding head nominal. Inverse Case attraction has
been attested in languages like Ancient Greek, Latin, and in the history of different
Germanic languages. For modern standard German, its existence has in general been
denied. We first discuss current analyses which have nevertheless identified inverse
Case attraction in modern German on the basis of historical data and experimental
judgement studies. We then present four behavioral experiments on the processing
of German sentences. Effects of inverse Case attraction in the comprehension of
German are revealed in self-paced reading times. They are fundamentally different
in structures allowing attraction of dative Case than in structures allowing attraction
of accusative Case, with much stronger effects for dative than for accusative Case.
The results are interpreted in a theory of Case that draws a syntactic difference
between structural and inherent (‘lexical’) Case rather than along the lines of the
familiar Case hierarchy.