Papers by Ryan David Klint
Many studies over the last 15 years have focused on static spatial relations, both with respect t... more Many studies over the last 15 years have focused on static spatial relations, both with respect to semantic and syntactic typologies (Kita & Dickey 1992, Bowerman 1996, Levinson 2003) and the acquisition of linguistic forms encoding spatial concepts (DeLeón 1992, Brown 1994, Bowerman 1996). The basic locative construction (BLC) —the preferred response to a where is x? question — is one structure type that has been used to analyze static spatial relations cross-linguistically. BLCs in the world's languages rely on one or more morphosyntactic strategies such as adpositions, case marking, relational nouns or locative verbs. One of the most typologically infrequent morphological strategies for BLCs is from Upper Necaxa Totonac (Klint 2004; Beck 2004: 43), which I hereafter refer to simply as Upper Necaxa, a Totonac-Tepehua language spoken in the Northern Sierra of the Mexican state of Puebla. Upper Necaxa establishes location with a posture verb prefixed by a body-part morpheme. Other typologically marked constructions — which I here define in terms of typological infrequency — often lead to a delay in acquisition of that structure (Gass 1979; Slobin 1981; Hyams 1986). Therefore, the typologically marked BLC of Upper Necaxa should likewise be acquired after less marked constructions. Considering the typological markedness of the Upper Necaxa BLC, I hypothesize that children will go through stages in acquisition from the use of less marked location constructions similar to those found in other languages, and progress to the use of more marked constructions, rather than converging immediately on the complex predicate seen in the target language BLC.This paper describes the acquisition of the BLC in Upper Necaxa and presents data in the
form of the responses of nine children, ages 4 to 11, to a picture series called the Topological Relation Picture Series (TPRS) task. In this task, children are asked where certain objects are with respect to other elements in a picture. In Section 2, I discuss the typological diversity of
BLCs, concentrating on each of the morphosyntactic strategies for encoding locative information in Upper Necaxa. In section 3, I discuss previous acquisition research relevant to the present study. I outline the methodology of the study in section 4, including information on the subjects, procedure of the test itself and criteria used for scoring the subjects’ responses. In section 5, I discuss the data obtained by administering the TRPS task outlining three distinct stages of acquisition of the BLC. Finally, in section 6, I discuss the relevance of the results obtained from the study for the development of spatial language.
Typological studies have tended to concentrate on the phonological and morphosyntactic diversity ... more Typological studies have tended to concentrate on the phonological and morphosyntactic diversity in the world’s languages. It is only within the last decade, however, that investigation into the typology of semantics has seriously been undertaken. The semantic domain of spatial relations is one area to receive a lot of attention from typologists whose investigations have focused on both the semantic distinctions made in basic locative constructions (BLC) — the preferred unmarked form of answers to where questions — as well as the ways that these distinctions are encoded morphosyntactically. Certain predictions have been made about the encoding of BLCs in the morphosyntax of a language, as well as the type of situations that will
be encoded as BLCs. The BLC of Upper Necaxa Totonac —hereto referred to simply as
Totonac—, however, does not follow the anticipated patterns of either of these semantic or morphological predictions. The predicate used in the Totonac BLC is unlike any accounted for in typologies of BLC predicates, and it encodes combinations of situation types as BLCs not seen in other languages.
The Totonac BLC is syntactically unusual due to the unique composition of its locative predicate, as shown by (1):
(1)
tása a̰kpu:wí:ɫ] nakmésa
tása a̰ kpu:–wí:ɫ] nak=mésa
cup crown–sit LOC =table
‘the cup is on the table’ (P3)
In (1) the posture root wi:ɫ ‘sit’ specifies the configuration of the cup, while the body-part a̰kpu:- ‘crown’ specifies that the cup is found on top of the table. This coordination of two distinct locative systems within the predicate is unlike BLC predicates previously analyzed, as is the use of body-part prefixation in locative constructions. The use of a BLC to encode simple locative situations as in (1) is not unusual, however, Totonac also encodes situations as in (2) — where one entity is tightly adhered to another entity — as BLCs.
(2)
tu:pí:ʃ waká̰ɫ] tu: pí:ʃni kuɾíta
tu:pi:ʃ–waká̰ɫ] tu:pí:ʃ–nḭ kuɾíta
ankle–be.high ankle– PYN band.aid
‘the band-aid is on the ankle’ (C1)
The situation in (2), where the object to be located by the BLC — the band-aid— is adhered to its designated locataion — the ankle —, is the only other situation type which is described using a BLC in Totonac. The fact that Totonac only encodes situation types similar to those in (1) and (2) as BLCs, and no others is unusual, and indeed has not been attested in any other language. This paper discusses both the morphosyntactic and semantic peculiarity of the Totonac BLC and uses the data to help refine some current typologies of BLCs current in the literature (Kita & Dickey 1998, VanGeenhoven & Warner 1999).
Una ilustración fológica del mazateco de Mazatlán Villa de Flores.
A phonological illustraion o... more Una ilustración fológica del mazateco de Mazatlán Villa de Flores.
A phonological illustraion of the Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores.
Mazatec is a Mexican language with 12-20 variants spoken in the La Cañada area of Oaxaca. Many va... more Mazatec is a Mexican language with 12-20 variants spoken in the La Cañada area of Oaxaca. Many variants show asymmetries in the laryngeally modified consonants of the phonemic inventory. Specifically, the laryngeally modified consonants in the phonemic inventory of Íénná, Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores, ISO 639-3 = vmz, mazateco del suroeste (INALI 2016), are asymmetric.
The Íénná phonemic inventory includes post-aspirated obstruents, [th, nth, kh], voiceless resonants [m̥ , n̥, ɲ̊, ɸ̞ , β̞ ], post-glottalized obstruents [tsˀ , tʃˀ], and pre-glottalized resonants [ˀw , ˀj ]. It includes neither pre-glottalized obstruents such as [ˀt, ˀts], nor post-glottalized resonants such as [mˀ, nˀ, ɲˀ]. Ascribing non-modal voicing to a morpheme feature removes the otherwise unmotivated asymmetry in the phonemic inventory of Íénná and provides evidence that non-modal voicing as a morphemic feature may be an areal phenomenon of Mesoamerican languages, e.g. [+nasal] and [+CG] in Mixtec (Marlett 1992, Macaulay & Salmons 1995), [+CG] in Totonac (Aschmann & Wonderly 1952), Trique (Hollenbach 1984) and Tepehua (Watters 1987), and [+nasal] in Me'phaa (Marlett yNeri 2012).
La flexion de los verbos en las lenguas otomangues es altamente complicado, y en especifico la fl... more La flexion de los verbos en las lenguas otomangues es altamente complicado, y en especifico la flexion de persona en el verbo mazateco ha sido un reto para descriptivistas. La alternación supletiva de radicales, el cambio vocalico de la última vocal, la epéntesis de enclíticos han sido descrito en varias variantes Jamieson (1977), García García (2013), Léonard & Fulcrand (2016). Estas variantes coinciden en la descripción de seis posibles personas, primera persona singular, inclusiva y exclusiva, segunda persona singular y plural, y tercera persona. Nosotros proponemos que las seis personas son basados en dos posiciónes morfémicas, una para persona, y otra para clusividad. Las personas simples son primera persona /ã̄ /, y segunda persona /(h)i ̄ /, y las personas complejas son además especificados por clusivdiad, que sea inclusiva /ã́ / o exclusiva /hi ̃ / ̀ . Las clusivas especifican un grupo que incluye o excluye el oyente. Esto resulta en la primera inclusiva /ã́ /, primera exclusiva /ã̄hi ̃̀ /, y segunda persona inclusiva, descrito como segunda persona plural /hṹ /. Un análisis según estos conceptos aclara y unifica a las distintas flexiones de persona. Por ejemplo, en la alternación de radicales supletivos, las personas complejas, 1inc, 1excl, y 2pl, usan el mismo radical que la segunda persona, y la primera ytercera persona usan otro.
Se usa un radical para todas las personas especificadas por segunda persona, y otro radical para las que no. Las categorías de pluralidad y tercera persona no son directamente gramaticalizada en la lengua. La tercera persona es una categoría emergente de un radical no marcado por persona o clusividad, y la pluralidad de la segunda persona es mejor descrito como la segunda persona y un grupo que la incluye.
Conference Presentations by Ryan David Klint
XVII El Encuentro Internacional de la Lingüística en el Noreste (17ELNOR), 2022
Drafts by Ryan David Klint
El verbo mazateco ha sido descrito frequentamente en cuanto a su formación morfológica (Jamieson,... more El verbo mazateco ha sido descrito frequentamente en cuanto a su formación morfológica (Jamieson,
C. (1982), Bull (1984), Schram y Black (2014), Filio (2014)) y su sistema de flexión tonal (Jamieson, A.
(1977), Léonard y Kihm (2010)). Este trabajo, en cambio, pretende describir la semántica del sistema de
tenso, aspecto y modo (TAM) de la lengua mazateca hablada en Mazatlán Villa de Flores, iera̱ na̱xi̱ nanda
Na̱jndia̱á (INN). En la sección 2 damos un inventario de las morfemas y construcciónes usado en el sistema
TAM, en la sección 3 describimos los usos varios de cada morfema de tiempo, y en la sección 4 describimos
los usos de las morfemas de modo. Los datos de este trabajo provienen de un cuestionario de Östen Dahl
(1985) diseñado para investigar la semántica del tiempo entre lenguas junto con un corpus de 11 textos
grabados y transcritos por el autor. Sólo entramos a la formación del verbo hata el punto de identificar los
alomorfos de las distintas morfémas.
El verbo mazateco es complejo con raíces supletivas que alternan dependiendo a la persona, con clases
de patrónes tonales que varía independientamente del clase de raíz, y con una interacción de radicales
preverbales y raíces complicado. El trabajo presente no pretende motivar todos los procesos de formación
del verbo en cada tiempo, aspecto, y modo, sino dar un inventario de las morfemas presentes con los
conceptos que encodifican, y iluminar el rango semántico de cada concepto gramaticalizado.
En la presentación que hacemos aquí, elaboramos tres estrategias que el INN usa para formar el impera-
tivo, uno basado en el progresivo, otro en futúro, y la útlima en el optativo. Primero muestro la extensión
semántica del progresivo y el futúro, y después presento las tres estrategias del imperativo.
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Papers by Ryan David Klint
form of the responses of nine children, ages 4 to 11, to a picture series called the Topological Relation Picture Series (TPRS) task. In this task, children are asked where certain objects are with respect to other elements in a picture. In Section 2, I discuss the typological diversity of
BLCs, concentrating on each of the morphosyntactic strategies for encoding locative information in Upper Necaxa. In section 3, I discuss previous acquisition research relevant to the present study. I outline the methodology of the study in section 4, including information on the subjects, procedure of the test itself and criteria used for scoring the subjects’ responses. In section 5, I discuss the data obtained by administering the TRPS task outlining three distinct stages of acquisition of the BLC. Finally, in section 6, I discuss the relevance of the results obtained from the study for the development of spatial language.
be encoded as BLCs. The BLC of Upper Necaxa Totonac —hereto referred to simply as
Totonac—, however, does not follow the anticipated patterns of either of these semantic or morphological predictions. The predicate used in the Totonac BLC is unlike any accounted for in typologies of BLC predicates, and it encodes combinations of situation types as BLCs not seen in other languages.
The Totonac BLC is syntactically unusual due to the unique composition of its locative predicate, as shown by (1):
(1)
tása a̰kpu:wí:ɫ] nakmésa
tása a̰ kpu:–wí:ɫ] nak=mésa
cup crown–sit LOC =table
‘the cup is on the table’ (P3)
In (1) the posture root wi:ɫ ‘sit’ specifies the configuration of the cup, while the body-part a̰kpu:- ‘crown’ specifies that the cup is found on top of the table. This coordination of two distinct locative systems within the predicate is unlike BLC predicates previously analyzed, as is the use of body-part prefixation in locative constructions. The use of a BLC to encode simple locative situations as in (1) is not unusual, however, Totonac also encodes situations as in (2) — where one entity is tightly adhered to another entity — as BLCs.
(2)
tu:pí:ʃ waká̰ɫ] tu: pí:ʃni kuɾíta
tu:pi:ʃ–waká̰ɫ] tu:pí:ʃ–nḭ kuɾíta
ankle–be.high ankle– PYN band.aid
‘the band-aid is on the ankle’ (C1)
The situation in (2), where the object to be located by the BLC — the band-aid— is adhered to its designated locataion — the ankle —, is the only other situation type which is described using a BLC in Totonac. The fact that Totonac only encodes situation types similar to those in (1) and (2) as BLCs, and no others is unusual, and indeed has not been attested in any other language. This paper discusses both the morphosyntactic and semantic peculiarity of the Totonac BLC and uses the data to help refine some current typologies of BLCs current in the literature (Kita & Dickey 1998, VanGeenhoven & Warner 1999).
A phonological illustraion of the Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores.
The Íénná phonemic inventory includes post-aspirated obstruents, [th, nth, kh], voiceless resonants [m̥ , n̥, ɲ̊, ɸ̞ , β̞ ], post-glottalized obstruents [tsˀ , tʃˀ], and pre-glottalized resonants [ˀw , ˀj ]. It includes neither pre-glottalized obstruents such as [ˀt, ˀts], nor post-glottalized resonants such as [mˀ, nˀ, ɲˀ]. Ascribing non-modal voicing to a morpheme feature removes the otherwise unmotivated asymmetry in the phonemic inventory of Íénná and provides evidence that non-modal voicing as a morphemic feature may be an areal phenomenon of Mesoamerican languages, e.g. [+nasal] and [+CG] in Mixtec (Marlett 1992, Macaulay & Salmons 1995), [+CG] in Totonac (Aschmann & Wonderly 1952), Trique (Hollenbach 1984) and Tepehua (Watters 1987), and [+nasal] in Me'phaa (Marlett yNeri 2012).
Se usa un radical para todas las personas especificadas por segunda persona, y otro radical para las que no. Las categorías de pluralidad y tercera persona no son directamente gramaticalizada en la lengua. La tercera persona es una categoría emergente de un radical no marcado por persona o clusividad, y la pluralidad de la segunda persona es mejor descrito como la segunda persona y un grupo que la incluye.
Conference Presentations by Ryan David Klint
Drafts by Ryan David Klint
C. (1982), Bull (1984), Schram y Black (2014), Filio (2014)) y su sistema de flexión tonal (Jamieson, A.
(1977), Léonard y Kihm (2010)). Este trabajo, en cambio, pretende describir la semántica del sistema de
tenso, aspecto y modo (TAM) de la lengua mazateca hablada en Mazatlán Villa de Flores, iera̱ na̱xi̱ nanda
Na̱jndia̱á (INN). En la sección 2 damos un inventario de las morfemas y construcciónes usado en el sistema
TAM, en la sección 3 describimos los usos varios de cada morfema de tiempo, y en la sección 4 describimos
los usos de las morfemas de modo. Los datos de este trabajo provienen de un cuestionario de Östen Dahl
(1985) diseñado para investigar la semántica del tiempo entre lenguas junto con un corpus de 11 textos
grabados y transcritos por el autor. Sólo entramos a la formación del verbo hata el punto de identificar los
alomorfos de las distintas morfémas.
El verbo mazateco es complejo con raíces supletivas que alternan dependiendo a la persona, con clases
de patrónes tonales que varía independientamente del clase de raíz, y con una interacción de radicales
preverbales y raíces complicado. El trabajo presente no pretende motivar todos los procesos de formación
del verbo en cada tiempo, aspecto, y modo, sino dar un inventario de las morfemas presentes con los
conceptos que encodifican, y iluminar el rango semántico de cada concepto gramaticalizado.
En la presentación que hacemos aquí, elaboramos tres estrategias que el INN usa para formar el impera-
tivo, uno basado en el progresivo, otro en futúro, y la útlima en el optativo. Primero muestro la extensión
semántica del progresivo y el futúro, y después presento las tres estrategias del imperativo.
form of the responses of nine children, ages 4 to 11, to a picture series called the Topological Relation Picture Series (TPRS) task. In this task, children are asked where certain objects are with respect to other elements in a picture. In Section 2, I discuss the typological diversity of
BLCs, concentrating on each of the morphosyntactic strategies for encoding locative information in Upper Necaxa. In section 3, I discuss previous acquisition research relevant to the present study. I outline the methodology of the study in section 4, including information on the subjects, procedure of the test itself and criteria used for scoring the subjects’ responses. In section 5, I discuss the data obtained by administering the TRPS task outlining three distinct stages of acquisition of the BLC. Finally, in section 6, I discuss the relevance of the results obtained from the study for the development of spatial language.
be encoded as BLCs. The BLC of Upper Necaxa Totonac —hereto referred to simply as
Totonac—, however, does not follow the anticipated patterns of either of these semantic or morphological predictions. The predicate used in the Totonac BLC is unlike any accounted for in typologies of BLC predicates, and it encodes combinations of situation types as BLCs not seen in other languages.
The Totonac BLC is syntactically unusual due to the unique composition of its locative predicate, as shown by (1):
(1)
tása a̰kpu:wí:ɫ] nakmésa
tása a̰ kpu:–wí:ɫ] nak=mésa
cup crown–sit LOC =table
‘the cup is on the table’ (P3)
In (1) the posture root wi:ɫ ‘sit’ specifies the configuration of the cup, while the body-part a̰kpu:- ‘crown’ specifies that the cup is found on top of the table. This coordination of two distinct locative systems within the predicate is unlike BLC predicates previously analyzed, as is the use of body-part prefixation in locative constructions. The use of a BLC to encode simple locative situations as in (1) is not unusual, however, Totonac also encodes situations as in (2) — where one entity is tightly adhered to another entity — as BLCs.
(2)
tu:pí:ʃ waká̰ɫ] tu: pí:ʃni kuɾíta
tu:pi:ʃ–waká̰ɫ] tu:pí:ʃ–nḭ kuɾíta
ankle–be.high ankle– PYN band.aid
‘the band-aid is on the ankle’ (C1)
The situation in (2), where the object to be located by the BLC — the band-aid— is adhered to its designated locataion — the ankle —, is the only other situation type which is described using a BLC in Totonac. The fact that Totonac only encodes situation types similar to those in (1) and (2) as BLCs, and no others is unusual, and indeed has not been attested in any other language. This paper discusses both the morphosyntactic and semantic peculiarity of the Totonac BLC and uses the data to help refine some current typologies of BLCs current in the literature (Kita & Dickey 1998, VanGeenhoven & Warner 1999).
A phonological illustraion of the Mazatec of Mazatlán Villa de Flores.
The Íénná phonemic inventory includes post-aspirated obstruents, [th, nth, kh], voiceless resonants [m̥ , n̥, ɲ̊, ɸ̞ , β̞ ], post-glottalized obstruents [tsˀ , tʃˀ], and pre-glottalized resonants [ˀw , ˀj ]. It includes neither pre-glottalized obstruents such as [ˀt, ˀts], nor post-glottalized resonants such as [mˀ, nˀ, ɲˀ]. Ascribing non-modal voicing to a morpheme feature removes the otherwise unmotivated asymmetry in the phonemic inventory of Íénná and provides evidence that non-modal voicing as a morphemic feature may be an areal phenomenon of Mesoamerican languages, e.g. [+nasal] and [+CG] in Mixtec (Marlett 1992, Macaulay & Salmons 1995), [+CG] in Totonac (Aschmann & Wonderly 1952), Trique (Hollenbach 1984) and Tepehua (Watters 1987), and [+nasal] in Me'phaa (Marlett yNeri 2012).
Se usa un radical para todas las personas especificadas por segunda persona, y otro radical para las que no. Las categorías de pluralidad y tercera persona no son directamente gramaticalizada en la lengua. La tercera persona es una categoría emergente de un radical no marcado por persona o clusividad, y la pluralidad de la segunda persona es mejor descrito como la segunda persona y un grupo que la incluye.
C. (1982), Bull (1984), Schram y Black (2014), Filio (2014)) y su sistema de flexión tonal (Jamieson, A.
(1977), Léonard y Kihm (2010)). Este trabajo, en cambio, pretende describir la semántica del sistema de
tenso, aspecto y modo (TAM) de la lengua mazateca hablada en Mazatlán Villa de Flores, iera̱ na̱xi̱ nanda
Na̱jndia̱á (INN). En la sección 2 damos un inventario de las morfemas y construcciónes usado en el sistema
TAM, en la sección 3 describimos los usos varios de cada morfema de tiempo, y en la sección 4 describimos
los usos de las morfemas de modo. Los datos de este trabajo provienen de un cuestionario de Östen Dahl
(1985) diseñado para investigar la semántica del tiempo entre lenguas junto con un corpus de 11 textos
grabados y transcritos por el autor. Sólo entramos a la formación del verbo hata el punto de identificar los
alomorfos de las distintas morfémas.
El verbo mazateco es complejo con raíces supletivas que alternan dependiendo a la persona, con clases
de patrónes tonales que varía independientamente del clase de raíz, y con una interacción de radicales
preverbales y raíces complicado. El trabajo presente no pretende motivar todos los procesos de formación
del verbo en cada tiempo, aspecto, y modo, sino dar un inventario de las morfemas presentes con los
conceptos que encodifican, y iluminar el rango semántico de cada concepto gramaticalizado.
En la presentación que hacemos aquí, elaboramos tres estrategias que el INN usa para formar el impera-
tivo, uno basado en el progresivo, otro en futúro, y la útlima en el optativo. Primero muestro la extensión
semántica del progresivo y el futúro, y después presento las tres estrategias del imperativo.