Fake news is used purposefully and very strategically in Congo today
— to score politically and ... more Fake news is used purposefully and very strategically in Congo today — to score politically and diplomatically, to create a certain psychological climate, or simply to cover up hard facts. The greater the insecurity, the harder the rumour mill turns.
The Congolese public administration must deliver official documents faster and more correctly, Pr... more The Congolese public administration must deliver official documents faster and more correctly, President Félix Tshisekedi believes. But there is still a long way to go, as the experiences of ordinary Congolese prove time and again. Without a central database and organisation, applying for identity papers often remains a matter of putting money on the table.
L'année dernière, 26 oeuvres d'art du Bénin ont été restituées par la France. Dans la capitale Co... more L'année dernière, 26 oeuvres d'art du Bénin ont été restituées par la France. Dans la capitale Cotonou, elles seront exposées au palais présidentiel jusqu'au 22 mai. En outre, le Bénin a de grands plans pour de nombreux nouveaux musées. En Belgique aussi, les portes s'ouvrent progressivement pour le retour des oeuvres d'art pillées.
Kris Berwouts, journaliste à MO*, est parti au Sénégal à la recherche des atouts de ce pays face ... more Kris Berwouts, journaliste à MO*, est parti au Sénégal à la recherche des atouts de ce pays face à la menace du radicalisme religieux en provenance du Sahel. Aujourd'hui, il s'intéresse au dynamisme de la scène artistique de Dakar et comment elle contribue à la création d'un climat de tolérance.
Le journaliste de MO* Kris Berwouts a visité le Sénégal dans une tentative de comprendre l’histoi... more Le journaliste de MO* Kris Berwouts a visité le Sénégal dans une tentative de comprendre l’histoire religieuse unique du pays. D’un côté, il a vu un islam modéré, principalement influencé par le soufisme, de l’autre la menace constante de mouvements ultra-conservateurs.
L'extrémisme religieux fait ravage en Afrique de l'ouest. Au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger, ... more L'extrémisme religieux fait ravage en Afrique de l'ouest. Au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger, le djihadisme est une réalité quotidienne, Nous sommes allés au Sénégal avec la question: quels sont les atouts et les vulnérabilités du Sénégal face au risque d'un djihadisme débordant du Sahel?
Africa voted very divided on the UN resolution condemning the
Russian invasion in the Ukraine. W... more Africa voted very divided on the UN resolution condemning the Russian invasion in the Ukraine. What is the political impact of the conflict on Africa’s cohesion?
Two phenomena have been on the rise in recent years: privatised warfare and ultra-nationalist ext... more Two phenomena have been on the rise in recent years: privatised warfare and ultra-nationalist extremism in Russia. Its outflow is the infamous Wagner Group, the private military company that does not even officially exist. In recent years, Wagner has occupied more and more space in Africa.
The protests that broke in January 2015 in various cities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo... more The protests that broke in January 2015 in various cities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) over proposed changes to the electoral law demonstrated the important role that disaffected urban populations can come to play in the upcoming elections in the country. Frustrated with precarious socioeconomic living conditions and a regime that is increasingly perceived as unrepresentative and unresponsive to the needs and aspirations of the population, there is a real risk of more large-scale violence. While it is impossible to predict if, when and how such violence will erupt, three possible trigger factors are: unmet electoral deadlines, police repression of mass gatherings (to protest, celebrate, mourn, or demonstrate over socioeconomic issues…), and the escalation of trivial incidents.
Twenty years after the genocide in Rwanda, Kris Berwouts interviews witnesses from different back... more Twenty years after the genocide in Rwanda, Kris Berwouts interviews witnesses from different backgrounds on the changes the country underwent.
Although the election of Félix Tshisekedi as president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ... more Although the election of Félix Tshisekedi as president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was hailed as 'the first peaceful transition since independence', the election was anything but a democratic exercise. Indeed, Martin Fayulu was the real winner, not Tshisekedi. Suspected electoral fraud at the legislative elections has returned a parliament in which Kabila's Common Front for Congo coalition (Front commun pour le Congo-FCC) holds a large majority. This will allow Kabila to keep real power in most domains of government. By endorsing this outcome in the knowledge that it was fraudulently obtained, the West and Africa have robbed the Congolese people of their choice. The opinions expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author(s) alone, and they do not necessarily reflect the views of the Egmont Institute. Founded in 1947, EGMONT-Royal Institute for International Relations is an independent and non-profit Brussels-based think tank dedicated to interdisciplinary research.
nummer 76-april 2013-www.mo.be/papers [ Wat weten we (niet) over het geweld in Oost-Congo? ] MO*p... more nummer 76-april 2013-www.mo.be/papers [ Wat weten we (niet) over het geweld in Oost-Congo? ] MO*papers is een serie analyses die uitgegeven wordt door Wereldmediahuis vzw. Elke paper brengt fundamentele informatie over een tendens die de globaliserende wereld bepaalt. MO*papers worden toegankelijk en diepgaand uitgewerkt. MO*papers worden niet in gedrukte vorm verspreid. Ze zijn gratis downloadbaar op www.mo.be. Bij het verschijnen van een nieuwe paper wordt een korte aankondiging gestuurd naar iedereen die zijn of haar e-mailadres bezorgt aan [email protected] (onderwerp: alert) Koen Vlassenroot, hoogleraar aan de UGent en directeur van de Conflict Research Group (UGent) Steven Spittaels studeerde internationale politiek en Advanced Master of Arts in Conflict and Sustainable Peace aan de KU Leuven. Hij deed terreinervaring op in de Balkan en Centraal-Afrika waar hij actief was als onderzoeker, projectmedewerker en projectevaluator. Bij IPIS startte hij in 2006 het mappingproject op. Van 2010 tot 2012 was hij directeur van IPIS. Kris Berwouts, licentiaat Afrikaanse Taalkunde en geschiedenis, en werkte 25 jaar voor verschillende NGO's en werkt sinds januari als zelfstandig analist en consultant rond Centraal-Afrika. Nadia Nsayi studeerde Vergelijkende en Internationale politiek aan de KU Leuven. Sinds 2010 is ze beleidsmedewerker Centraal-Afrika bij de vredesbeweging Pax Christi Vlaanderen en de ontwikkelingsorganisatie Broederlijk Delen.
Protests and arrests have been centred on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s major cities, but we... more Protests and arrests have been centred on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s major cities, but we should also pay attention to more rural areas.
Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines
citizenship (just a passport). The author attributes these differences to the fact that Britain h... more citizenship (just a passport). The author attributes these differences to the fact that Britain has failed to deal with its racist past. As the colonies were far away, Britain was not compelled to directly confront its history of slavery and colonialism, which was not the case in the US. Despite the many strengths of the book, there are three major shortcomings worth mentioning. First, it appears that all participants in this study were enthusiastic about and strongly identify with their Nigerian ethnic identity. There is only a passing mention of one person (out of 150 respondents) who reported not identifying or liking his Nigerian identity. This seems unlikely or, more seriously, points to a problem of unrepresentative sampling. Second, Imoagene focuses on race, class, ethnicity and national identity in her discussion but seldom mentions gender and religion. Considering that these two additional axes of identity serve as significant organizing principles in the home nation, the silence is deafening. Third, and most important, Imoagene does not clarify the role of local Nigerian ethnic identities in the diaspora. She indirectly implies that the differences between the Yorubas, the Igbos, the Edos, etc. disappear when Nigerians migrate out of their home countries. Although it is not unfathomable that Nigerians emphasize their national identity as an ethnic identity in the diaspora, it is hard to imagine that the differences that are significant organizing principles in the home nation have absolutely no salience in the diaspora, even when dealing with the second-generation. Nigerians are ethnic hybrids with a syncretic mix of local and global cultures. Nigerian becomes or serves as an ethnicity only in the diaspora, whereas in the home country of Nigeria, principal organizing lines are based on ethnic group membership, religion and, to some extent, social class. Lastly, as a suggestion for future studies, it would be enlightening to see if “beyond racialization theory” similarly holds true for other new African immigrants such as Ghanaians and Ethiopians in the diaspora.
Fake news is used purposefully and very strategically in Congo today
— to score politically and ... more Fake news is used purposefully and very strategically in Congo today — to score politically and diplomatically, to create a certain psychological climate, or simply to cover up hard facts. The greater the insecurity, the harder the rumour mill turns.
The Congolese public administration must deliver official documents faster and more correctly, Pr... more The Congolese public administration must deliver official documents faster and more correctly, President Félix Tshisekedi believes. But there is still a long way to go, as the experiences of ordinary Congolese prove time and again. Without a central database and organisation, applying for identity papers often remains a matter of putting money on the table.
L'année dernière, 26 oeuvres d'art du Bénin ont été restituées par la France. Dans la capitale Co... more L'année dernière, 26 oeuvres d'art du Bénin ont été restituées par la France. Dans la capitale Cotonou, elles seront exposées au palais présidentiel jusqu'au 22 mai. En outre, le Bénin a de grands plans pour de nombreux nouveaux musées. En Belgique aussi, les portes s'ouvrent progressivement pour le retour des oeuvres d'art pillées.
Kris Berwouts, journaliste à MO*, est parti au Sénégal à la recherche des atouts de ce pays face ... more Kris Berwouts, journaliste à MO*, est parti au Sénégal à la recherche des atouts de ce pays face à la menace du radicalisme religieux en provenance du Sahel. Aujourd'hui, il s'intéresse au dynamisme de la scène artistique de Dakar et comment elle contribue à la création d'un climat de tolérance.
Le journaliste de MO* Kris Berwouts a visité le Sénégal dans une tentative de comprendre l’histoi... more Le journaliste de MO* Kris Berwouts a visité le Sénégal dans une tentative de comprendre l’histoire religieuse unique du pays. D’un côté, il a vu un islam modéré, principalement influencé par le soufisme, de l’autre la menace constante de mouvements ultra-conservateurs.
L'extrémisme religieux fait ravage en Afrique de l'ouest. Au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger, ... more L'extrémisme religieux fait ravage en Afrique de l'ouest. Au Mali, au Burkina Faso et au Niger, le djihadisme est une réalité quotidienne, Nous sommes allés au Sénégal avec la question: quels sont les atouts et les vulnérabilités du Sénégal face au risque d'un djihadisme débordant du Sahel?
Africa voted very divided on the UN resolution condemning the
Russian invasion in the Ukraine. W... more Africa voted very divided on the UN resolution condemning the Russian invasion in the Ukraine. What is the political impact of the conflict on Africa’s cohesion?
Two phenomena have been on the rise in recent years: privatised warfare and ultra-nationalist ext... more Two phenomena have been on the rise in recent years: privatised warfare and ultra-nationalist extremism in Russia. Its outflow is the infamous Wagner Group, the private military company that does not even officially exist. In recent years, Wagner has occupied more and more space in Africa.
The protests that broke in January 2015 in various cities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo... more The protests that broke in January 2015 in various cities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) over proposed changes to the electoral law demonstrated the important role that disaffected urban populations can come to play in the upcoming elections in the country. Frustrated with precarious socioeconomic living conditions and a regime that is increasingly perceived as unrepresentative and unresponsive to the needs and aspirations of the population, there is a real risk of more large-scale violence. While it is impossible to predict if, when and how such violence will erupt, three possible trigger factors are: unmet electoral deadlines, police repression of mass gatherings (to protest, celebrate, mourn, or demonstrate over socioeconomic issues…), and the escalation of trivial incidents.
Twenty years after the genocide in Rwanda, Kris Berwouts interviews witnesses from different back... more Twenty years after the genocide in Rwanda, Kris Berwouts interviews witnesses from different backgrounds on the changes the country underwent.
Although the election of Félix Tshisekedi as president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) ... more Although the election of Félix Tshisekedi as president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was hailed as 'the first peaceful transition since independence', the election was anything but a democratic exercise. Indeed, Martin Fayulu was the real winner, not Tshisekedi. Suspected electoral fraud at the legislative elections has returned a parliament in which Kabila's Common Front for Congo coalition (Front commun pour le Congo-FCC) holds a large majority. This will allow Kabila to keep real power in most domains of government. By endorsing this outcome in the knowledge that it was fraudulently obtained, the West and Africa have robbed the Congolese people of their choice. The opinions expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author(s) alone, and they do not necessarily reflect the views of the Egmont Institute. Founded in 1947, EGMONT-Royal Institute for International Relations is an independent and non-profit Brussels-based think tank dedicated to interdisciplinary research.
nummer 76-april 2013-www.mo.be/papers [ Wat weten we (niet) over het geweld in Oost-Congo? ] MO*p... more nummer 76-april 2013-www.mo.be/papers [ Wat weten we (niet) over het geweld in Oost-Congo? ] MO*papers is een serie analyses die uitgegeven wordt door Wereldmediahuis vzw. Elke paper brengt fundamentele informatie over een tendens die de globaliserende wereld bepaalt. MO*papers worden toegankelijk en diepgaand uitgewerkt. MO*papers worden niet in gedrukte vorm verspreid. Ze zijn gratis downloadbaar op www.mo.be. Bij het verschijnen van een nieuwe paper wordt een korte aankondiging gestuurd naar iedereen die zijn of haar e-mailadres bezorgt aan [email protected] (onderwerp: alert) Koen Vlassenroot, hoogleraar aan de UGent en directeur van de Conflict Research Group (UGent) Steven Spittaels studeerde internationale politiek en Advanced Master of Arts in Conflict and Sustainable Peace aan de KU Leuven. Hij deed terreinervaring op in de Balkan en Centraal-Afrika waar hij actief was als onderzoeker, projectmedewerker en projectevaluator. Bij IPIS startte hij in 2006 het mappingproject op. Van 2010 tot 2012 was hij directeur van IPIS. Kris Berwouts, licentiaat Afrikaanse Taalkunde en geschiedenis, en werkte 25 jaar voor verschillende NGO's en werkt sinds januari als zelfstandig analist en consultant rond Centraal-Afrika. Nadia Nsayi studeerde Vergelijkende en Internationale politiek aan de KU Leuven. Sinds 2010 is ze beleidsmedewerker Centraal-Afrika bij de vredesbeweging Pax Christi Vlaanderen en de ontwikkelingsorganisatie Broederlijk Delen.
Protests and arrests have been centred on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s major cities, but we... more Protests and arrests have been centred on the Democratic Republic of Congo’s major cities, but we should also pay attention to more rural areas.
Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines
citizenship (just a passport). The author attributes these differences to the fact that Britain h... more citizenship (just a passport). The author attributes these differences to the fact that Britain has failed to deal with its racist past. As the colonies were far away, Britain was not compelled to directly confront its history of slavery and colonialism, which was not the case in the US. Despite the many strengths of the book, there are three major shortcomings worth mentioning. First, it appears that all participants in this study were enthusiastic about and strongly identify with their Nigerian ethnic identity. There is only a passing mention of one person (out of 150 respondents) who reported not identifying or liking his Nigerian identity. This seems unlikely or, more seriously, points to a problem of unrepresentative sampling. Second, Imoagene focuses on race, class, ethnicity and national identity in her discussion but seldom mentions gender and religion. Considering that these two additional axes of identity serve as significant organizing principles in the home nation, the silence is deafening. Third, and most important, Imoagene does not clarify the role of local Nigerian ethnic identities in the diaspora. She indirectly implies that the differences between the Yorubas, the Igbos, the Edos, etc. disappear when Nigerians migrate out of their home countries. Although it is not unfathomable that Nigerians emphasize their national identity as an ethnic identity in the diaspora, it is hard to imagine that the differences that are significant organizing principles in the home nation have absolutely no salience in the diaspora, even when dealing with the second-generation. Nigerians are ethnic hybrids with a syncretic mix of local and global cultures. Nigerian becomes or serves as an ethnicity only in the diaspora, whereas in the home country of Nigeria, principal organizing lines are based on ethnic group membership, religion and, to some extent, social class. Lastly, as a suggestion for future studies, it would be enlightening to see if “beyond racialization theory” similarly holds true for other new African immigrants such as Ghanaians and Ethiopians in the diaspora.
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Papers by Kris Berwouts
— to score politically and diplomatically, to create a certain
psychological climate, or simply to cover up hard facts. The greater
the insecurity, the harder the rumour mill turns.
Russian invasion in the Ukraine. What is the political impact of the
conflict on Africa’s cohesion?
— to score politically and diplomatically, to create a certain
psychological climate, or simply to cover up hard facts. The greater
the insecurity, the harder the rumour mill turns.
Russian invasion in the Ukraine. What is the political impact of the
conflict on Africa’s cohesion?