Papers by Jude Lal Fernando
Jude Lal Fernando (Sri Lanka, 1963) sinhalarra da jaiotzez, baina tamil herriaren eskubideak defe... more Jude Lal Fernando (Sri Lanka, 1963) sinhalarra da jaiotzez, baina tamil herriaren eskubideak defendatu ditu beti. Irlandan bizi da egun erbesteratuta, arrazoi politikoak direla tarteko, eta tamilen egoeran berri ematen ari da mundu zabalean. Sri Lankako Bakearen Aldeko Foro Irlandarraren sortzaileetako bat da, eta Herrien Aldeko Auzitegi Iraunkorraren kidea. Komite Internazionalistak gonbidatuta izan da gurean, eta gerra amaitutzat eman eta urtebetera uhartean egoera zein den azaldu du.
Racisme : entre exclusion sociale et peur identitaire
Depuis 2005, le succès des nationalistes cinghalais-JVP et JHU-et leur compétition pour le pouvoi... more Depuis 2005, le succès des nationalistes cinghalais-JVP et JHU-et leur compétition pour le pouvoir étatique ont joué un rôle déterminant dans la reprise des conflits et la polarisation des rapports entre Cinghalais et Tamouls. La convergence des deux partis a contribué à la consolidation d'un État unitaire fondé sur la suprématie bouddhiste cinghalaise et à la justification morale d'un déni de droits de la population tamoule. En 2005, le Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-le Front de libération du peuple-et le Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU)-le Parti de l'héritage national-ont formé une alliance avec le Parti sri-lankais de la liberté (SLFP) de Mahinda Rajapakse autour du « Mahinda Chintanaya » (pensée, idéologie ou conscience de Mahinda), le manifeste électoral de ce dernier. L'alliance a remporté les élections et Mahinda Rajapakse est devenu président du Sri Lanka en novembre 2005. L'alliance avait été formée à l'époque où le gouvernement sri-lankais et les Tigres de libération de l'Îlam tamoul (LTTE) appliquaient un accord de cessez-le-feu depuis 2002 avec l'aide du gouvernement norvégien. L'accord était fondé sur un mémorandum d'entente qui visait à promouvoir des mesures de confiance entre les deux parties en conflit, en démilitarisant les zones tamoules surveillées par les forces de sécurité sri-lankaises et en réinstallant et 1. Ancien coordinateur national du syndicat des pêcheurs du Ceylan au Sri Lanka, enseignant et chercheur à l'Ecole oecuménique irlandaise, au Trinity College de Dublin, au Saunt Patrick's College et au Carlow College, sur les problématiques « religions et mondialisation ».
On May 18, 2009 the Lankan Government (GoSL) officially declared its military victory over the Li... more On May 18, 2009 the Lankan Government (GoSL) officially declared its military victory over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) who ran a de facto state in the North and East of Īlam for nearly twenty years.1 This victory and the take-over of the North and East were called “second Independence”, with which the territorial control by the Lankan state over the whole of island became total. The Lankan President’s victory speech reflected the imagination of “reconquest”: where he referred to ancient, medieval and modern invasions that were successfully overcome by great Siṃhala warrior-kings of the island.
Reconciling Divided States, 2021
THESIS 8554Sometimes the impression given of the Lankan conflict by both the local and mainstream... more THESIS 8554Sometimes the impression given of the Lankan conflict by both the local and mainstream media is that the conflict has been caused by primordial or perennial antagonisms that existed between the parties involved. Such a projection adds evidence to the unchecked hypothesis of a ?clash of civilisations? that is supposed to be gaining ground in the emerging world order. In my study of the Lankan conflict I argue that it is mainly a modern conflict which has its roots in the colonial and postcolonial state-building
RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentar... more RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at [email protected].
On 24th July 2016, François Houtart and Jude Lal Fernando showed us a documentary called No Fire ... more On 24th July 2016, François Houtart and Jude Lal Fernando showed us a documentary called No Fire Zone — the Killing Fields of Sri Lanka . This is the discussion session
International Journal of Asian Christianity, 2021
The dominant discourse on the interplay of religion, conflict, and peace is constructed on a West... more The dominant discourse on the interplay of religion, conflict, and peace is constructed on a Western liberal peace agenda which marginalises many voices for just peace. In analysing the role of Christianity in conflict and peace in Asia, the authors of this issue have adopted a critically self-reflective methodology by listening to the deep yearnings of the afflicted ones in conflict zones in West Asia, South Asia, South East Asia and East Asia. These seven articles critique not only exclusionary politics and religious identities, but also identify alternative theological practices for just peace while contributing to the public debate on the role of religion in both conflict and peace.
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding, 2017
Postwar reconstruction in Sri Lanka, which is aided by many countries, is aimed at consolidating ... more Postwar reconstruction in Sri Lanka, which is aided by many countries, is aimed at consolidating the unitary state structure as part of a geo-strategic security complex in the Indian Ocean Region. In this process, discourses of democratization and human rights have been reconfigured to contain or totally remove any threat to the unitary state emerging from the Tamils in the North and East whose claim to selfdetermination is seen as a major challenge to the geo-strategic complex in South Asia. In such a context, the bio-politics of the development-security nexus and neoliberal governmentality operates by strengthening the hegemony of the Sinhala state against the Tamils and weakening or destroying the essential foundations of Tamil nationhood. Without recognizing these local and global dynamics every peacebuilding attempt will fail.
Asian Journal of Peacebuilding, 2015
This article examines the impact of a natural disaster on the political dynamics of an ethno-nati... more This article examines the impact of a natural disaster on the political dynamics of an ethno-nationalist conflict. The humanitarian space generated by the 2004 tsunami could have revived the peace process between the Sri Lankan state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), as evidenced by the joint mechanism that was formed for rehabilitation and reconstruction. However, the impact of the tsunami carried a potential for both peacebuilding and escalation of the conflict. The growing securitization of South Asia, led by the United States, upheld a militaristic approach and strengthened the Sri Lankan state against the LTTE. The militaristic approach to the decades-long conflict was advanced and eventually resulted in a massive war which claimed thousands of lives. The tsunami was a missed political opportunity.
International Journal of Asian Christianity, 2019
Alternatives Sud, 2012
Depuis 2009, la situation post-guerre civile est caractérisée par une double oppression : celle d... more Depuis 2009, la situation post-guerre civile est caractérisée par une double oppression : celle de la population tamoule, dont la région est en voie de militarisation et celle de la société civile cinghalaise, qui fait face à un État de plus en plus autoritaire. Le régime bénéficie de la complaisance des grandes puissances, favorables au renforcement de l'État unitaire. Côté tamoul comme côté cinghalais, les résistances se reconstruisent lentement. Les invasions états-uniennes de l'Afghanistan et de l'Irak, ainsi que l'offensive israélienne sur Gaza de 2009 ont divisé l'opinion publique mondiale. Des tensions du même type ont pu être observées au sein du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies s'agissant du cas syrien. La phase finale (2007-2009) de la guerre du gouvernement sri lankais contre l'État « de fait » des Tigres tamouls Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) n'a par contre pas suscité de controverse internationale, malgré les manifestations, les marches et les jeûnes organisés par la diaspora tamoule à travers le monde. Des pays généralement opposés sur des dossiers géopolitiques cruciaux sur la scène internationale (États-Unis/Chine, Grande-Bretagne/Russie, Israël/Iran, Inde/Pakistan) ont conjointement soutenu la réponse militaire de Colombo à un conflit nationaliste vieux de près de six décennies.
The Oxford Handbook of Christianity in Asia, 2014
International Journal of Asian Christianity, 2018
The aim of this article is to identify the glimpses of prophetic imagination amongst the Christia... more The aim of this article is to identify the glimpses of prophetic imagination amongst the Christian communities in Asia, particularly in Korea and Japan, who are engaged in resisting the new round of militarization in the twenty-first century. This resistance denounces the globalist security complex in the region and announces a nonmilitaristic alternative forming a praxis that is necessary for a new theology of peace in East Asia and in Asia broadly. The political reality of the new round of military empire-building will be discussed with a personal narrative and a political analysis after which the theological meaning of prophetic imagination as opposed to imperial consciousness will be analyzed, correlating the personal and political with the theological. The ways in which the resistance to militarization resonates with the prophetic imagination of an alternative consciousness and community will be examined through an analysis of memories and renunciation of war by the churches. B...
Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 2014
In examining the failure of the 2002 peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Libe... more In examining the failure of the 2002 peace process between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), this essay argues for the need to go beyond the power dynamics of the local actors. The peace process was dismantled and military victory by the Sri Lankan government made possible not so much by the Sinhala nationalist discourse, which opposed administration of development aid by the LTTE, as by the global security discourse associated with geo-strategic interests. The EU-led development discourse, which was informed by the liberal internationalist ethos, could have facilitated resolution and transformation of the conflict. In its place a security-based, realist discourse was prioritized in South Asia by the UK and US governments, particularly after the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. This was the discourse which provided the material basis for the Sinhala nationalists to consolidate their power in pursuing a military victory. The post-war era is marked by geopoliticization of the human rights discourse, deepening the conflict. This essay explores the correlation between the liberal peace model, human rights, international relations and geopolitics.
Asia-Pacific between Conflict and Reconciliation, 2016
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Papers by Jude Lal Fernando