Papers by Joseph McMillan
The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to th... more The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to the twentieth century, this was largely limited to the use of the arms of the United States for national identification on such items as regimental flags and drums, as well as uniforms and personal equipment. Beyond this, a sort of heraldry can be found in the insignia of the arms of service, such as infantry and cavalry, and in temporary corps and division signs used during the Civil and Spanish-American Wars. Regiment-specific heraldry only appeared in the late 19th century, as units began to adopt quasi-armorial emblems for unofficial use on items such as social stationery, regimental china, and the like. These devices enjoyed brief official recognition in 1902-1911, when officers were permitted to wear them in the form of small metal pins on the newly adopted mess uniform. The designs were subject to approval by the Secretary of War, but the review process was a mere formality. Accordingly, most of these creations were heraldically disastrous. Nevertheless, they foreshadow the main topic of this paper.
The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to th... more The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to the twentieth century, this was largely limited to the use of the arms of the United States for national identification on such items as regimental flags and drums, as well as uniforms and personal equipment. Beyond this, a sort of heraldry can be found in the insignia of the arms of service, such as infantry and cavalry, and in temporary corps and division signs used during the Civil and Spanish-American Wars. Regiment-specific heraldry only appeared in the late 19th century, as units began to adopt quasi-armorial emblems for unofficial use on items such as social stationery, regimental china, and the like. These devices enjoyed brief official recognition in 1902-1911, when officers were permitted to wear them in the form of small metal pins on the newly adopted mess uniform. The designs were subject to approval by the Secretary of War, but the review process was a mere formality. Accordingly, most of these creations were heraldically disastrous. Nevertheless, they foreshadow the main topic of this paper.
The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to th... more The United States Army, like most armies, has employed heraldry since its establishment. Up to the twentieth century, this was largely limited to the use of the arms of the United States for national identification on such items as regimental flags and drums, as well as uniforms and personal equipment. Beyond this, a sort of heraldry can be found in the insignia of the arms of service, such as infantry and cavalry, and in temporary corps and division signs used during the Civil and Spanish-American Wars. Regiment-specific heraldry only appeared in the late 19th century, as units began to adopt quasiarmorial emblems for unofficial use on items such as social stationery, regimental china, and the like. These devices enjoyed brief official recognition in 1902-1911, when officers were permitted to wear them in the form of small metal pins on the newly adopted mess uniform. The designs were subject to approval by the Secretary of War, but the review process was a mere formality. Accordingly, most of these creations were heraldically disastrous. Nevertheless, they foreshadow the main topic of this paper.
Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per resp... more Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number.
American Independence and the Privatisation of Heraldry, 1775-1800
Universitaire Pers Leuven eBooks, Jun 1, 2021
In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other offic... more In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other officials made extensive use of personal coats of arms in the conduct of their official duties. The most widespread such use in the British colonies was the application of personal seals-at-arms to authenticate certain gubernatorial acts, such as militia commissions, writs of election, and warrants for surveying land. Other examples included the emblazonment of governors’ arms on the colors of military units and the display of these arms in the context of state ceremonies and similar events. Between 1775 and the end of the century, however, this use of private arms in the exercise of public office was abandoned throughout the former British colonies comprising the United States, both in sigillary applications and more generally. This paper explores this disappearance of personal arms from the official realm as one aspect of a de facto privatization of heraldry that took place in the wake of the American Revolution. It suggests that this was a logical result of (a) the chasm that had developed during the previous two centuries between actual American socio-political structures and the formally stratified Tudor-Stuart ideal upon which English heraldic theory was constructed and (b) the widespread acceptance of an alternative model that rejected official recognition of social distinctions, especially those based on inherited status.
Comparative Strategy, Oct 1, 1992
Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per resp... more Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number.
National Defense University. Institute for National Strategic Studies, Oct 31, 2001
Toward a new regional security architecture
Washington Quarterly, Jun 1, 2003
... Just as clearly, reliance on either Iraq or Iran to protect and advance US interests in the .... more ... Just as clearly, reliance on either Iraq or Iran to protect and advance US interests in the ... and the overt use of a new regime in Baghdad as a proxy would generate ... the broader Middle East, including among GCC members Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the ...
Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per resp... more Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number.
Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per resp... more Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number.
American Independence and the Privatisation of Heraldry, 1775-1800
Heraldic Hierarchies, 2021
In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other offic... more In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other officials made extensive use of personal coats of arms in the conduct of their official duties. The most widespread such use in the British colonies was the application of personal seals-at-arms to authenticate certain gubernatorial acts, such as militia commissions, writs of election, and warrants for surveying land. Other examples included the emblazonment of governors’ arms on the colors of military units and the display of these arms in the context of state ceremonies and similar events. Between 1775 and the end of the century, however, this use of private arms in the exercise of public office was abandoned throughout the former British colonies comprising the United States, both in sigillary applications and more generally. This paper explores this disappearance of personal arms from the official realm as one aspect of a de facto privatization of heraldry that took place in the wake of the American Revolution. It suggests that this was a logical result of (a) the chasm that had developed during the previous two centuries between actual American socio-political structures and the formally stratified Tudor-Stuart ideal upon which English heraldic theory was constructed and (b) the widespread acceptance of an alternative model that rejected official recognition of social distinctions, especially those based on inherited status.
Energy security in South Asia
: As we think about what kind of security architecture the United States would like to see take r... more : As we think about what kind of security architecture the United States would like to see take root in the Persian Gulf, and the role that the United States may end up playing in that architecture, we have to start from two fundamental questions: 1) What do we--the United States--want such a regional security architecture to achieve? 2) What is the political basis for cooperation among the governments comprising the architecture? Before addressing any of those questions, I should say a word about what I mean by "architecture." It is not an ideal term, but alternatives like "structure" or "framework" seem to me to be worse. We need to be careful about prejudging the institutional form of the region's post- Saddam security arrangements and therefore to avoid using language that automatically implies a rigid set of formal organizations and rules. I intend "architecture" to refer generically to a collection of arrangements--formal, informal o...
Forum T he judicious use of decisive force against terrorists and their support structures is a v... more Forum T he judicious use of decisive force against terrorists and their support structures is a vital component of the U.S. strategy to defeat global terrorism. Another component is the development of a consensus that terrorism is contrary to international norms of behavior. Achieving such a consensus will be possible only if the United States can convince the world community that the counterterrorist struggle is being conducted in accordance with these norms. The United States, therefore, needs to articulate a strong case for the right of antiterrorist intervention based on three concepts adapted from international law: ■ the classification of terrorists as the common enemy of humankind ■ a renewed emphasis on sovereign responsibility as the corollary of sovereign rights ■ application of the logic of the inherent right of self-defense to the realities of 21 st-century terrorism. Achieving global consensus on a doctrine based upon these points will not be easy. But by articulating these principles and building on such steps as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Organization of American States characterizations of the 9/11 strikes as "armed attacks," the United States and its allies can create a body of customary international law around which global consensus in support of a right of antiterrorist intervention can coalesce.
South Asia's Rise Despite possessing nearly a quarter of the world's population, South Asia has l... more South Asia's Rise Despite possessing nearly a quarter of the world's population, South Asia has long been a backwater in terms of global economic clout, accounting for less than 3 percent of worldwide gross domestic product (GDP). In the last two decades, however, the economic stagnation that has historically characterized the region has been overcome, thanks to significant policy shifts, so that the subcontinent is now the locus of some of the fastest growth in the world. India has led the way, averaging over 8 percent real growth over the last 5 years, but Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka have also been sustaining rates of 6 percent or more since 2005. The rise of South Asia in general and India in particular as a force on the economic scene is now almost universally recognized. On the other hand, apart from the caution expressed by development economists about energy availability as a potential constraint on the continuation of these trends, there has been relatively little attention to the impact that the South Asian boom is likely to have on international energy markets. The dominant focus in global energy assessments has traditionally been on the major hydrocarbon suppliers-especially those in the Persian Gulf-and the developed countries that historically have accounted for the vast majority of energy consumption. More recently, China's role has been widely noted, 1 but South Asia has received considerably less attention. Yet South Asia will be an increasingly important player in this market. The International Energy Agency (IEA) projects that energy demand in the S outh Asia is projected to play a major role in global energy markets over the next several decades, with India alone expected to become the world's third largest importer of petroleum by 2030. Satisfying the region's growing demands will require a heightened degree of energy interdependence among historically antagonistic states. Consequently, like it or not, regional leaders will face a tradeoff between traditional desires for energy self-sufficiency and the ambitious development targets that they have set for themselves. Achieving such growth, therefore, requires that India, Pakistan, and the other countries of South Asia first address the persistent international disputes that hamper cross-border energy trade, establish effective control over presently ungoverned areas, reorient the missions of military forces to some extent, and develop a better understanding of the effects that energy interdependence will have on broader relations with neighbors. From the U.S. point of view, understanding the multifaceted causal connections that exist among economic development, energy supplies, and security and stability, and how these dynamics are likely to affect South Asian states' decisionmaking, may provide points of leverage with which policymakers can shape behavior on a wide range of issues affecting U.S. objectives in the region.
Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per resp... more Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number.
Saudi Arabia and Iraq: Oil, Religion, and an Enduring Rivalry
From Operation Desert Storm in 1990 until the U.S. overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003... more From Operation Desert Storm in 1990 until the U.S. overthrow of the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was the United States’ key Arab partner in confronting the problems to international stability emanating from Iraq. Over that decade and more, however, the demands associated with containing Iraq and Saddam Hussein began to place unprecedented strains on the U.S.-Saudi relationship, particularly after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the run up to the U.S. invasion. The abnormal situation that bound Saudi Arabia to the United States in having to face a common threat from Iraq has now given way to a more normal situation in which the two countries’ interests and approaches toward Iraq will converge or diverge, depending on the issue concerned. Riyadh’s policy toward Baghdad over the next several years will probably be dominated by four key concerns about the future of Iraq: domestic stability, foreign meddling,oil production policy, and Iraq’s political evolution (especially the role of the Shia). Of these, far and away the most important to Riyadh is stability. Even if Iraq achieves a stable, legitimate government, however, it would still be a mistake to foresee its relations with Saudi Arabia as trouble-free.
American Independence and the Privatisation of Heraldry
Heraldic Hierarchies: Identity, Status and State Intervention in Early Modern Heraldry (ed Steven Thiry and Luc Duerloo), 2021
In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other offic... more In the European colonies of 16th-18th century North America, provincial governors and other officials made extensive use of personal coats of arms in the conduct of their official duties. The most widespread such use in the British colonies was the application of personal seals-at-arms to authenticate certain gubernatorial acts, such as militia commissions, writs of election, and warrants for surveying land. Other examples included the emblazonment of governors’ arms on the colors of military units and the display of these arms in the context of state ceremonies and similar events. Between 1775 and the end of the century, however, this use of private arms in the exercise of public office was abandoned throughout the former British colonies comprising the United States, both in sigillary applications and more generally. This paper explores this disappearance of personal arms from the official realm as one aspect of a de facto privatization of heraldry that took place in the wake of t...
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Papers by Joseph McMillan