Home rule orders can be looked upon as a transitional phase of a developmental
process in which ... more Home rule orders can be looked upon as a transitional phase of a developmental
process in which colonialised people struggle for sovereignty and independence.
Home rule is a form of the state according to which some functions of the state of a
sovereign independent nation, the colonial power, have been taken over and
institutionalised locally by the colonised nation, but which at the same time is
intended to secure the ideological hegemony and territorial and military rule of the
colonial power. The colonial power is secured in the last instance the monopoly of
violence (M. Weber) and the trajectory of development, usually in an Eurocentric
form of modernisation. In that sense the home rule orders, as political systems,
resemble colonial relations. In economic terms, home rule orders go beyond colonial
relations as the colonised people are granted economic freedom to trade freely on the
world market and to tax local enterprises. In reality there is a strong tendency towards
the reproduction of colonial economic relations, due to uneven development and
'organisational dependency' (I. Jonsson 1996),. We will discuss this tendency in the
following section, but first we will discuss the concept of statehood and then compare
state functions of sovereign independent states with the present home rule regime in
Greenland.
Nationalism in everyday discourse is usually associated with unclear concepts such as 'fundamenta... more Nationalism in everyday discourse is usually associated with unclear concepts such as 'fundamentalism', 'extremism' and 'essentialism'. Historical cases such as national socialism, nazism, in the 1920s and 1930s in Germany, ETA, IRA, Serbian nationalism etc., are abstracted from history and presumed to represent the dangers that all nationalist movements are impregnated with. The struggle of such movements are presumed to lead sooner or later to violent conflicts and ultimately to 'terrorism', yet another unclear concept. Unlike this myth of nationalism, history shows that nationalist movements are characterised by wide range of tactics and strategies and violence is a circumstantial phenomenon rather essential necessity. However, this myth of nationalism has the function of undermining the struggle of ethnic minority groups that threaten the existing national and international order of contemporary states most of whom have historically naturalised ethnic hegemony within their boundaries, often by the use of force and monopoly of organised violence (the police and the military). In this paper, we will discuss nationalism in relation to nation building in the era of globalism, which is characterised by changing role of the state and changing patterns of hegemony in international relations. We will focus on the West-Nordic countries, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Iceland in order to concretise our theoretical discussion and to take into account the particular characteristics of microsocieties that are or have been in the process of becoming microstates.
Gorm Winther (ed) " ...Taking the structure and functioning of the Arctic regional economies and ... more Gorm Winther (ed) " ...Taking the structure and functioning of the Arctic regional economies and the degree of economic dependence as a point of departure, these region's self-reliance and comparative socioeconomic performance is analyzed. The fundamental problem is still the dependency Arctic regions have on their mother economies in the south". " ....the impact from climate changes and the global economy strongly influence the self-sufficiency constraints and potentials of the Arctic societies. Traditional approaches to economic valuation may not be sufficient to capture these relationships. Neo-classical economics and the trade off model look upon nature as a good commensurable with all other goods, and henceforward there is a substitution possibility. The rational self-interest and 'homo economicus' is however, not the same as responsible self-interest included in ecological economics. This suggests broader approaches to environmental uncertainties, which take into account ethical values and conflicts of interest".
Abstract The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis... more Abstract The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis. This article explains this development with the real critical conjuncture in 1979–1983 that marked the introduction of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland. It argues that despite the crisis of the regime and the political party system, the traditional parties and new political movements such as the Pirates are not likely to create a real critical juncture that will generate post-neoliberalist regime change. Hence, due to structural strains of Iceland as a small economy that suffers from high levels of oligopoly, and because of the persistence of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland, it is likely that this regime will generate another financial crisis in the years to come.
This article focuses on critical realist analysis of concrete processes of structure formation an... more This article focuses on critical realist analysis of concrete processes of structure formation and realization of structural propensity. It aims to explain the reasons for the rise and fall of the neoliberal regime in Iceland that led to the extreme expansion of the Icelandic financial system and its crisis. The article argues that the neoliberal regime was actively constructed by economic and political actors within the framework of the particular structural characteristics of Iceland. It claims that rigid structural conditions due to the very small size of the economy and severe problem of oligopoly undermined the neoliberal utopia of perfect market competition. In order to develop this argument, the paper observes how power elites actively affect public opinion and establish their hegemonic position in the political system.
Karl Marx lived difficult, but adventures life and his social background was in many ways unusual... more Karl Marx lived difficult, but adventures life and his social background was in many ways unusual. He was born in 1818 in Trier in Prussia. His father. Heinrich Marx, was at Karl's birth, a successful lawyer who was counsellor-at-law to the High Court of Appeal in Trier. The boy grew up in a comfortable middle class family in Trier, a town that had 15000 inhabitants near the border of Luxembourg. Karl grew up in a small house with ten rooms and with a cottage in the grounds. The family had two maids and owned a vineyard near the town. Trier is situated in the beautiful Mosel Valley and was surrounded by vineyards and lovely landscape. The town was the oldest town in Germany and was originally built by the Romans. The inhabitants were mainly officials, traders and artisans while few lived on industry. Heinrich Marx's grandfather, Meier Halevi Marx was a rabbi of Trier, but Heinrich's parents were poor. He studied law, but as he was Jewish, his opportunities were limited. According to Prussian law from 1812, a Jew had to have a royal dispensation to hold a position in the service of the state. Heinrich was not granted such a dispensation when he applied for it in 1816. As a consequence, he became a protestant in 1817 1 (D. McLellan 1981, p. 4). Poverty was a persistent problem in Trier and Heinrich Marx had great sympathy with the poor classes. He became one of the leaders of liberals in the
This article concentrates on problems of native peoples in the context of technical change moulde... more This article concentrates on problems of native peoples in the context of technical change moulded by institutionalized racism. External specialists are often imported to developing countries in order to introduce advanced technology as well as to organize and run the administration. Native workers are presumed to gaiu know-how from work experience and take over management and professional jobs gradually as they learn from the foreign professionals. However, this strategy may suffer from conflicts between the foreign professionals and natives due to different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. Learning processes are undermined by these conflicts creating mistrust and lack of confidence. These conflicts often develop into institutionalized racism involving organized forms of exclusion such as overvaluation of formal education as opposed to native knowledge. The result is permanent reproduction of the need for imported specialized labour and 'destructive forgetting' of local culture.
... Although these schools are ... Greece 47.9 New Zealand 21.8 Portugal 19.7 Ireland 17.6 Icelan... more ... Although these schools are ... Greece 47.9 New Zealand 21.8 Portugal 19.7 Ireland 17.6 Iceland 2.3 Faroe Islands 0.4 Greenland 0.4* ... The exchange rate for the Danish Krona was 10.357 per US$ in 1984 according to IMF: International Financial Statistics; September 1988. ...
This paper concentrates on problems of developing self-government and securing cultural sustainab... more This paper concentrates on problems of developing self-government and securing cultural sustainability in the context of institutionalized racism. External specialists are often imported to developing countries in order to introduce advanced technology and know-how as well as to organize and run the administration. Native workers are presumed to gain know-how from work experience and take over management and professional jobs gradually as they learn from {heforeign professionals. However, this strategy may suffer from conflicts between the foreign professionals and natives due to different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. Learning processes are undermined by these conflicts, creating mistrust and lack of confidence. These conflicts often develop into institutionalized racism involving organized forms of exclusion such as overvaluation of formal education as opposed to native knowledge. The result is permanent reproduction of the need for imported specialized labor and 'destructive forgetting' of local culture. The paper takes theories of innovation and learning processes as a point of departure and elaborates on the case of the Greenlandic Home Rule government. Furthermore, struggle for self-government is observed in the context of the long term process of de-colonization and defense of local culture.
nber 1990 for multidisciplinary research in contemporary Arctic problems ssues. bjectives for NAR... more nber 1990 for multidisciplinary research in contemporary Arctic problems ssues. bjectives for NARF are the following: nnote and stimulate Nordic research cooperation, to increase the partici1 of Nordic research in international Arctic research and to establish rks among researchers and other people and institutions concerned with : research. omote and stimulate Nordic education and education programmes for Its studying Arctic problems. rease public awareness in the Nordic countries of development in the world and of Arctic research. perate and communicate with the public and private sector in the Nordic ies, local and indigenous people and with institutions and organizations .ted in Arctic matters and development. eond symposi1,llIlwas held at Slette Strand, Northern Jutland, January
Home rule orders can be looked upon as a transitional phase of a developmental
process in which ... more Home rule orders can be looked upon as a transitional phase of a developmental
process in which colonialised people struggle for sovereignty and independence.
Home rule is a form of the state according to which some functions of the state of a
sovereign independent nation, the colonial power, have been taken over and
institutionalised locally by the colonised nation, but which at the same time is
intended to secure the ideological hegemony and territorial and military rule of the
colonial power. The colonial power is secured in the last instance the monopoly of
violence (M. Weber) and the trajectory of development, usually in an Eurocentric
form of modernisation. In that sense the home rule orders, as political systems,
resemble colonial relations. In economic terms, home rule orders go beyond colonial
relations as the colonised people are granted economic freedom to trade freely on the
world market and to tax local enterprises. In reality there is a strong tendency towards
the reproduction of colonial economic relations, due to uneven development and
'organisational dependency' (I. Jonsson 1996),. We will discuss this tendency in the
following section, but first we will discuss the concept of statehood and then compare
state functions of sovereign independent states with the present home rule regime in
Greenland.
Nationalism in everyday discourse is usually associated with unclear concepts such as 'fundamenta... more Nationalism in everyday discourse is usually associated with unclear concepts such as 'fundamentalism', 'extremism' and 'essentialism'. Historical cases such as national socialism, nazism, in the 1920s and 1930s in Germany, ETA, IRA, Serbian nationalism etc., are abstracted from history and presumed to represent the dangers that all nationalist movements are impregnated with. The struggle of such movements are presumed to lead sooner or later to violent conflicts and ultimately to 'terrorism', yet another unclear concept. Unlike this myth of nationalism, history shows that nationalist movements are characterised by wide range of tactics and strategies and violence is a circumstantial phenomenon rather essential necessity. However, this myth of nationalism has the function of undermining the struggle of ethnic minority groups that threaten the existing national and international order of contemporary states most of whom have historically naturalised ethnic hegemony within their boundaries, often by the use of force and monopoly of organised violence (the police and the military). In this paper, we will discuss nationalism in relation to nation building in the era of globalism, which is characterised by changing role of the state and changing patterns of hegemony in international relations. We will focus on the West-Nordic countries, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Iceland in order to concretise our theoretical discussion and to take into account the particular characteristics of microsocieties that are or have been in the process of becoming microstates.
Gorm Winther (ed) " ...Taking the structure and functioning of the Arctic regional economies and ... more Gorm Winther (ed) " ...Taking the structure and functioning of the Arctic regional economies and the degree of economic dependence as a point of departure, these region's self-reliance and comparative socioeconomic performance is analyzed. The fundamental problem is still the dependency Arctic regions have on their mother economies in the south". " ....the impact from climate changes and the global economy strongly influence the self-sufficiency constraints and potentials of the Arctic societies. Traditional approaches to economic valuation may not be sufficient to capture these relationships. Neo-classical economics and the trade off model look upon nature as a good commensurable with all other goods, and henceforward there is a substitution possibility. The rational self-interest and 'homo economicus' is however, not the same as responsible self-interest included in ecological economics. This suggests broader approaches to environmental uncertainties, which take into account ethical values and conflicts of interest".
Abstract The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis... more Abstract The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis. This article explains this development with the real critical conjuncture in 1979–1983 that marked the introduction of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland. It argues that despite the crisis of the regime and the political party system, the traditional parties and new political movements such as the Pirates are not likely to create a real critical juncture that will generate post-neoliberalist regime change. Hence, due to structural strains of Iceland as a small economy that suffers from high levels of oligopoly, and because of the persistence of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland, it is likely that this regime will generate another financial crisis in the years to come.
This article focuses on critical realist analysis of concrete processes of structure formation an... more This article focuses on critical realist analysis of concrete processes of structure formation and realization of structural propensity. It aims to explain the reasons for the rise and fall of the neoliberal regime in Iceland that led to the extreme expansion of the Icelandic financial system and its crisis. The article argues that the neoliberal regime was actively constructed by economic and political actors within the framework of the particular structural characteristics of Iceland. It claims that rigid structural conditions due to the very small size of the economy and severe problem of oligopoly undermined the neoliberal utopia of perfect market competition. In order to develop this argument, the paper observes how power elites actively affect public opinion and establish their hegemonic position in the political system.
Karl Marx lived difficult, but adventures life and his social background was in many ways unusual... more Karl Marx lived difficult, but adventures life and his social background was in many ways unusual. He was born in 1818 in Trier in Prussia. His father. Heinrich Marx, was at Karl's birth, a successful lawyer who was counsellor-at-law to the High Court of Appeal in Trier. The boy grew up in a comfortable middle class family in Trier, a town that had 15000 inhabitants near the border of Luxembourg. Karl grew up in a small house with ten rooms and with a cottage in the grounds. The family had two maids and owned a vineyard near the town. Trier is situated in the beautiful Mosel Valley and was surrounded by vineyards and lovely landscape. The town was the oldest town in Germany and was originally built by the Romans. The inhabitants were mainly officials, traders and artisans while few lived on industry. Heinrich Marx's grandfather, Meier Halevi Marx was a rabbi of Trier, but Heinrich's parents were poor. He studied law, but as he was Jewish, his opportunities were limited. According to Prussian law from 1812, a Jew had to have a royal dispensation to hold a position in the service of the state. Heinrich was not granted such a dispensation when he applied for it in 1816. As a consequence, he became a protestant in 1817 1 (D. McLellan 1981, p. 4). Poverty was a persistent problem in Trier and Heinrich Marx had great sympathy with the poor classes. He became one of the leaders of liberals in the
This article concentrates on problems of native peoples in the context of technical change moulde... more This article concentrates on problems of native peoples in the context of technical change moulded by institutionalized racism. External specialists are often imported to developing countries in order to introduce advanced technology as well as to organize and run the administration. Native workers are presumed to gaiu know-how from work experience and take over management and professional jobs gradually as they learn from the foreign professionals. However, this strategy may suffer from conflicts between the foreign professionals and natives due to different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. Learning processes are undermined by these conflicts creating mistrust and lack of confidence. These conflicts often develop into institutionalized racism involving organized forms of exclusion such as overvaluation of formal education as opposed to native knowledge. The result is permanent reproduction of the need for imported specialized labour and 'destructive forgetting' of local culture.
... Although these schools are ... Greece 47.9 New Zealand 21.8 Portugal 19.7 Ireland 17.6 Icelan... more ... Although these schools are ... Greece 47.9 New Zealand 21.8 Portugal 19.7 Ireland 17.6 Iceland 2.3 Faroe Islands 0.4 Greenland 0.4* ... The exchange rate for the Danish Krona was 10.357 per US$ in 1984 according to IMF: International Financial Statistics; September 1988. ...
This paper concentrates on problems of developing self-government and securing cultural sustainab... more This paper concentrates on problems of developing self-government and securing cultural sustainability in the context of institutionalized racism. External specialists are often imported to developing countries in order to introduce advanced technology and know-how as well as to organize and run the administration. Native workers are presumed to gain know-how from work experience and take over management and professional jobs gradually as they learn from {heforeign professionals. However, this strategy may suffer from conflicts between the foreign professionals and natives due to different cultures and ethnic backgrounds. Learning processes are undermined by these conflicts, creating mistrust and lack of confidence. These conflicts often develop into institutionalized racism involving organized forms of exclusion such as overvaluation of formal education as opposed to native knowledge. The result is permanent reproduction of the need for imported specialized labor and 'destructive forgetting' of local culture. The paper takes theories of innovation and learning processes as a point of departure and elaborates on the case of the Greenlandic Home Rule government. Furthermore, struggle for self-government is observed in the context of the long term process of de-colonization and defense of local culture.
nber 1990 for multidisciplinary research in contemporary Arctic problems ssues. bjectives for NAR... more nber 1990 for multidisciplinary research in contemporary Arctic problems ssues. bjectives for NARF are the following: nnote and stimulate Nordic research cooperation, to increase the partici1 of Nordic research in international Arctic research and to establish rks among researchers and other people and institutions concerned with : research. omote and stimulate Nordic education and education programmes for Its studying Arctic problems. rease public awareness in the Nordic countries of development in the world and of Arctic research. perate and communicate with the public and private sector in the Nordic ies, local and indigenous people and with institutions and organizations .ted in Arctic matters and development. eond symposi1,llIlwas held at Slette Strand, Northern Jutland, January
Neo-corporatism is most often referred to as increased power of the centralised state and the mai... more Neo-corporatism is most often referred to as increased power of the centralised state and the main interest organisations (of capital and labour) which undermines parliamentarism and reduces the power of the parliament and political parties. Hence, it is supposed to be a threat to 'democracy'. In this dissertation, we analyse the contemporary theoretical debate on ‘neo-corporatism’. This object of study requires interdisciplinary approach as it is to be explained by economic, political, ideological and cultural factors. Our aim is threefold: 1) to give a relatively detailed description of the different theories and definitions of neo-corporatism or ‘liberal corporatism’ as it also often called; 2) to give our own definition of the concept of paradigm and discuss different theories of paradigms and; 3) to sketch alternative outlines of a paradigm for analysis of neo-corporatism. As we are dealing with an interdisciplinary object and different theories of it, our main research theme is ‘thematic paradigm discussion’ and reflection on the different paradigms of the contemporary debate on neo-corporatism. We approach our problem in three main parts. The first part deals with the immediate forms of appearance of neo-corporatism and the different theoretical definitions of it. In the second part, we analyse the different explanatory models of neo-corporatism and discuss our model of paradigms. The third concluding part deals with our own alternative theoretical point of departure for analysis of neo-corporatism.
The aim of this study is to investigate accumulation strategies and problems of world market adju... more The aim of this study is to investigate accumulation strategies and problems of world market adjustment in Iceland during the period 1944-1990. Such a study requires examination of, on the one side, the dynamics of the long term development of the world market and capital accumulation and, on the other side, analyses of the particular material and structural conditions for capital accumulation in microstates such as Iceland. The long term development of capital accumulation is investigated in this dissertation in terms of neo-Schumpeterian theories of long waves or Kondratievs and regulationist theories of regimes of accumulation. The theories of neo-Schumpeterians and the regulation school are analysed and criticized for a lack of adequate theories of the capitalist state and the role of politics as determinants of the long term development of capital accumulation. 'conjunctural uneven development' and 'hegemonic politics' are developed' to fill this gap in the theories. Furthermore, the particular economic and political handicaps that characteristize microstates are analysed. Such a theoretical framework is necessary for realistic examination of the dynamics of the formation of accumulation strategies in microstates characterized by very open economies and problems of overcoming technological dependency as well as remoteness from markets.
Diversity, Innovation and Clusters: Spatial Perspectives. New Horizons in Regional Science series, 2020
Theoretical frameworks analysing technological change seldom include political agency and rarely ... more Theoretical frameworks analysing technological change seldom include political agency and rarely consider outcomes in terms of socio-economic inequality. … How the actors shape transformative change depends on the challenges and opportunities created by context of critical juncture, the balance of power and their capacity to affect the restructuring of society. This chapter aims at contributing to further development and 'progressive problemshift' of the neo-Schumpeterian research program by theorising the role of actors in real critical junctures.
Nýsköpunar- og frumkvöðlafræði er ný fræðigrein sem hefur skapað sér fastan sess við háskóla á Ve... more Nýsköpunar- og frumkvöðlafræði er ný fræðigrein sem hefur skapað sér fastan sess við háskóla á Vesturlöndum. Í bókinni er fjallað um helstu viðfangsefni þessarar fræðigreinar og tengsl hennar við aðrar fræðigreinar. Gerð er grein fyrir hvers vegna skólaspeki viðtekinnar hagfræði og hagrænnar frjálshyggju er gagnslítil til skýringar á hreyfiöflum nýsköpunarstarfsemi. Jafnframt er fjallað um snertifleti hennar við sálfræði, félagsfræði og stjórnmálafræði. Gerð er grein fyrir helstu kenningum og rannsóknum innan nýsköpunar- og frumkvöðlafræða og fjallað um stjórnunaraðferðir nýsköpunar- og frumkvöðlastarfsemi. Í lok bókarinnar setur höfundur fram kenningu um ´samræna´ nýsköpunarstarfsemi sem leggur áherslu á að nýsköpun er fyrst og fremst samstarfsferli. Bókin er gagnleg við kennslu námskeiða á BA/B.Sc – og meistarastigum í háskólum, en er skrifuð þannig að hún er aðgengileg fyrir alla þá sem vilja kynna sér þessa nýju og heillandi fræðigrein. Bókin var gefin út í pappírsformi 2008 af Háskólaútgáfunni.
This book analysis the scale and scope of the social economy or the third sector in Iceland in 20... more This book analysis the scale and scope of the social economy or the third sector in Iceland in 2005. This sector is different from the private sector as its goal is not maximisation of profit and it does not belong the public sector. This study includes a register of the bulk of societies and activities in Iceland that belong to this sector. These are classified according to the United Nations´ classification of non-profit organizations (ICNPO).
Report´s concluding remarks:
This report focused on the social economy in Iceland in 2005 and compared it with the social economy of other countries. This sector of the economy has been called many different names, such as the non-profit sector, non-governmental organizations, the third sector and the social economy. These different concepts have in common that they refer to an activity that does neither belong to the public sector nor the private sector that consists of private limited companies, limited liability companies or partnerships. Research and discussion on this sector has for a long time been over-shadowed by emphasis on the public welfare systems and the ideology of the superiority of market capitalism. In recent years, however, research has increased on this sector in Western countries and they suggest that the social economy and non-profit making activity is significant and growing. The size and scope of the social economy in Iceland has received little attention and research in this field lays far behind that of the neighbouring countries. Public sector data collection is also unsatisfactory. Registration of this sector is not sufficiently consistent and companies are not classified by International standards such as, for example, the ICNPO standard of the United Nations. A systematic study of the scope and scale of the social economy in Iceland has not been executed so far, neither in terms of neither turnover nor concerning the number of person-years in the sector. However, research has been carried out on particular sub-sectors of the social economy, such as, cooperatives, but an overall view is lacking. A more complete picture of the social economy would undoubtedly undermine the simplistic picture of the economy that propagators of the market economy draw up and their skewed ideas of economies´ development opportunities. This report has attempted to classify the social economy according to the ICNPO standard, but it is clear that more accurate sorting needs to be done in order to create a more realistic picture of its scope and scale. Furthermore, it needs to be investigated which companies in the Icelandic social economy are actually active and which companies are inactive. Finally, a systematic assessment of the turnover and the number of person-years of the active companies in this sectors needs to be performed. Such observations are central for assessing the importance of the social economy in the economy, so that in the future, governments can make effective policies concerning this sector. This is also important so that companies and organizations have better grounds for assessing their opportunities for growth and development. The report shows that there are over 18,000 societies and organisations in the non-profit sector of Iceland. This great number suggests that regional grass-root activity is high in Iceland, as the total number of active members of non-profit organisations and societies is large and they cover very different areas of activity. There are indications that the turnover of companies in various areas of the social economy is substantial. The turnover of housing societies may account to 5 billion kronas (ISK) per year. Assistance organizations and rescue forces have a turnover of 1.5 billion ISK per year. Employees' and employers' interest groups turnover around 750 million ISK annually. The annual turnover of cooperatives is around 27 billion ISK and self-owning organizations is around 6 billion ISK. Furthermore, if the turnover of pension funds and savings banks is included in the figures, the turnover of the social economy in Iceland was around 515 billion kronas in 2005, or 51.7% compared to Iceland´s GDP. It is estimated that in the European Union, around 8% of full-time employees work in the non-profit sector. It is not known what this ratio is in Iceland. More is known about the scale of Icelanders involvement in voluntary work compared to other countries. It appears in the report that Icelanders do not do as much voluntary work as one does in neighbouring countries. However, Icelanders, are above average compared to other countries in areas such as charity and charity organizations, trade unions, political organizations and sports and recreational activities. Looking at participation in voluntary work in terms of the ratio of the population that is enrolled in voluntary organisations, it appears that this ratio is rather high. The membership ratio is greater in Iceland than in the average of sample countries in areas such as charities, parishes and service clubs. The same goes for membership in religious organizations, trade unions, political organizations, professional and/or specialist societies, sports clubs and leisure activities. The report finally addresses questions concerning people's motivation for participation in the non-profit sector. Research in this area has not been conducted in Iceland and therefore we do not know whether motivations are different in Iceland compared to other countries.
This book concentrates on the state of the cooperative movement in Iceland compared to her sister... more This book concentrates on the state of the cooperative movement in Iceland compared to her sister movements in neighbouring countries, i.e. the movements in Sweden, UK and USA. Sweden around the turn of the century. The history and local settings of these movements are very different, but in the last decades of the 20th century, they all went through a period of decline. The book concentrates on their different reactions to these conditions.
I. Introduction.
The works of Karl Marx are among the most influential works in the history of so... more I. Introduction. The works of Karl Marx are among the most influential works in the history of social sciences. Despite the fact that they were written in the 19th century and ailing communist regimes in the 20th century claimed that there political systems and ideology were based on his theories, Marx’s works are still today widely read and quoted by social scientists and philosophers. Following the increased polarisation of Western societies since the 1980s, particularly in the last decade, interest in Marx is rising and the number of university courses that deal with his thought is increasing. The works of Marx are wide ranging in scope. He wrote poems, studied mathematics, published philosophical and political articles and books that dealt with political economy. In this book, we will concentrate on those aspects of Marx's texts that relate to what we prefer to call theories of science or ‘metascience’, i.e. the epistemics (ontology and epistemology) of the texts in question and the historiography of science which we will find in the texts. Concerning epistemics we will highlight problems such as: a) the dialectical world view of Marx and his inversion of Hegel's philosophy (the relationship between humanity and nature, human essence, determinism and process-ontology); b) Marx's 'project' or disciplinary aims, referring to the motives of his theoretical practice and its relation to political activity; c) Marx's critique of the dominant philosophy (i.e. in Germany Hegelianism) and political economy; d) Marx's view of the existing sciences, referring to their philosophical premises as well as the relationship between science and society; e) Marx's criteria of science and his view of 'ideal' science. We will approach these five main topics by looking at some of his main works as they appear chronologically and we will do it in two main steps. In the following second chapter we will highlight Marx's early writings and at the end of it we will concentrate on his and F. Engels's work German Ideology. The works that we concentrate on in that chapter are to be characterized as a metacritique of the political philosophy of Hegel, the Young Hegelians and political economy. The third chapter covers, with reference to German Ideology, the Works which Marx wrote in 1857/58 and after. Interpretation of Marx's writings is a hermeneutical and practical problem. Objectivist (R.J. Bernstein 1983, pp. 8-16) interpretations tend to claim to understand what Marx "really meant". Two approaches of this kind are quite usual. On the one side, we have internalist approaches which either attempt to find the origin of Marx's theories within the sphere of theoretical practice (i.e. his work is seen as a transformation or synthesis of some other theoretical systems, c.f. the philosophy of Aristotle, Hegel, Young Hegelians and political economy) - or we have internalist approaches in the form of teleological interpretations that see Marx's academic career and works inevitably ending and aiming at particular works (c.f. Althusser's and Balibar’s (1998) 'reading' of Marx's works through Capital). On the other side, we have externalist interpretations that reduce his work to external factors such as political practice or the 'world view' of certain social group or classes (c.f. G. Lukács) that Marx came into contact with or worked with. We do not adhere to these methodological canons. Our point of departure is that Marx's work must be seen as a result of his practical context in which his political 'project' (in the wider existential sense) is most interesting. His political 'project' (i.e. his act of relating himself to interests of social groups and contexts etc.), must however be understood as nothing more than our abstraction and does not imply any theory of its inner structure of necessity. Marx's 'project' and theoretical problematique at particular time in his development is an 'open' project and an open problematique that has the potential of being formed differently according to his active interiorization of his practical situation and shifting contexts. The practical situation consists both of theoretical and philosophical traditions that he in an active way bases his thought on - and social interests and forces which he attempts to join. Accordingly, we would like to approach the development of his thought as a process of ‘structuration’ in which he actively structures his thought (see A. Giddens (1993) for a discussion of the concept of structuration and J. Coopley et.al. (2001) and R. Bhaskar (1978 and 1979) for arguments for critical realist methodology). Furthermore, as Marx's work is a result of an open project our own understanding is only a 'fusion' of our horizons and interests on the one side and Marx's horizons on the other side, as they appear to us. This does not mean that we claim to impute meaning in Marx's work. We are only sticking to Our hermenutical position which is dialogical (see H.-G. Gadamer 1977). Knowledge and understanding is a matter of praxis.
In this book. we argue that a different set of variables from those of the theories of developmen... more In this book. we argue that a different set of variables from those of the theories of development are needed to analyse problems of stagnation and growth in rnicrosocieties such as the West-Nordic countries. Firstly, a theory of size related problems capital accumulation is necessary to understand these problems. Secondly. problems of stagnation have to be analysed by means of a theory of balance of the power of social and political forces which takes social factors into account. Thirdly. the socio-economic dynamics of technical change and innovation has to be observed as one of the fundamental explanatory factors of successful development. In short a sociological Iheory of technical change and size-relate problems of development is needed. In this book we attempt to develop such a theory ananalyse the particular problems of development of 'microsocieties', i.e. societies with less than one million inhabitants.
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Papers by Ivar Jonsson
process in which colonialised people struggle for sovereignty and independence.
Home rule is a form of the state according to which some functions of the state of a
sovereign independent nation, the colonial power, have been taken over and
institutionalised locally by the colonised nation, but which at the same time is
intended to secure the ideological hegemony and territorial and military rule of the
colonial power. The colonial power is secured in the last instance the monopoly of
violence (M. Weber) and the trajectory of development, usually in an Eurocentric
form of modernisation. In that sense the home rule orders, as political systems,
resemble colonial relations. In economic terms, home rule orders go beyond colonial
relations as the colonised people are granted economic freedom to trade freely on the
world market and to tax local enterprises. In reality there is a strong tendency towards
the reproduction of colonial economic relations, due to uneven development and
'organisational dependency' (I. Jonsson 1996),. We will discuss this tendency in the
following section, but first we will discuss the concept of statehood and then compare
state functions of sovereign independent states with the present home rule regime in
Greenland.
In this paper, we will discuss nationalism in relation to nation building in the era of globalism, which is characterised by changing role of the state and changing patterns of hegemony in international relations. We will focus on the West-Nordic countries, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Iceland in order to concretise our theoretical discussion and to take into account the particular characteristics of microsocieties that are or have been in the process of becoming microstates.
process in which colonialised people struggle for sovereignty and independence.
Home rule is a form of the state according to which some functions of the state of a
sovereign independent nation, the colonial power, have been taken over and
institutionalised locally by the colonised nation, but which at the same time is
intended to secure the ideological hegemony and territorial and military rule of the
colonial power. The colonial power is secured in the last instance the monopoly of
violence (M. Weber) and the trajectory of development, usually in an Eurocentric
form of modernisation. In that sense the home rule orders, as political systems,
resemble colonial relations. In economic terms, home rule orders go beyond colonial
relations as the colonised people are granted economic freedom to trade freely on the
world market and to tax local enterprises. In reality there is a strong tendency towards
the reproduction of colonial economic relations, due to uneven development and
'organisational dependency' (I. Jonsson 1996),. We will discuss this tendency in the
following section, but first we will discuss the concept of statehood and then compare
state functions of sovereign independent states with the present home rule regime in
Greenland.
In this paper, we will discuss nationalism in relation to nation building in the era of globalism, which is characterised by changing role of the state and changing patterns of hegemony in international relations. We will focus on the West-Nordic countries, the Faroe Islands, Greenland and Iceland in order to concretise our theoretical discussion and to take into account the particular characteristics of microsocieties that are or have been in the process of becoming microstates.
In this dissertation, we analyse the contemporary theoretical debate on ‘neo-corporatism’. This object of study requires interdisciplinary approach as it is to be explained by economic, political, ideological and cultural factors. Our aim is threefold: 1) to give a relatively detailed description of the different theories and definitions of neo-corporatism or ‘liberal corporatism’ as it also often called; 2) to give our own definition of the concept of paradigm and discuss different theories of paradigms and; 3) to sketch alternative outlines of a paradigm for analysis of neo-corporatism.
As we are dealing with an interdisciplinary object and different theories of it, our main research theme is ‘thematic paradigm discussion’ and reflection on the different paradigms of the contemporary debate on neo-corporatism. We approach our problem in three main parts. The first part deals with the immediate forms of appearance of neo-corporatism and the different theoretical definitions of it. In the second part, we analyse the different explanatory models of neo-corporatism and discuss our model of paradigms. The third concluding part deals with our own alternative theoretical point of departure for analysis of neo-corporatism.
Report´s concluding remarks:
This report focused on the social economy in Iceland in 2005 and compared it with the social economy of other countries. This sector of the economy has been called many different names, such as the non-profit sector, non-governmental organizations, the third sector and the social economy. These different concepts have in common that they refer to an activity that does neither belong to the public sector nor the private sector that consists of private limited companies, limited liability companies or partnerships. Research and discussion on this sector has for a long time been over-shadowed by emphasis on the public welfare systems and the ideology of the superiority of market capitalism. In recent years, however, research has increased on this sector in Western countries and they suggest that the social economy and non-profit making activity is significant and growing.
The size and scope of the social economy in Iceland has received little attention and research in this field lays far behind that of the neighbouring countries. Public sector data collection is also unsatisfactory. Registration of this sector is not sufficiently consistent and companies are not classified by International standards such as, for example, the ICNPO standard of the United Nations.
A systematic study of the scope and scale of the social economy in Iceland has not been executed so far, neither in terms of neither turnover nor concerning the number of person-years in the sector. However, research has been carried out on particular sub-sectors of the social economy, such as, cooperatives, but an overall view is lacking.
A more complete picture of the social economy would undoubtedly undermine the simplistic picture of the economy that propagators of the market economy draw up and their skewed ideas of economies´ development opportunities.
This report has attempted to classify the social economy according to the ICNPO standard, but it is clear that more accurate sorting needs to be done in order to create a more realistic picture of its scope and scale. Furthermore, it needs to be investigated which companies in the Icelandic social economy are actually active and which companies are inactive. Finally, a systematic assessment of the turnover and the number of person-years of the active companies in this sectors needs to be performed. Such observations are central for assessing the importance of the social economy in the economy, so that in the future, governments can make effective policies concerning this sector. This is also important so that companies and organizations have better grounds for assessing their opportunities for growth and development.
The report shows that there are over 18,000 societies and organisations in the non-profit sector of Iceland. This great number suggests that regional grass-root activity is high in Iceland, as the total number of active members of non-profit organisations and societies is large and they cover very different areas of activity.
There are indications that the turnover of companies in various areas of the social economy is substantial. The turnover of housing societies may account to 5 billion kronas (ISK) per year. Assistance organizations and rescue forces have a turnover of 1.5 billion ISK per year. Employees' and employers' interest groups turnover around 750 million ISK annually.
The annual turnover of cooperatives is around 27 billion ISK and self-owning organizations is around 6 billion ISK. Furthermore, if the turnover of pension funds and savings banks is included in the figures, the turnover of the social economy in Iceland was around 515 billion kronas in 2005, or 51.7% compared to Iceland´s GDP.
It is estimated that in the European Union, around 8% of full-time employees work in the non-profit sector. It is not known what this ratio is in Iceland. More is known about the scale of Icelanders involvement in voluntary work compared to other countries. It appears in the report that Icelanders do not do as much voluntary work as one does in neighbouring countries. However, Icelanders, are above average compared to other countries in areas such as charity and charity organizations, trade unions, political organizations and sports and recreational activities.
Looking at participation in voluntary work in terms of the ratio of the population that is enrolled in voluntary organisations, it appears that this ratio is rather high. The membership ratio is greater in Iceland than in the average of sample countries in areas such as charities, parishes and service clubs. The same goes for membership in religious organizations, trade unions, political organizations, professional and/or specialist societies, sports clubs and leisure activities.
The report finally addresses questions concerning people's motivation for participation in the non-profit sector. Research in this area has not been conducted in Iceland and therefore we do not know whether motivations are different in Iceland compared to other countries.
The works of Karl Marx are among the most influential works in the history of social sciences. Despite the fact that they were written in the 19th century and ailing communist regimes in the 20th century claimed that there political systems and ideology were based on his theories, Marx’s works are still today widely read and quoted by social scientists and philosophers. Following the increased polarisation of Western
societies since the 1980s, particularly in the last decade, interest in Marx is rising and the number of university courses that deal with his thought is increasing.
The works of Marx are wide ranging in scope. He wrote
poems, studied mathematics, published philosophical and
political articles and books that dealt with political economy. In this book, we will concentrate on those aspects of Marx's texts that relate to what we prefer to call theories of science or ‘metascience’, i.e. the epistemics (ontology and epistemology) of the texts in question and the historiography of science which we will find in the texts.
Concerning epistemics we will highlight problems such
as:
a) the dialectical world view of Marx and his inversion of Hegel's philosophy (the relationship between humanity and nature, human essence, determinism and process-ontology);
b) Marx's 'project' or disciplinary aims, referring to the motives of his theoretical practice and its relation to political activity;
c) Marx's critique of the dominant philosophy (i.e. in Germany Hegelianism) and political economy;
d) Marx's view of the existing sciences, referring to their philosophical premises as well as the relationship between science and society;
e) Marx's criteria of science and his view of 'ideal' science.
We will approach these five main topics by looking at some of his main works as they appear chronologically and we will do it in two main steps. In the following second chapter we will highlight Marx's early writings and at the end of it we will concentrate on his and F. Engels's work German Ideology. The works that we concentrate on in that chapter are to be characterized as a metacritique of the political philosophy of Hegel, the Young Hegelians and political economy.
The third chapter covers, with reference to German Ideology, the Works which Marx wrote in 1857/58 and after.
Interpretation of Marx's writings is a hermeneutical and practical problem. Objectivist (R.J. Bernstein 1983, pp. 8-16) interpretations tend to claim to understand what Marx "really meant". Two approaches of this kind are quite usual. On the one side, we have internalist approaches which either attempt to find the origin of Marx's theories within the sphere of theoretical practice (i.e. his work is seen as a transformation or synthesis of some other theoretical systems, c.f. the philosophy of Aristotle, Hegel, Young Hegelians and political economy) - or we have
internalist approaches in the form of teleological interpretations that see Marx's academic career and works inevitably ending and aiming at particular works (c.f. Althusser's and Balibar’s (1998) 'reading' of Marx's works through Capital). On the other side, we have externalist interpretations that reduce his work to external factors such as political practice or the 'world view' of certain social group or classes (c.f. G. Lukács) that Marx came into contact with or worked with.
We do not adhere to these methodological canons. Our point of departure is that Marx's work must be seen as a result of his practical context in which his political 'project' (in the wider existential sense) is most interesting. His political 'project' (i.e. his act of relating himself to interests of social groups and contexts etc.), must however be understood as nothing more than our abstraction and does not imply any theory of its inner structure of necessity. Marx's 'project' and theoretical
problematique at particular time in his development is an 'open' project and an open problematique that has the potential of being formed differently according to his active interiorization of his practical situation and shifting contexts. The practical situation consists both of theoretical and philosophical traditions that he in an active way bases his thought on - and social interests and forces which he attempts to join. Accordingly, we would like to approach the development of his thought as a process of ‘structuration’ in which he actively structures his thought (see A. Giddens (1993) for a discussion of the concept of structuration and J. Coopley et.al. (2001) and R. Bhaskar (1978 and 1979) for arguments for critical realist methodology).
Furthermore, as Marx's work is a result of an open project our own understanding is only a 'fusion' of our horizons and interests on the one side and Marx's horizons on the other side, as they appear to us. This does not mean that we claim to impute meaning in Marx's work. We are only sticking to Our hermenutical position which is dialogical (see H.-G. Gadamer 1977). Knowledge and understanding is a matter of praxis.