military and civilian level, not only would UNPKOs increase the chances of achieving success in t... more military and civilian level, not only would UNPKOs increase the chances of achieving success in their missions and in turn regain credibility, but western donor countries might also increase their willingness to invest in peace and stability in crisis-ridden countries or regions.
The prospects around hydrocarbons (oil and gas) and future oil concessions have been accelerating... more The prospects around hydrocarbons (oil and gas) and future oil concessions have been accelerating in Somalia since 2012. The potential in this sector is already an important factor in political dynamics in the country, as seen for example in the ongoing maritime dispute with Kenya, as well as through the interests of several different countries and the involvement of a number of commercial actors. This memo argues that, while legislation and regulation, at least nominally, has been progressing in the last 3-4 years, it remains unfinished but now frames the operation of the political marketplace, with control over the Ministry of Petroleum and Somalia Petroleum Agency (SPA) constituting the key motivations of political elites and associated bargaining. Control of these ‘institutions’ enables access to informal flows of money as well as allows control over the allocation of sub-contracts, which are likely to come from the various grants and loans that will become available through the...
This chapter argues that a reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Recon... more This chapter argues that a reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia's regions and within the capital itself shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of... more This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of the political marketplace in Somalia. While there is clearly great moral value in writing off Somalia’s debt and opening the possibility for new development funding, which is in line with recent global trends and emphasised more so given the Covid-19 pandemic, this memo questions the dominance of short-term political calculus over ensuring systems of accountability and transparency. The contradictions of international demands, benchmarks and statements with the reality of those achievements is highlighted below and suggests that international political drivers are problematic and instrumentalised domestically. The memo further suggests that there are high risks in countries such as Somalia that key financial institutions become drawn into the political marketplace making short-term transactional decisions at the expense of long-term institution-building. The study findings were based on...
... 14 PEACEBUILDING AS POLITICS argue occurred in Somalia and Bosnia ... in Bosnia, for instance... more ... 14 PEACEBUILDING AS POLITICS argue occurred in Somalia and Bosnia ... in Bosnia, for instance, depends on the staying power of international peacekeep-ersor the organizational expertise of blue-helmet battalions with their extensive logistics and security, both of ...
The role of traditional structures in security, rights, law …, 2006
... The predicament of the 'Oday' ... The lineages of the pastoral Soma... more ... The predicament of the 'Oday' ... The lineages of the pastoral Somalis are united by a common, mythological perception of direct lineal descent from the forefather Samaal and the household of the prophet Mohammed, notably the Qurayshi clan, and specifically his cousin, Aqiil ...
Research Memo, Conflict Research Programme, LSE, 2020
This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of... more This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of the political marketplace in Somalia. While there is clearly great moral value in writing off Somalia's debt and opening the possibility for new development funding, which is in line with recent global trends and emphasised more so given the Covid-19 pandemic, this memo questions the dominance of short-term political calculus over ensuring systems of accountability and transparency.
The Expanding Access to Justice Program in Somalia (EAJ), 2020
Pact is the promise of a better tomorrow for communities challenged by poverty and marginalizatio... more Pact is the promise of a better tomorrow for communities challenged by poverty and marginalization. We serve these communities because we envision a world where everyone owns their future. To do this, we build systemic solutions in partnership with local organizations, businesses, and governments that create sustainable and resilient communities where those we serve are heard, capable and vibrant. On the ground in nearly 40 countries, Pact's integrated adaptive approach is shaping the future of international development. Visit us at www.pactworld.org The mission of the American Bar Association Rule of Law Initiative is to promote justice, economic opportunity and human dignity through the rule of law. To do this, we employ a highly consultative approach to the delivery of independent, professional technical assistance, working with justice sector colleagues and local stakeholders to develop programs that are responsive to their needs and interests.
The Expanding Access to Justice Program in Somalia (EAJ), 2020
Land for permanent development. deegaan Home territory, environment, locality, stronghold, or tur... more Land for permanent development. deegaan Home territory, environment, locality, stronghold, or turf. Where those who share a common clan affiliation can claim ultimate authority over the land and its natural resources. 1 Similar the Western concept of land tenure, but more closely aligned to identity. dhul-boob Land grabbing. duq Also known as koofi. A head of families, or qabiil. galti Newcomers or outsiders. Used to refer to invading clans during the 1991-1992 civil war. gatekeepers Also called "black cats." Individuals, usually from the dominant local clan, that control, represent, and provide security for internally displaced person (IDP) camps and other types of informal settlements. 2 guri Indigenous inhabitants. ku dhaqmay Where a person lives or has citizenship. A kind of universal Somali citizenship. ku dhashay Born in a region, thus having rights because of place of birth. munishibaale Land for temporary use. sheegad Clients. A designation given to outsiders, giving them certain rights and obligations and thus embedded them in the local xeer of the host clan. u dhashay Blood rights. Born to a deegaan through kinship. xeer Customary justice, or "a complex set of norms and rules that govern inter and intraclan relationships."
A reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Political stabilisation, state... more A reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Political stabilisation, state-building and agreeing the constitution should all be based on the outcomes of a pertinent reconciliation process. If not, efforts to stabilise Somalia are unlikely to be durable.
Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia’s regions and within the capital itself, shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. Violence is by no means only a reflection of the conflict with Al-Shabaab and the manifestation of terrorism. It also reflects grievances and feuds that have a long history and still need to be resolved.
While a solution to the political crisis in Somalia requires changes to the constitution, achieving this cannot be done solely on the basis of technocratic inputs. A new constitution must reflect the outcomes and agreements made through a broad reconciliation process. Without bringing the population firmly behind the national security plan, it will be very difficult to defeat Al-Shabaab as well as to generate sufficient security.
The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research (PAR) methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
The overall recommendation is that the UN and international community support Somalia in finally launching a truth and reconciliation process. It should be driven by Somalis themselves, preferably through an independent facilitation committee composed of eminent elders, cultural personalities and academics without vested political interests in the process. This facilitation committee could then be coupled with “The Elders” founded by Nelson Mandela, to provide guidance and international connections. It is recommended that the reconciliation process is established from the ground up, starting at the district level, continuing at the regional level, to be finalised at the national level.
Analytical framework and methodology Disclaimer: This material has been funded by UK aid from the... more Analytical framework and methodology Disclaimer: This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government's official policies. Please note that the information provided is accurate at the time of writing but is subject to change.
This report is based on a presentation by Dr. Joakim Gundel during the COI (Country of Origin In... more This report is based on a presentation by Dr. Joakim Gundel during the COI (Country of Origin Information) Workshop Clans in Somalia organised by ACCORD on 15 May 2009 in Vienna, as well as on written notes provided by Mr. Gundel. All information, if not referenced otherwise, is drawn from Mr. Gundel’s contributions to the workshop. The final report was prepared by ACCORD and cleared with the expert. This report is not, and does not purport to be fully exhaustive with regard to the issues covered, nor is it conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views and opinions stated in this report do not represent an opinion of ACCORD. ACCORD, however, holds responsibility for style and form of the report.
military and civilian level, not only would UNPKOs increase the chances of achieving success in t... more military and civilian level, not only would UNPKOs increase the chances of achieving success in their missions and in turn regain credibility, but western donor countries might also increase their willingness to invest in peace and stability in crisis-ridden countries or regions.
The prospects around hydrocarbons (oil and gas) and future oil concessions have been accelerating... more The prospects around hydrocarbons (oil and gas) and future oil concessions have been accelerating in Somalia since 2012. The potential in this sector is already an important factor in political dynamics in the country, as seen for example in the ongoing maritime dispute with Kenya, as well as through the interests of several different countries and the involvement of a number of commercial actors. This memo argues that, while legislation and regulation, at least nominally, has been progressing in the last 3-4 years, it remains unfinished but now frames the operation of the political marketplace, with control over the Ministry of Petroleum and Somalia Petroleum Agency (SPA) constituting the key motivations of political elites and associated bargaining. Control of these ‘institutions’ enables access to informal flows of money as well as allows control over the allocation of sub-contracts, which are likely to come from the various grants and loans that will become available through the...
This chapter argues that a reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Recon... more This chapter argues that a reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia's regions and within the capital itself shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of... more This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of the political marketplace in Somalia. While there is clearly great moral value in writing off Somalia’s debt and opening the possibility for new development funding, which is in line with recent global trends and emphasised more so given the Covid-19 pandemic, this memo questions the dominance of short-term political calculus over ensuring systems of accountability and transparency. The contradictions of international demands, benchmarks and statements with the reality of those achievements is highlighted below and suggests that international political drivers are problematic and instrumentalised domestically. The memo further suggests that there are high risks in countries such as Somalia that key financial institutions become drawn into the political marketplace making short-term transactional decisions at the expense of long-term institution-building. The study findings were based on...
... 14 PEACEBUILDING AS POLITICS argue occurred in Somalia and Bosnia ... in Bosnia, for instance... more ... 14 PEACEBUILDING AS POLITICS argue occurred in Somalia and Bosnia ... in Bosnia, for instance, depends on the staying power of international peacekeep-ersor the organizational expertise of blue-helmet battalions with their extensive logistics and security, both of ...
The role of traditional structures in security, rights, law …, 2006
... The predicament of the 'Oday' ... The lineages of the pastoral Soma... more ... The predicament of the 'Oday' ... The lineages of the pastoral Somalis are united by a common, mythological perception of direct lineal descent from the forefather Samaal and the household of the prophet Mohammed, notably the Qurayshi clan, and specifically his cousin, Aqiil ...
Research Memo, Conflict Research Programme, LSE, 2020
This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of... more This memo provides an analysis of the implications of prospective debt relief for the dynamics of the political marketplace in Somalia. While there is clearly great moral value in writing off Somalia's debt and opening the possibility for new development funding, which is in line with recent global trends and emphasised more so given the Covid-19 pandemic, this memo questions the dominance of short-term political calculus over ensuring systems of accountability and transparency.
The Expanding Access to Justice Program in Somalia (EAJ), 2020
Pact is the promise of a better tomorrow for communities challenged by poverty and marginalizatio... more Pact is the promise of a better tomorrow for communities challenged by poverty and marginalization. We serve these communities because we envision a world where everyone owns their future. To do this, we build systemic solutions in partnership with local organizations, businesses, and governments that create sustainable and resilient communities where those we serve are heard, capable and vibrant. On the ground in nearly 40 countries, Pact's integrated adaptive approach is shaping the future of international development. Visit us at www.pactworld.org The mission of the American Bar Association Rule of Law Initiative is to promote justice, economic opportunity and human dignity through the rule of law. To do this, we employ a highly consultative approach to the delivery of independent, professional technical assistance, working with justice sector colleagues and local stakeholders to develop programs that are responsive to their needs and interests.
The Expanding Access to Justice Program in Somalia (EAJ), 2020
Land for permanent development. deegaan Home territory, environment, locality, stronghold, or tur... more Land for permanent development. deegaan Home territory, environment, locality, stronghold, or turf. Where those who share a common clan affiliation can claim ultimate authority over the land and its natural resources. 1 Similar the Western concept of land tenure, but more closely aligned to identity. dhul-boob Land grabbing. duq Also known as koofi. A head of families, or qabiil. galti Newcomers or outsiders. Used to refer to invading clans during the 1991-1992 civil war. gatekeepers Also called "black cats." Individuals, usually from the dominant local clan, that control, represent, and provide security for internally displaced person (IDP) camps and other types of informal settlements. 2 guri Indigenous inhabitants. ku dhaqmay Where a person lives or has citizenship. A kind of universal Somali citizenship. ku dhashay Born in a region, thus having rights because of place of birth. munishibaale Land for temporary use. sheegad Clients. A designation given to outsiders, giving them certain rights and obligations and thus embedded them in the local xeer of the host clan. u dhashay Blood rights. Born to a deegaan through kinship. xeer Customary justice, or "a complex set of norms and rules that govern inter and intraclan relationships."
A reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Political stabilisation, state... more A reconciliation process is key to strengthening the Somali state. Political stabilisation, state-building and agreeing the constitution should all be based on the outcomes of a pertinent reconciliation process. If not, efforts to stabilise Somalia are unlikely to be durable.
Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia’s regions and within the capital itself, shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. Violence is by no means only a reflection of the conflict with Al-Shabaab and the manifestation of terrorism. It also reflects grievances and feuds that have a long history and still need to be resolved.
While a solution to the political crisis in Somalia requires changes to the constitution, achieving this cannot be done solely on the basis of technocratic inputs. A new constitution must reflect the outcomes and agreements made through a broad reconciliation process. Without bringing the population firmly behind the national security plan, it will be very difficult to defeat Al-Shabaab as well as to generate sufficient security.
The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research (PAR) methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
The overall recommendation is that the UN and international community support Somalia in finally launching a truth and reconciliation process. It should be driven by Somalis themselves, preferably through an independent facilitation committee composed of eminent elders, cultural personalities and academics without vested political interests in the process. This facilitation committee could then be coupled with “The Elders” founded by Nelson Mandela, to provide guidance and international connections. It is recommended that the reconciliation process is established from the ground up, starting at the district level, continuing at the regional level, to be finalised at the national level.
Analytical framework and methodology Disclaimer: This material has been funded by UK aid from the... more Analytical framework and methodology Disclaimer: This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government's official policies. Please note that the information provided is accurate at the time of writing but is subject to change.
This report is based on a presentation by Dr. Joakim Gundel during the COI (Country of Origin In... more This report is based on a presentation by Dr. Joakim Gundel during the COI (Country of Origin Information) Workshop Clans in Somalia organised by ACCORD on 15 May 2009 in Vienna, as well as on written notes provided by Mr. Gundel. All information, if not referenced otherwise, is drawn from Mr. Gundel’s contributions to the workshop. The final report was prepared by ACCORD and cleared with the expert. This report is not, and does not purport to be fully exhaustive with regard to the issues covered, nor is it conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views and opinions stated in this report do not represent an opinion of ACCORD. ACCORD, however, holds responsibility for style and form of the report.
This paper first examines the Somali cultural articulations of the concept of accountability. Thi... more This paper first examines the Somali cultural articulations of the concept of accountability. This includes findings on past and present language and perceptions of accountability in Somali culture, which may prove useful in nurturing a new understanding of accountability in Somalia. The paper then briefly summarises the post-colonial experience in Somalia in terms of the systems and institutions of accountability, how they functioned, and the key issues surrounding accountability. It also explores the genesis of the collapse of trust in public institutions that occurred when the state disintegrated after the outbreak of civil war. In addition, the paper explores how this collapse in trust led to a blurred notion of the separation between the private and public (state) realms, and the implications thereof. The paper also provides a brief overview of recent approaches to fostering accountability, including a brief account of the history of international agendas and efforts related to accountability in Somalia since the 2010 Madrid Conference. This is done in order to provide an understanding of the roles and impact of international aid on the culture of accountability in Somalia, together with the current “gatekeeper” phenomenon and corruption-security nexus. Finally, the paper provides a brief descriptive mapping of the landscape of accountability and corruption issues in Somalia, as well as the complex networks of interests and dynamics involved, in order to illustrate how the unique genealogy of accountability continues to influence the character and culture of accountability in Somalia.
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Papers by Joakim Gundel
Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia’s regions and within the capital itself, shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. Violence is by no means only a reflection of the conflict with Al-Shabaab and the manifestation of terrorism. It also reflects grievances and feuds that have a long history and still need to be resolved.
While a solution to the political crisis in Somalia requires changes to the constitution, achieving this cannot be done solely on the basis of technocratic inputs. A new constitution must reflect the outcomes and agreements made through a broad reconciliation process. Without bringing the population firmly behind the national security plan, it will be very difficult to defeat Al-Shabaab as well as to generate sufficient security.
The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research (PAR) methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
The overall recommendation is that the UN and international community support Somalia in finally launching a truth and reconciliation process. It should be driven by Somalis themselves, preferably through an independent facilitation committee composed of eminent elders, cultural personalities and academics without vested political interests in the process. This facilitation committee could then be coupled with “The Elders” founded by Nelson Mandela, to provide guidance and international connections. It is recommended that the reconciliation process is established from the ground up, starting at the district level, continuing at the regional level, to be finalised at the national level.
This report is not, and does not purport to be fully exhaustive with regard to the issues covered, nor is it conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views and opinions stated in this report do not represent an opinion of ACCORD. ACCORD, however, holds responsibility for style and form of the report.
Reconciliation has persistently been omitted from past peace processes, and has essentially been replaced by power-sharing arrangements, neglecting the interests and grievances of the Somali population. The continuance of violence in Somalia’s regions and within the capital itself, shows that there is a serious need for reconciliation. Violence is by no means only a reflection of the conflict with Al-Shabaab and the manifestation of terrorism. It also reflects grievances and feuds that have a long history and still need to be resolved.
While a solution to the political crisis in Somalia requires changes to the constitution, achieving this cannot be done solely on the basis of technocratic inputs. A new constitution must reflect the outcomes and agreements made through a broad reconciliation process. Without bringing the population firmly behind the national security plan, it will be very difficult to defeat Al-Shabaab as well as to generate sufficient security.
The first step in a reconciliation process would be to bring Somalis together to determine the way in which key issues are addressed, which is likely to involve forgiveness or truth and justice. Beyond this, the agenda of the reconciliation process can be derived from bottom-up, participatory action research (PAR) methodologies in order to identify grievances and the principles for their resolution.
The overall recommendation is that the UN and international community support Somalia in finally launching a truth and reconciliation process. It should be driven by Somalis themselves, preferably through an independent facilitation committee composed of eminent elders, cultural personalities and academics without vested political interests in the process. This facilitation committee could then be coupled with “The Elders” founded by Nelson Mandela, to provide guidance and international connections. It is recommended that the reconciliation process is established from the ground up, starting at the district level, continuing at the regional level, to be finalised at the national level.
This report is not, and does not purport to be fully exhaustive with regard to the issues covered, nor is it conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views and opinions stated in this report do not represent an opinion of ACCORD. ACCORD, however, holds responsibility for style and form of the report.
findings on past and present language and perceptions of accountability in Somali culture, which may
prove useful in nurturing a new understanding of accountability in Somalia. The paper then briefly
summarises the post-colonial experience in Somalia in terms of the systems and institutions of
accountability, how they functioned, and the key issues surrounding accountability. It also explores the
genesis of the collapse of trust in public institutions that occurred when the state disintegrated after the
outbreak of civil war. In addition, the paper explores how this collapse in trust led to a blurred notion of
the separation between the private and public (state) realms, and the implications thereof.
The paper also provides a brief overview of recent approaches to fostering accountability, including a
brief account of the history of international agendas and efforts related to accountability in Somalia since
the 2010 Madrid Conference. This is done in order to provide an understanding of the roles and impact
of international aid on the culture of accountability in Somalia, together with the current “gatekeeper”
phenomenon and corruption-security nexus.
Finally, the paper provides a brief descriptive mapping of the landscape of accountability and corruption
issues in Somalia, as well as the complex networks of interests and dynamics involved, in order to illustrate
how the unique genealogy of accountability continues to influence the character and culture of
accountability in Somalia.