The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy
In the past many college courses in the history of political theory moved directly from Cicero to... more In the past many college courses in the history of political theory moved directly from Cicero to Machiavelli, a space of more than 1,500 years, regarding the writings of St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas and the Middle Ages as works of theology rather than political philosophy. More recently Augustine has received attention for his pessimistic view of the possibilities of politics and human justice. In the case of Aquinas it is now recognized that his theory of natural law is an original synthesis of earlier approaches that can be applied to many contemporary moral problems, including war, sexuality, economics, and the relation of religion and politics. In addition, the revival of interest in Aristotle's philosophy as providing a possible solution to the dilemmas of modern philosophy has increased interest in Aquinas as one of his most influential interpreters. Also, the increased diversity of opinion among Roman Catholic interpreters (Kerr 2002) since the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) has produced a large and controversial interpretive literature in recent decades. And the increased recognition of the influence of religious assumptions on political behavior has heightened interest in the relation between theology and political philosophy.
The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored... more The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored in the previous chapter, has become central to contemporary political theory. My aim in this chapter is to examine various 'comprehensive' liberalisms, with particular care to identifying in what sense they are comprehensive. As I have argued elsewhere (Gaus, 2003: chap. 7), the distinction between political and comprehensive liberalisms is elusive. Rawls repeatedly describes as 'comprehensive' 'philosophical', 'moral' and 'religious' 'doctrines' (1996: xxv, 4, 36, 38, 160) or 'beliefs' (1996: 63). Indeed, so often does Rawls characterize comprehensiveness in terms of moral, religious and philosophical doctrines or beliefs that a reader may be tempted to conclude that doctrine C is comprehensive if and only if it is a moral, religious or philosophical doctrine or belief. But though it is tempting to understand 'comprehensive conceptions' in this way, it would be wrong. Rawls is clear that 'the distinction between the political conception and other moral conceptions is a matter of scope; that is, the range of subjects, to which a conception applies and the content a wider range requires' (1996: 13). Comprehensive and general doctrines cover a wide range of topics, values and ideals applicable to various areas of life. Even given the terms of Rawls's own analyses, rather than conceiving of comprehensive liberalisms as all relying on a fully comprehensive doctrine, it is better to conceive of them in terms of a spectrum of theories, from those that rely on something like a fully comprehensive view to those that rely on, say, only a general theory of the right. In this chapter I shall focus on the following versions of
The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored... more The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored in the previous chapter, has become central to contemporary political theory. My aim in this chapter is to examine various 'comprehensive' liberalisms, with particular care to identifying in what sense they are comprehensive. As I have argued elsewhere (Gaus, 2003: chap. 7), the distinction between political and comprehensive liberalisms is elusive. Rawls repeatedly describes as 'comprehensive' 'philosophical', 'moral' and 'religious' 'doctrines' (1996: xxv, 4, 36, 38, 160) or 'beliefs' (1996: 63). Indeed, so often does Rawls characterize comprehensiveness in terms of moral, religious and philosophical doctrines or beliefs that a reader may be tempted to conclude that doctrine C is comprehensive if and only if it is a moral, religious or philosophical doctrine or belief. But though it is tempting to understand 'comprehensive conceptions' in this way, it would be wrong. Rawls is clear that 'the distinction between the political conception and other moral conceptions is a matter of scope; that is, the range of subjects, to which a conception applies and the content a wider range requires' (1996: 13). Comprehensive and general doctrines cover a wide range of topics, values and ideals applicable to various areas of life. Even given the terms of Rawls's own analyses, rather than conceiving of comprehensive liberalisms as all relying on a fully comprehensive doctrine, it is better to conceive of them in terms of a spectrum of theories, from those that rely on something like a fully comprehensive view to those that rely on, say, only a general theory of the right. In this chapter I shall focus on the following versions of
The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy
In the past many college courses in the history of political theory moved directly from Cicero to... more In the past many college courses in the history of political theory moved directly from Cicero to Machiavelli, a space of more than 1,500 years, regarding the writings of St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas and the Middle Ages as works of theology rather than political philosophy. More recently Augustine has received attention for his pessimistic view of the possibilities of politics and human justice. In the case of Aquinas it is now recognized that his theory of natural law is an original synthesis of earlier approaches that can be applied to many contemporary moral problems, including war, sexuality, economics, and the relation of religion and politics. In addition, the revival of interest in Aristotle's philosophy as providing a possible solution to the dilemmas of modern philosophy has increased interest in Aquinas as one of his most influential interpreters. Also, the increased diversity of opinion among Roman Catholic interpreters (Kerr 2002) since the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) has produced a large and controversial interpretive literature in recent decades. And the increased recognition of the influence of religious assumptions on political behavior has heightened interest in the relation between theology and political philosophy.
The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored... more The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored in the previous chapter, has become central to contemporary political theory. My aim in this chapter is to examine various 'comprehensive' liberalisms, with particular care to identifying in what sense they are comprehensive. As I have argued elsewhere (Gaus, 2003: chap. 7), the distinction between political and comprehensive liberalisms is elusive. Rawls repeatedly describes as 'comprehensive' 'philosophical', 'moral' and 'religious' 'doctrines' (1996: xxv, 4, 36, 38, 160) or 'beliefs' (1996: 63). Indeed, so often does Rawls characterize comprehensiveness in terms of moral, religious and philosophical doctrines or beliefs that a reader may be tempted to conclude that doctrine C is comprehensive if and only if it is a moral, religious or philosophical doctrine or belief. But though it is tempting to understand 'comprehensive conceptions' in this way, it would be wrong. Rawls is clear that 'the distinction between the political conception and other moral conceptions is a matter of scope; that is, the range of subjects, to which a conception applies and the content a wider range requires' (1996: 13). Comprehensive and general doctrines cover a wide range of topics, values and ideals applicable to various areas of life. Even given the terms of Rawls's own analyses, rather than conceiving of comprehensive liberalisms as all relying on a fully comprehensive doctrine, it is better to conceive of them in terms of a spectrum of theories, from those that rely on something like a fully comprehensive view to those that rely on, say, only a general theory of the right. In this chapter I shall focus on the following versions of
The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored... more The distinction between 'comprehensive' and 'political' liberalisms, explored in the previous chapter, has become central to contemporary political theory. My aim in this chapter is to examine various 'comprehensive' liberalisms, with particular care to identifying in what sense they are comprehensive. As I have argued elsewhere (Gaus, 2003: chap. 7), the distinction between political and comprehensive liberalisms is elusive. Rawls repeatedly describes as 'comprehensive' 'philosophical', 'moral' and 'religious' 'doctrines' (1996: xxv, 4, 36, 38, 160) or 'beliefs' (1996: 63). Indeed, so often does Rawls characterize comprehensiveness in terms of moral, religious and philosophical doctrines or beliefs that a reader may be tempted to conclude that doctrine C is comprehensive if and only if it is a moral, religious or philosophical doctrine or belief. But though it is tempting to understand 'comprehensive conceptions' in this way, it would be wrong. Rawls is clear that 'the distinction between the political conception and other moral conceptions is a matter of scope; that is, the range of subjects, to which a conception applies and the content a wider range requires' (1996: 13). Comprehensive and general doctrines cover a wide range of topics, values and ideals applicable to various areas of life. Even given the terms of Rawls's own analyses, rather than conceiving of comprehensive liberalisms as all relying on a fully comprehensive doctrine, it is better to conceive of them in terms of a spectrum of theories, from those that rely on something like a fully comprehensive view to those that rely on, say, only a general theory of the right. In this chapter I shall focus on the following versions of
This important book takes as its points of departure two questions: What is the nature of valuing... more This important book takes as its points of departure two questions: What is the nature of valuing? and What morality can be justified in a society that deeply disagrees on what is truly valuable? In Part One, the author develops a theory of value that attempts to reconcile reason with passions. Part Two explores how this theory of value grounds our commitment to moral action. The author argues that rational moral action can neither be seen as a way of simply maximising one's own values, nor derived from reason independent of one's values. Rather, our commitment to the moral point of view is presupposed by our value systems. The book concludes with a defense of liberal political morality.
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Papers by Jerry Gaus