Reports by FREDERIK ROSEN
This report is the main outcome document of the NATO Science for Peace and Security Project “Best... more This report is the main outcome document of the NATO Science for Peace and Security Project “Best Practices for Cultural Property Protection in NATO-led Military Operations” 2014 – 2017 (NATO SPS project # G4866)
The report evaluates a) the role of cultural property (CP) in the wars of the 21st century and the rationale for NATO to consider CPP; b) existing work on CPP in NATO; c) lessons identified from NATO-led and non-NATO-led military operations and allied nations; and d) the way forward for CPP in NATO.
The concept of cultural affinity has become increasingly prominent in international cooperation, ... more The concept of cultural affinity has become increasingly prominent in international cooperation, where it is commonly understood as shared dispositions, values, language, cultural references and worldviews. Cultural affinity is held to make cooperation easier, due to greater mutual understanding between counterparts. In the context of international capacity development, the idea of cultural affinity plays a role as an argument for preferring South– South cooperation over traditional North–South cooperation. The underlying assumption is that cultural affinity between counterparts creates more acceptable and effective relations, in turn leading to more sustainable programmatic outcomes.
This policy brief discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the cultural affinity assumption in the context of the IGAD initiative in South Sudan.
The report examines Denmark's implementation of the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of C... more The report examines Denmark's implementation of the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict.
Rapporten kortlægger, hvilke internationale forpligtelser Danmark er underlagt i forhold til beskyttelse af kulturarv i væbnede konflikter, særligt i forhold til UNESCOs konvention af 14. maj 1954 om beskyttelse af kulturværdier i tilfælde af væbnet konflikt med tilhørende 1. protokol.
Noref Report, Jun 2013
This report discusses the reasons why the IGAD initiative, which provides civil service support o... more This report discusses the reasons why the IGAD initiative, which provides civil service support officers to South Sudan, is a promising and potentially innovative model of triangular co-operation for capacity development.
Book by FREDERIK ROSEN
‘Frederik Rosén’s new book challenges the way we think about violence. He dares us to look anew –... more ‘Frederik Rosén’s new book challenges the way we think about violence. He dares us to look anew – and without flinching – at killing civilians in war. What do we mean when we talk about evil? Or sacrifice? Or “an accident”? Rosén argues passionately and without scaremongering that questions of collateral damage are fundamentally about who rules the world. And in a startling conclusion, he finds a way out of the abyss.’ — Joanna Bourke, Professor of History at Birkbeck, University of London, and author of Wounding the World: How Military Violence and War-Play Invade our Lives
Description
The dilemmas precipitated by the unintentional but foreseen killing of civilians in war, or ‘collateral damage’, shape many aspects of military conduct. Yet noticeable by its absence has been a methodical examination of the place and role of collateral damage in modern warfare. This book offers a fresh perspective on this most distressing aspect of war.
Rosén sorts out a number of commonly held misconceptions about collateral damage and scrutinises related key legal and political issues. His intriguing enquiry reveals how the problem is essentially linked to our ideas of authority, thereby anchoring it to the very heart of the existential riddles of our individual and collective lives.
The central theme of this investigation sheds new light on some of today’s critical challenges to war and global governance, including the growing role of non-state actors and the impact of military privatisation. As the author shows, collateral damage is intimately connected to debates about who may exert political authority and thus how a truly decentralised world order might be organised.
The victims of this peculiar form of death are in many ways under-represented and ignored, but they have a significance that extends far beyond the battlefield.
Introduction
1. The Third Category of Death
2. Urban Warfare and Collateral Damage
3. Collateral Damage and the Question of Legal Responsibility
4. Collateral Damage and Compensation
5. Lifting the Fog of War and Collateral Damage
6. How Bad Can Be Good
7. A Death Without Sacrifice
8. Collateral Damage or Accident?
9. A Private Call for Collateral Damage?
10. A Place Between it All
Page 1. Peter Kemp & l;redcrik Rti.scn The New World Order Report from The Danish... more Page 1. Peter Kemp & l;redcrik Rti.scn The New World Order Report from The Danish Centre for Eihics and Law to the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs Preface: Per Stig Moiler. Postscript: Peter Kemp Page 2. Peter Kemp, Frederik Rosén The New World Order Page 3. Page 4. ...
Articles by FREDERIK ROSEN
The greatest challenge in the context of fragile states is to develop a functioning civil service... more The greatest challenge in the context of fragile states is to develop a functioning civil service. This policy brief looks at the IGAD initiative in South Sudan where 199 civil servants have been seconded from Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda to South Sudan on two-year terms to help ramp up the civilian capacity of the South Sudanese state. Notwithstanding many challenges, the initiative is promising as a new and potentially innovative model of triangular cooperation for capacity development.
The brief is published as part of the outcome from the International Capacity Research Initiative (ICRI). ICRI is a co-funded research cooperation on capacity development in fragile states between the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS); the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office Office (UNPBSO), Noref, and the Training for Peace programme (TfP) at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI).
"This article suggests an agenda for juridical civil–military relations by considering how recent... more "This article suggests an agenda for juridical civil–military relations by considering how recent developments in human rights law in Europe breed new forms of juridical civil–military relations. The argument is that the human right driven recasting of legal authority over military affairs from military justice systems to civilian justice systems entwines these systems. Furthermore, that in so far the theories and studies of civil–military relations have not yet addressed the juridical dimension of civil–military relations as a subject of its own right, this entwining calls for a new subject in the study of civil–military relations, straddling the institutional entwining as well as the sociological dimension of practical cooperation."
Journal of …, Jan 1, 2011
This briefing suggests that coaching and mentoring for capacity should be viewed as a tool of inc... more This briefing suggests that coaching and mentoring for capacity should be viewed as a tool of increasing prominence in the statebuilding toolbox. Compared to decades of institutional approaches to capacity development, it represents a turn towards contextualised individual and personal capabilities and dispositions as the critical area of reform. It elevates the skills and personal attitudes of the individual civil servant as the critical change agent for translating legal, institutional and administrative reforms into actual service delivery.
Security Dialogue, Jan 1, 2008
Today, in what has been described as a re-emergence of privately organized extraterritorial force... more Today, in what has been described as a re-emergence of privately organized extraterritorial force, the private military and security industry supplies the major military powers with a range of core services. This article asks how such a development came about, and why it has become politically uncomplicated to outsource such intimate state functions as the executive branches of foreign policy programmes. How did certain states arrive at a situation where it is unclear whether core military and security affairs are run by public or private agencies? The article answers these questions by presenting and commenting on general explanations as to why the private military industry has grown so much in post-invasion Iraq. It adds new perspectives to existing scholarly work by suggesting that the reappearance of private extraterritorial force could not have occurred on such a scale without a restructuring of neutrality in international relations. It is suggested that this change in neutrality might constitute the sine qua non of the re-emergence of private extraterritorial force.
… of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and …, Jan 1, 2005
Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, Jan 1, 2011
Apart from exploring the turn to coaching and mentoring as capacity building tool in fragile stat... more Apart from exploring the turn to coaching and mentoring as capacity building tool in fragile states, this article also enquires into the realm of authority:
Organized mentoring has become a principal method in statebuilding. Relying on field work in Afghanistan, the article argues that mentoring represents a new intensified mode of statebuilding, one that goes beyond simple technical reform, focusing on the deeper levels of the Afghan deputies' personalities. The rise of mentoring reflects a turn towards an enhanced focus on the contextualized individual and personal capabilities as well as dispositions. Mentoring produces personal relations that are closer and more intimate than technical assistance programmes, and thereby constitute a new form of interface between donor states and the Afghan state. Consequently, the mentor becomes a new figure in international relations—a new meeting ground between nations that reflects the contextualized and decentred prudence of neoliberal governmentality.
Politics of Law: The Concept of the 'Rechtstaat'as a …, Jan 1, 2005
Den ondeste mand i live?: læsninger af og mod Carl …, Jan 1, 2007
... hævdes at være nødvendige. Denne artikels ærinde er at fremhæve vigtigheden af at identificer... more ... hævdes at være nødvendige. Denne artikels ærinde er at fremhæve vigtigheden af at identificere og tage stilling til de retslige implikationer, der følger med eksistensen af permanente nødretsor-ganer. Herunder må det understreges ...
Archival Science, Jan 1, 2008
The puzzle of authority....again.
This essay raises a number of questions about how privatisat... more The puzzle of authority....again.
This essay raises a number of questions about how privatisation of military and security and the ensuing lack of proper record keeping might affect future dynamics of societal memory. What are the long-term consequences of privatising security governance—which can be described as the practices of managing the border zone between society and its outside—to society’s self-description? How such outsourcing affect society’s self-description does as the knowledge collected in this zone stops going into the public archives? What are the long-term consequences to collective memory when major social engineering projects such as state building is shifted to private hands?
Journal of Resilience: International Policies, Practices and Discourses, Jul 4, 2013
This study examines the rise of resilience thinking in international development. It links the re... more This study examines the rise of resilience thinking in international development. It links the resilience concept to changing ideas of capacity and argues that the entwined concepts of resilience and capacity increasingly frame the ways Western donors address societal fragility in the Global South. This study argues that resilience thinking is characterised by pragmatism and a retreat from grand planning as a response to a crisis in how fragility is handled. Increasingly, Western donors take on the role of facilitators, although responsibility for implementation and project success in the name of local ownership and bottom-up approaches is put on to local partners and the recipient state. This study highlights triangularly organised south–south cooperation on ‘coaching and mentoring for capacity’ as a mode whereby donors attempt to create resilience and it argues that this type of programming encapsulates in a paradigmatic manner key features of, and challenges posed by, this agenda.
Uploads
Reports by FREDERIK ROSEN
The report evaluates a) the role of cultural property (CP) in the wars of the 21st century and the rationale for NATO to consider CPP; b) existing work on CPP in NATO; c) lessons identified from NATO-led and non-NATO-led military operations and allied nations; and d) the way forward for CPP in NATO.
This policy brief discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the cultural affinity assumption in the context of the IGAD initiative in South Sudan.
Rapporten kortlægger, hvilke internationale forpligtelser Danmark er underlagt i forhold til beskyttelse af kulturarv i væbnede konflikter, særligt i forhold til UNESCOs konvention af 14. maj 1954 om beskyttelse af kulturværdier i tilfælde af væbnet konflikt med tilhørende 1. protokol.
Book by FREDERIK ROSEN
Description
The dilemmas precipitated by the unintentional but foreseen killing of civilians in war, or ‘collateral damage’, shape many aspects of military conduct. Yet noticeable by its absence has been a methodical examination of the place and role of collateral damage in modern warfare. This book offers a fresh perspective on this most distressing aspect of war.
Rosén sorts out a number of commonly held misconceptions about collateral damage and scrutinises related key legal and political issues. His intriguing enquiry reveals how the problem is essentially linked to our ideas of authority, thereby anchoring it to the very heart of the existential riddles of our individual and collective lives.
The central theme of this investigation sheds new light on some of today’s critical challenges to war and global governance, including the growing role of non-state actors and the impact of military privatisation. As the author shows, collateral damage is intimately connected to debates about who may exert political authority and thus how a truly decentralised world order might be organised.
The victims of this peculiar form of death are in many ways under-represented and ignored, but they have a significance that extends far beyond the battlefield.
Introduction
1. The Third Category of Death
2. Urban Warfare and Collateral Damage
3. Collateral Damage and the Question of Legal Responsibility
4. Collateral Damage and Compensation
5. Lifting the Fog of War and Collateral Damage
6. How Bad Can Be Good
7. A Death Without Sacrifice
8. Collateral Damage or Accident?
9. A Private Call for Collateral Damage?
10. A Place Between it All
Articles by FREDERIK ROSEN
The brief is published as part of the outcome from the International Capacity Research Initiative (ICRI). ICRI is a co-funded research cooperation on capacity development in fragile states between the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS); the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office Office (UNPBSO), Noref, and the Training for Peace programme (TfP) at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI).
Organized mentoring has become a principal method in statebuilding. Relying on field work in Afghanistan, the article argues that mentoring represents a new intensified mode of statebuilding, one that goes beyond simple technical reform, focusing on the deeper levels of the Afghan deputies' personalities. The rise of mentoring reflects a turn towards an enhanced focus on the contextualized individual and personal capabilities as well as dispositions. Mentoring produces personal relations that are closer and more intimate than technical assistance programmes, and thereby constitute a new form of interface between donor states and the Afghan state. Consequently, the mentor becomes a new figure in international relations—a new meeting ground between nations that reflects the contextualized and decentred prudence of neoliberal governmentality.
This essay raises a number of questions about how privatisation of military and security and the ensuing lack of proper record keeping might affect future dynamics of societal memory. What are the long-term consequences of privatising security governance—which can be described as the practices of managing the border zone between society and its outside—to society’s self-description? How such outsourcing affect society’s self-description does as the knowledge collected in this zone stops going into the public archives? What are the long-term consequences to collective memory when major social engineering projects such as state building is shifted to private hands?
The report evaluates a) the role of cultural property (CP) in the wars of the 21st century and the rationale for NATO to consider CPP; b) existing work on CPP in NATO; c) lessons identified from NATO-led and non-NATO-led military operations and allied nations; and d) the way forward for CPP in NATO.
This policy brief discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the cultural affinity assumption in the context of the IGAD initiative in South Sudan.
Rapporten kortlægger, hvilke internationale forpligtelser Danmark er underlagt i forhold til beskyttelse af kulturarv i væbnede konflikter, særligt i forhold til UNESCOs konvention af 14. maj 1954 om beskyttelse af kulturværdier i tilfælde af væbnet konflikt med tilhørende 1. protokol.
Description
The dilemmas precipitated by the unintentional but foreseen killing of civilians in war, or ‘collateral damage’, shape many aspects of military conduct. Yet noticeable by its absence has been a methodical examination of the place and role of collateral damage in modern warfare. This book offers a fresh perspective on this most distressing aspect of war.
Rosén sorts out a number of commonly held misconceptions about collateral damage and scrutinises related key legal and political issues. His intriguing enquiry reveals how the problem is essentially linked to our ideas of authority, thereby anchoring it to the very heart of the existential riddles of our individual and collective lives.
The central theme of this investigation sheds new light on some of today’s critical challenges to war and global governance, including the growing role of non-state actors and the impact of military privatisation. As the author shows, collateral damage is intimately connected to debates about who may exert political authority and thus how a truly decentralised world order might be organised.
The victims of this peculiar form of death are in many ways under-represented and ignored, but they have a significance that extends far beyond the battlefield.
Introduction
1. The Third Category of Death
2. Urban Warfare and Collateral Damage
3. Collateral Damage and the Question of Legal Responsibility
4. Collateral Damage and Compensation
5. Lifting the Fog of War and Collateral Damage
6. How Bad Can Be Good
7. A Death Without Sacrifice
8. Collateral Damage or Accident?
9. A Private Call for Collateral Damage?
10. A Place Between it All
The brief is published as part of the outcome from the International Capacity Research Initiative (ICRI). ICRI is a co-funded research cooperation on capacity development in fragile states between the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS); the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office Office (UNPBSO), Noref, and the Training for Peace programme (TfP) at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI).
Organized mentoring has become a principal method in statebuilding. Relying on field work in Afghanistan, the article argues that mentoring represents a new intensified mode of statebuilding, one that goes beyond simple technical reform, focusing on the deeper levels of the Afghan deputies' personalities. The rise of mentoring reflects a turn towards an enhanced focus on the contextualized individual and personal capabilities as well as dispositions. Mentoring produces personal relations that are closer and more intimate than technical assistance programmes, and thereby constitute a new form of interface between donor states and the Afghan state. Consequently, the mentor becomes a new figure in international relations—a new meeting ground between nations that reflects the contextualized and decentred prudence of neoliberal governmentality.
This essay raises a number of questions about how privatisation of military and security and the ensuing lack of proper record keeping might affect future dynamics of societal memory. What are the long-term consequences of privatising security governance—which can be described as the practices of managing the border zone between society and its outside—to society’s self-description? How such outsourcing affect society’s self-description does as the knowledge collected in this zone stops going into the public archives? What are the long-term consequences to collective memory when major social engineering projects such as state building is shifted to private hands?
This article examines what drone capability may entail for UN peacekeeping missions."
This practice note offers an analytical narrative that is intended to provoke thinking about the design of capacity development programmes. It takes as its example the IGAD Initiative, a regional capacity development initiative for South Sudan. Based on extensive fieldwork, the authors point out how some of the IGAD Initiative’s biggest successes have developed out of freedom, voluntarism and decentralised initiatives rather than through detailed top-down design and implementation. A vague project design appears to have afforded the space needed for capacity development to genuinely take the context as the starting point. The authors suggest that the IGAD experience provides important lessons for the discussion and design of capacity development initiatives in fragile states.
Download for free at the Journals webpage, use link below"
recast our perception of drones as solitary planes to one of a comprehensive
technology with extensive surveillance and control capabilities, we encounter
new and crucial legal implications of the use of drones in armed conflict. To
make its argument, this article first places the surveillance and control capabilities
of drone technology within the context of the European Convention of Human
Rights. The European Court of Human Rights has found that the Convention
applies in a number of cases where a member state exercised control and authority
over persons or territories outside Europe. The article argues that this may
affect the legal basis for European states that employ drones for attacks. The
second part of the article examines the implications of the surveillance capabilities
of drone technology for the principle of precaution in international humanitarian
law (IHL). The argument is that drone technology offers an effective
precautionary measure, which may trigger precautionary obligation across all
weapons systems. If a state possesses drone technology, and if the deployment
of this technology may potentially reduce unnecessary harm from armed attacks,
including shelling, the state is obliged under IHL to employ this technology for
precaution. In addition to identifying so far overlooked legal implications arising
from the employment or availability of drone technology for attack in armed
conflict, the article raises the more general question of how the laws of armed
conflict should be applied in an era of total surveillance.
added UAV capabilities may mean for UN peacekeeping
operations. The article does not focus on what the drones
can do or how they may and may not be used. Instead, it
draws attention to a few less-scrutinised implications of
introducing drones to UN peacekeeping – some moral and
legal obligations that may be triggered by using UAVs or by
having UAVs available, and how the use and availability of
UAVs may generate new dilemmas.
The IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development) Initiative provides 199 civil service support officers to South Sudan, where they are twinned with South Sudanese counterparts across many ministries and sectors to rapidly develop core government capacity in a coaching and mentoring scheme. These CSSOs come from the civil services of Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, and are seconded for two-year terms. The initiative resonates well with the UN Civilian Capacity reform process and the calls for more use of regional capacity, and more flexible and bottom-up approaches when supporting countries emerging from conflict. The initiative is a promising and potentially innovative model of triangular co-operation for capacity development.
The report is published as part of the outcome from the International Capacity Research Initiative (ICRI). ICRI is a co-funded research cooperation on capacity development in fragile states between the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS); the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office Office (UNPBSO); Noref; and the Training for Peace programme (TfP) at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI).
In the United Nations context, the issue of civilian capacity re-emerged as a priority when the UN Secretary-General’s 2009 report on ‘Peacebuilding in the Immediate Aftermath of Conflict’ concluded that “a review needs to be undertaken analysing how the UN and the international community can help to broaden and deepen the pool of civilian experts to support the immediate capacity development needs of countries emerging from conflict”.
Earlier this year, Security Council Resolution 2086 (2013) on multidimensional peacekeeping encouraged “(…) national governments, the United Nations, regional and sub-regional organizations to continue to use existing civilian expertise and also to broaden and deepen the pool of civilian capacities for peacebuilding in the immediate aftermath of conflict, including from countries with relevant experience in post-conflict peacebuilding or democratic transition, giving particular attention to mobilizing capacities from developing countries and from women (…)”
The brief is published as part of the outcome from the International Capacity Research Initiative (ICRI). ICRI is a co-funded research cooperation on capacity development in fragile states between the Danish Institute for International Studies (DIIS); the United Nations Peacebuilding Support Office Office (UNPBSO); Noref; and the Training for Peace programme (TfP) at the Norwegian Institute for International Affairs (NUPI). "
'Coaching and mentoring for capacity' has become a popular approach to civil servant capacity building in fragile states. In South Sudan, the 'IGAD Initiative' is currently deploying 200 coaches and mentors to South Sudan from Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda. The African Union has pledged to deploy up to 1000 additional coaches and mentors drafted from various African countries.
The IGAD Initiative may be seen as a test case for lessons learned from Kosovo, Timor-Leste, Liberia, Iraq and Afghanistan, where coaching and mentoring has been used to build state capacity. It is therefore of high relevance to both the IGAD Initiative in South Sudan and the upcoming African Union led 'capacity surge', as well as the more general question of capacity building in post-conflict states, that the IGAD Initiative receives proper attention. Compared to the cost of running projects this size, collection and dissemination of knowledge would be well worth the investment.
This DIIS Policy Brief recaps on some main tenets of IGAD initiative and presents a number of policy recommendations.
In the future the IGAD initiative should maintain the number of CSSOs, but distribute them more evenly among ministries; ensure that core government functions and upstream institutions are included; deploy CSSOs at strategic and operational rather than tactical level; and ensure optimal matching between CSSOs and twins. Finally, more consideration should be given to programme implementation and in particular human resource management to ensure the maintenance of CSSOs’ morale."
counterparts. In the context of international capacity development, the idea of cultural affinity plays a role as an argument for preferring South–South cooperation over traditional North–South cooperation. The underlying assumption is that cultural affinity between counterparts creates more acceptable
and effective relations, in turn leading to more sustainable programmatic outcomes. Hence the idea of cultural affinity enters programme design as an efficiency parameter. However, while all this would seem logical, the concepts and the idea
that ‘Africans work best with Africans’ appear notably underexplored in academic research. This policy brief discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the cultural affinity assumption in the context of the IGAD initiative in South Sudan. It
concludes that the IGAD initiative does indeed seem to present significant comparative advantages compared to traditional North–South models, but that these perhaps depend more on the expectations and attitudes of the personnel deployed than on a
more generic regional ‘cultural affinity’.