Techne (τέχνη) is a crucial and yet potentially obscure concept in ancient Greek thought. It is o... more Techne (τέχνη) is a crucial and yet potentially obscure concept in ancient Greek thought. It is of great significance principally because the technai (‘skills, arts, sciences’) often served as models for apparently more complex ideas, such as virtue, nature or the workings of the divine ‒ that is the Socratic ‘craft analogy’. It is potentially obscure ironically because the craft analogy assumes techne to be a simple concept and that the examples adduced self-evidently belong to the category of techne. We, however, in this post-industrial age, cannot walk as Socrates did among the many small workshops clustering around the agora or question the ancient craftsmen seated there on what it is they know and why it matters. Modern students of philosophy may, and should, wonder what it is exactly that an ancient shoemaker or cithara-player or even a doctor knew or did. Parallels from our world, including the modern professions, are only somewhat helpful. And yet what is worse is that techne turns out, in the final analysis, not to be as simple a concept as might at first be supposed. As this volume demonstrates, it is a multifaceted term, and ‘the view of techne alters according to the uses to which the philosophers put the concept’ (p. 11). Johansen and the contributors he has assembled have thus performed a highly valuable service in providing what is essentially a handbook for study of the meaning and purpose of the concept of techne in Greek philosophy. The focus of the book is wide, taking in 1,000 years of philosophical enquiry from Protagoras and Socrates in the 400s BCE to Proclus in the 400s CE, with essays on Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, Epicureans, Sceptics and Plotinus in between. Each chapter is devoted to a single work, philosopher or school, though there is naturally some overlap in content. Many readers will in all probability concentrate on the chapters most relevant to their research, yet the book as a whole provides a fascinating survey of change and continuity in the ways in which the idea of techne is employed and understood. No such study can be entirely comprehensive, of course (personally I would have entered a plea for some discussion of Xenophon, and little attention is paid to parallel discussions of techne in non-philosophical works), but the chapters are sufficiently wide-ranging to fulfil the book’s purposes. Although the volume can legitimately be described as a handbook, the individual chapters aim not merely to outline the subject, but also, in the editor’s words, to ‘present an original and focused argument’ (p. 14). By and large the contributors do indeed strike the right balance between descriptive survey and analysis, and there is much to interest even those familiar with the texts and problems under discussion. On Plato and the Presocratics E. Hussey argues that the apparent incoherence of Protagoras’ outline of politike techne in Plato’s dialogue Protagoras is due to the fact that this is a deliberately incomplete account, something that was evident to Plato’s original audience. Hussey suggests that Plato aims, in both the Protagoras and the Theaetetus, to reproduce the ideas of the historical Protagoras. Comparison between these dialogues and also with the Hippocratic Corpus can reveal in its entirety a ‘genuinely pre-Platonic line of thinking’ (p. 16). R. Barney similarly shows how the ‘intellectualist’ model of virtue as a form of teachable knowledge is derived from the arguments of sophists such as Protagoras and is not one that Socrates endorses. She challenges, convincingly in THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 51
This paper presents a new interpretation of Euripides' Electra centred on the issue of hereditary... more This paper presents a new interpretation of Euripides' Electra centred on the issue of hereditary excellence. The question of how nobility is to be defined and recognised forms a unifying theme of this work and is of crucial importance for the development of the plot. It is argued here that nobility is key to understanding two much discussed passages: the great speech of Orestes and the recognition scene.
A reconstruction of the play shows that it does not violate the conventions of fifth-century trag... more A reconstruction of the play shows that it does not violate the conventions of fifth-century tragedy about time and space but rather is consistent in theme and in staging with attested features of classical drama.
Menelaus, 889). More regularly, I wondered whether the apparently simple lyrics of Troades deserv... more Menelaus, 889). More regularly, I wondered whether the apparently simple lyrics of Troades deserved more extensive metrical annotation. My only serious criticism relates to the userfriendliness of the commentary. A significant number of notes (I counted 36) cannot be read independently of the Greek text and/or critical apparatus, because Kovacs does not quote the variant or conjecture under discussion or the paradosis he is defending. This is particularly irritating when he also dispenses with a longer lemma. In shorter notes especially, the need for the serious reader to consult other works could have been reduced by citing select parallels verbatim or by setting out briefly the arguments of scholars referred to (for instance, the notes for 935 and 1207). And since commentaries are rarely read cover-to-cover, one occasionally misses crossreferences to earlier discussions (for example, λόχος at 534 and 560 or the metrical position of Νεοπτόλεμος and Ἀνδρομάχη at 1126 and 1130). Typos are few, and I noticed only two mistakes that might cause confusion. The section ‘Actors and roles’ (23) does not mention Astyanax as a non-speaking role, though he does appear in the list on page 67. And the variants προσίστη and προσίστω (103) discussed at 103 n.4 are not in the critical apparatus. These points by no means diminish the merit of Kovacs’ edition, which nobody interested in Troades, and Greek tragedy generally, can ignore and which is likely to stand for many years to come. ALMUT FRIES University of Oxford [email protected]
S.’s slender volume is the latest addition to the well-established Classical World series. It is ... more S.’s slender volume is the latest addition to the well-established Classical World series. It is joined by new and updated editions of G.’s and M.’s earlier introductions to the works of the three great tragedians. Together they provide a concise yet comprehensive overview of the genre, aimed at school or undergraduate students whose knowledge of the subject (and the Greek language) may be limited. The set enters an increasingly crowded field. For those contemplating an initial exploration of the texts and themes of tragedy, a number of guides are already available – such as E. Hall, Greek Tragedy, Suffering Under the Sun (2010) or R. Scodel, An Introduction to Greek Tragedy (2010) – besides the ever-expanding host of Companions to individual authors and plays. The value of this series, however, is that it is ideally suited for the school or university classroom. Each chapter, focused as it is either on an individual play or (in the case of S.’s volume) an individual theme, forms an...
Victory in the great athletic games was widely seen in the Greek world as one of the summits of h... more Victory in the great athletic games was widely seen in the Greek world as one of the summits of human achievement. Yet a surprisingly large number of texts present a negative view of athletics, including Xenophanes fr. 2 West and Euripides fr. 282 TrGF. The reasons for this criticism – which has variously been interpreted as a critique of the aristocracy, professionalism in sport or the reaction of a minority of intellectuals – remain obscure. This paper argues that opposition to athletics was not political but part of a longstanding debate on the relative merits of different forms of skill (τέχνη). This debate was prompted by widespread economic specialisation and professionalism in the fields of athletics, poetry and philosophy (among others). The criticism of athletics be-comes part of a strategy, by which the professional promotes his own form of τέχνη, with the implicit aim of winning respect and financial rewards. Professionals operated in a market for knowledge, one in which ...
Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought, 2021
This article considers a longstanding problem: what does the word τύραννος mean? And if it means ... more This article considers a longstanding problem: what does the word τύραννος mean? And if it means ‘bad / tyrannical ruler’, why are good rulers called tyrants? The solution proposed here is that tyranny is not a fixed state of being, or not being, but instead a gradual process of development. To be called a tyrant, a ruler need not embody all the stereotypical traits of tyranny. If tyranny is, by definition, unconstitutional and illegitimate rule, then there may be no clear moment at which one ceases to be a general or king and becomes a tyrant, only a process by which the tyrant gradually strengthens his rule and develops the negative attributes associated with absolute and illegitimate power. A strong trend in not only the political theory of Plato and Aristotle, but also Greek poetry and historiography in general, is to trace the decline of tyrannies from initially good and popular governments to ones that are despotic and unpopular: the tyrant’s progress.
This paper concerns the patronage of tragic poets by tyrants. In particular it reexamines the rel... more This paper concerns the patronage of tragic poets by tyrants. In particular it reexamines the relationship between Euripides and King Archelaus of Macedonia, the reasons for the tragedian’ s presence at the royal court and the extent of his activities there. In recent years doubts have been raised concerning Euripides’ sojourn and death in Macedonia. In reassessing the available evidence, I argue that Euripides was commissioned to write several plays for his royal patron : not only the Archelaus, the title of which is a clear reference to the king, but also the Temenus and Temenidae. These works were produced in Macedonia, almost certainly by Euripides himself, but not, I suggest, on the same occasion. This article therefore proposes not one, but two separate visits to Macedonia : the first in around 411 BC, the second shortly before the death of Euripides in 406. Archelaus’ patronage thus continued over a longer period and stimulated more activity on the part of Euripides and other poets than has often been acknowledged. I suggest that tyrants, prompted both by a genuine appreciation for poetry and by sound political reasons, had an important and, until recently, largely neglected role in funding the performance and dissemination of tragedy.La présente communication a pour thème le mécénat exercé par des tyrans sur les poètes tragiques. Il réexamine, en particulier, les liens entre Euripide et le roi Archélaos de Macédoine, les raisons expliquant la présence du poète tragique à la cour du roi et l’étendue de ses activités lorsqu’il s’y trouvait. Dans les années récentes, des doutes ont été exprimés quant au séjour et à la mort d’Euripide en Macédoine. En réévaluant les sources disponibles, nous soutenons qu’Euripide a reçu des commandes pour la composition de plusieurs pièces pour son protecteur royal : non seulement l’Archélaos, dont le titre même fait évidemment référence au roi, mais aussi le Téménus et les Téménides. Ces ouvrages ont été montés en Macédoine, presque certainement par Euripide en personne, mais non, à notre avis, à la même occasion. Le présent article avance donc qu’il n’y a pas eu une seule visite, mais deux : la première vers 411 av. J.-C., la seconde avant la mort d’Euripide en 406. Le mécénat d’Archélaos s’ est donc exercé sur une période plus longue et a stimulé davantage l’activité d’Euripide et d’autres poètes qu’on ne l’a généralement reconnu. Ma thèse est que les tyrans, poussés à la fois par une authentique appréciation de la poésie et par des considérations politiques concrètes, ont joué un rôle significatif et fort méconnu jusqu’à il y a peu en finançant la représentation et la diffusion de tragédies.Stewart Edmund. Tragedy and Tyranny: Euripides, Archelaus of Macedon and Popular Patronage. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément, vol. 21, n°1, 2021. Tyranny: new context. pp. 81-101
χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε·ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπεςκιρνάντων προχύταισιν... more χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε·ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπεςκιρνάντων προχύταισιν ἐν ἀργυρέοις· †ὁ δὲ χρυσὸςοἶνον ἔχων χειρῶν νιζέτω εἰς ἔδαφος.†σπένδοντες δ’ ἁγνῶς Ἡρακλεῖ τ’ Ἀλκμήνηι τε,Προκλεῖ Περσείδαις τ’ ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχόμενοιπίνωμεν, παίζωμεν· ἴτω διὰ νυκτὸς ἀοιδή,ὀρχείσθω τις· ἑκὼν δ’ ἄρχε φιλοφροσύνης.ὅντινα δ’ εὐειδὴς μίμνει θήλεια πάρευνος,κεῖνος τῶν ἄλλων κυδρότερον πίεται.May our king rejoice, our saviour and father; let the attendant cup-bearers mix for us a crater from silver urns; †Let the golden one with wine in his hands wash to the base† Pouring libations piously to Heracles and Alcmene, Procles and the sons of Perseus and Zeus first of all, let us drink, let us play, let our song rise through the night. Dance someone, willingly begin the festivities. And anyone who has a fair girl waiting to share his bed will drink more like a man than all the others.(Ion, fr. 27 West = fr. 90 Leurini)
This work is one of the first full studies of the dissemination of Greek tragedy in the archaic a... more This work is one of the first full studies of the dissemination of Greek tragedy in the archaic and classical periods. Drawing on recent research in network theory, it seeks to reinterpret classical tragedy as a Panhellenic art form. It thereby offers a radically new perspective on the interpretation of the extant tragic texts, which have often been seen as the product of the fifth-century Athenian democracy. Tragedy grew out of, and became part of, a common Greek (or Panhellenic) culture, which was itself sustained by frequent travel and exchange. This book shows how Athens was a major Panhellenic centre within a wider and, by the fifth century, well-established network of festivals and patrons. The part played by non-Athenians in the festival culture of Attica is fully reassessed and it is estimated that as much as a quarter of all tragic poets who produced plays in Athens during the classical period were non-citizens. In addition, the book re-examines the evidence for tragedies t...
Chapter 2 demonstrates the central importance of travel to Greek culture. By the fifth century, a... more Chapter 2 demonstrates the central importance of travel to Greek culture. By the fifth century, a network of festivals and sanctuaries, where Greeks of all description could gather, perform, and exchange goods and ideas, was already in existence. Moreover, from an early period travel was seen as an essential part of the work of the poet. This is because poets were professionals who wished to display their skills and abilities before as wide an audience as possible. In many cases, they may also have wished to exploit wider opportunities for enrichment and employment than those available in their home cities. As such, though Greek poets come from many cities, their poetry does not belong exclusively to any one region or locality.
Why should tragedy as a genre be thought of as Panhellenic? Greek poetry, including tragedy, aims... more Why should tragedy as a genre be thought of as Panhellenic? Greek poetry, including tragedy, aims to demonstrate connections between the disparate branches of the Hellenic race. These are created through accounts of the travels of heroes. Tragedy can be described as Panhellenic in the sense that, like epic and lyric, it takes as its subject the Greeks as a whole and explains who they were and where they came from. Foreign settings are not enough on their own to prove that plays were performed outside Attica or watched by foreigners at the Athenian dramatic festivals. However, all Greeks shared the same ‘Greek’ mythology, and it is probable that tragedy, like its heroes, was inherently suited for travel because of the nature of its content. The settings of 218 plays are analysed to show the diverse range of locations covered by the tragic poets.
Chapter 4 concerns performances of tragedy outside Athens in the first half of the fifth century.... more Chapter 4 concerns performances of tragedy outside Athens in the first half of the fifth century. It considers firstly the contribution made by Doric dramatists in the Peloponnese and Sicily to the development of tragedy. Secondly, it examines the Sicilian context for the performance of plays by Aeschylus (and possibly Phrynichus). Sicily was a major destination for all poets at this time (including Simonides and Pindar) largely because of the patronage of the tyrants of Syracuse and Acragas. It is no surprise that Aeschylus also made the journey west. Finally, it shows why the Aetnaeae and Persians of Aeschylus, plays often associated with Sicily, should be viewed as fundamentally Panhellenic, or at least Pansicilian, in orientation.
Chapter 6 seeks to counter the common assumption that tragedy was exported from Athens to the Gre... more Chapter 6 seeks to counter the common assumption that tragedy was exported from Athens to the Greek world over the course of the fourth century. In the fourth century we have strong evidence for an increase in numbers of dramatic competitions across the Greek world as the area traversed by tragedians expanded. However, it is argued that this expansion is the direct result of the efforts of travelling poets and actors in the previous generations. The dissemination of tragedy is thus a continuous process that begins simultaneously with the genre’s development. By the fourth century, tragedy had become an integral and canonical part of a vibrant Panhellenic festival culture.
Chapter 3 examines Athenian festival culture in the fifth and fourth centuries. It is argued that... more Chapter 3 examines Athenian festival culture in the fifth and fourth centuries. It is argued that the process of tragedy’s dissemination began not with the ‘export’ of plays out of Athens, but even at the very moment of their first performance in the theatre of Dionysus. Athens attracted a wide range of visitors to its festivals, who could be both performers and spectators. Here we examine the evidence for the activities of ninety non-citizen musicians, poets, and actors and the contribution they made to the Dionysia and other festivals. We shall see that Athens is best understood as a major Panhellenic centre within a broader network of other Greek cities and sanctuaries.
Chapter 5 demonstrates how the works of Euripides, like those of Aeschylus, served to create or h... more Chapter 5 demonstrates how the works of Euripides, like those of Aeschylus, served to create or highlight connections between different elements within the broader Hellenic race. It examines three sets of plays that were probably or certainly performed outside Athens. Firstly, the Archelaus, Temenus and Temenidae celebrate the Argive ancestry of the Macedonian kings and were almost certainly produced for Euripides’ patron, Archelaus of Macedon. Secondly, the Andomache is a travel play that ends with the establishment of Neoptolemus’ descendants in Molossia. Finally, the Melanippe Bound and Aeolus tell the story of the founding heroes of the Western Greek cities of Metapontum and Lipari.
Greek poets of the archaic period, though often characterised as amateur aristocrats, could also ... more Greek poets of the archaic period, though often characterised as amateur aristocrats, could also seek to present themselves as professionals – regular practitioners of a specialist skill (τέχνη). In this capacity, the poet is understood to work primarily for the benefit of the community (either his own or, more commonly, those through which he travels). In return for these services, he expects to receive both a special status and material rewards (though financial gain is not presented as his main motivation). The poet's professional status thus forms one part of his identity and is a source of respect in the ancient city.
Techne (τέχνη) is a crucial and yet potentially obscure concept in ancient Greek thought. It is o... more Techne (τέχνη) is a crucial and yet potentially obscure concept in ancient Greek thought. It is of great significance principally because the technai (‘skills, arts, sciences’) often served as models for apparently more complex ideas, such as virtue, nature or the workings of the divine ‒ that is the Socratic ‘craft analogy’. It is potentially obscure ironically because the craft analogy assumes techne to be a simple concept and that the examples adduced self-evidently belong to the category of techne. We, however, in this post-industrial age, cannot walk as Socrates did among the many small workshops clustering around the agora or question the ancient craftsmen seated there on what it is they know and why it matters. Modern students of philosophy may, and should, wonder what it is exactly that an ancient shoemaker or cithara-player or even a doctor knew or did. Parallels from our world, including the modern professions, are only somewhat helpful. And yet what is worse is that techne turns out, in the final analysis, not to be as simple a concept as might at first be supposed. As this volume demonstrates, it is a multifaceted term, and ‘the view of techne alters according to the uses to which the philosophers put the concept’ (p. 11). Johansen and the contributors he has assembled have thus performed a highly valuable service in providing what is essentially a handbook for study of the meaning and purpose of the concept of techne in Greek philosophy. The focus of the book is wide, taking in 1,000 years of philosophical enquiry from Protagoras and Socrates in the 400s BCE to Proclus in the 400s CE, with essays on Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, Epicureans, Sceptics and Plotinus in between. Each chapter is devoted to a single work, philosopher or school, though there is naturally some overlap in content. Many readers will in all probability concentrate on the chapters most relevant to their research, yet the book as a whole provides a fascinating survey of change and continuity in the ways in which the idea of techne is employed and understood. No such study can be entirely comprehensive, of course (personally I would have entered a plea for some discussion of Xenophon, and little attention is paid to parallel discussions of techne in non-philosophical works), but the chapters are sufficiently wide-ranging to fulfil the book’s purposes. Although the volume can legitimately be described as a handbook, the individual chapters aim not merely to outline the subject, but also, in the editor’s words, to ‘present an original and focused argument’ (p. 14). By and large the contributors do indeed strike the right balance between descriptive survey and analysis, and there is much to interest even those familiar with the texts and problems under discussion. On Plato and the Presocratics E. Hussey argues that the apparent incoherence of Protagoras’ outline of politike techne in Plato’s dialogue Protagoras is due to the fact that this is a deliberately incomplete account, something that was evident to Plato’s original audience. Hussey suggests that Plato aims, in both the Protagoras and the Theaetetus, to reproduce the ideas of the historical Protagoras. Comparison between these dialogues and also with the Hippocratic Corpus can reveal in its entirety a ‘genuinely pre-Platonic line of thinking’ (p. 16). R. Barney similarly shows how the ‘intellectualist’ model of virtue as a form of teachable knowledge is derived from the arguments of sophists such as Protagoras and is not one that Socrates endorses. She challenges, convincingly in THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 51
This paper presents a new interpretation of Euripides' Electra centred on the issue of hereditary... more This paper presents a new interpretation of Euripides' Electra centred on the issue of hereditary excellence. The question of how nobility is to be defined and recognised forms a unifying theme of this work and is of crucial importance for the development of the plot. It is argued here that nobility is key to understanding two much discussed passages: the great speech of Orestes and the recognition scene.
A reconstruction of the play shows that it does not violate the conventions of fifth-century trag... more A reconstruction of the play shows that it does not violate the conventions of fifth-century tragedy about time and space but rather is consistent in theme and in staging with attested features of classical drama.
Menelaus, 889). More regularly, I wondered whether the apparently simple lyrics of Troades deserv... more Menelaus, 889). More regularly, I wondered whether the apparently simple lyrics of Troades deserved more extensive metrical annotation. My only serious criticism relates to the userfriendliness of the commentary. A significant number of notes (I counted 36) cannot be read independently of the Greek text and/or critical apparatus, because Kovacs does not quote the variant or conjecture under discussion or the paradosis he is defending. This is particularly irritating when he also dispenses with a longer lemma. In shorter notes especially, the need for the serious reader to consult other works could have been reduced by citing select parallels verbatim or by setting out briefly the arguments of scholars referred to (for instance, the notes for 935 and 1207). And since commentaries are rarely read cover-to-cover, one occasionally misses crossreferences to earlier discussions (for example, λόχος at 534 and 560 or the metrical position of Νεοπτόλεμος and Ἀνδρομάχη at 1126 and 1130). Typos are few, and I noticed only two mistakes that might cause confusion. The section ‘Actors and roles’ (23) does not mention Astyanax as a non-speaking role, though he does appear in the list on page 67. And the variants προσίστη and προσίστω (103) discussed at 103 n.4 are not in the critical apparatus. These points by no means diminish the merit of Kovacs’ edition, which nobody interested in Troades, and Greek tragedy generally, can ignore and which is likely to stand for many years to come. ALMUT FRIES University of Oxford [email protected]
S.’s slender volume is the latest addition to the well-established Classical World series. It is ... more S.’s slender volume is the latest addition to the well-established Classical World series. It is joined by new and updated editions of G.’s and M.’s earlier introductions to the works of the three great tragedians. Together they provide a concise yet comprehensive overview of the genre, aimed at school or undergraduate students whose knowledge of the subject (and the Greek language) may be limited. The set enters an increasingly crowded field. For those contemplating an initial exploration of the texts and themes of tragedy, a number of guides are already available – such as E. Hall, Greek Tragedy, Suffering Under the Sun (2010) or R. Scodel, An Introduction to Greek Tragedy (2010) – besides the ever-expanding host of Companions to individual authors and plays. The value of this series, however, is that it is ideally suited for the school or university classroom. Each chapter, focused as it is either on an individual play or (in the case of S.’s volume) an individual theme, forms an...
Victory in the great athletic games was widely seen in the Greek world as one of the summits of h... more Victory in the great athletic games was widely seen in the Greek world as one of the summits of human achievement. Yet a surprisingly large number of texts present a negative view of athletics, including Xenophanes fr. 2 West and Euripides fr. 282 TrGF. The reasons for this criticism – which has variously been interpreted as a critique of the aristocracy, professionalism in sport or the reaction of a minority of intellectuals – remain obscure. This paper argues that opposition to athletics was not political but part of a longstanding debate on the relative merits of different forms of skill (τέχνη). This debate was prompted by widespread economic specialisation and professionalism in the fields of athletics, poetry and philosophy (among others). The criticism of athletics be-comes part of a strategy, by which the professional promotes his own form of τέχνη, with the implicit aim of winning respect and financial rewards. Professionals operated in a market for knowledge, one in which ...
Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought, 2021
This article considers a longstanding problem: what does the word τύραννος mean? And if it means ... more This article considers a longstanding problem: what does the word τύραννος mean? And if it means ‘bad / tyrannical ruler’, why are good rulers called tyrants? The solution proposed here is that tyranny is not a fixed state of being, or not being, but instead a gradual process of development. To be called a tyrant, a ruler need not embody all the stereotypical traits of tyranny. If tyranny is, by definition, unconstitutional and illegitimate rule, then there may be no clear moment at which one ceases to be a general or king and becomes a tyrant, only a process by which the tyrant gradually strengthens his rule and develops the negative attributes associated with absolute and illegitimate power. A strong trend in not only the political theory of Plato and Aristotle, but also Greek poetry and historiography in general, is to trace the decline of tyrannies from initially good and popular governments to ones that are despotic and unpopular: the tyrant’s progress.
This paper concerns the patronage of tragic poets by tyrants. In particular it reexamines the rel... more This paper concerns the patronage of tragic poets by tyrants. In particular it reexamines the relationship between Euripides and King Archelaus of Macedonia, the reasons for the tragedian’ s presence at the royal court and the extent of his activities there. In recent years doubts have been raised concerning Euripides’ sojourn and death in Macedonia. In reassessing the available evidence, I argue that Euripides was commissioned to write several plays for his royal patron : not only the Archelaus, the title of which is a clear reference to the king, but also the Temenus and Temenidae. These works were produced in Macedonia, almost certainly by Euripides himself, but not, I suggest, on the same occasion. This article therefore proposes not one, but two separate visits to Macedonia : the first in around 411 BC, the second shortly before the death of Euripides in 406. Archelaus’ patronage thus continued over a longer period and stimulated more activity on the part of Euripides and other poets than has often been acknowledged. I suggest that tyrants, prompted both by a genuine appreciation for poetry and by sound political reasons, had an important and, until recently, largely neglected role in funding the performance and dissemination of tragedy.La présente communication a pour thème le mécénat exercé par des tyrans sur les poètes tragiques. Il réexamine, en particulier, les liens entre Euripide et le roi Archélaos de Macédoine, les raisons expliquant la présence du poète tragique à la cour du roi et l’étendue de ses activités lorsqu’il s’y trouvait. Dans les années récentes, des doutes ont été exprimés quant au séjour et à la mort d’Euripide en Macédoine. En réévaluant les sources disponibles, nous soutenons qu’Euripide a reçu des commandes pour la composition de plusieurs pièces pour son protecteur royal : non seulement l’Archélaos, dont le titre même fait évidemment référence au roi, mais aussi le Téménus et les Téménides. Ces ouvrages ont été montés en Macédoine, presque certainement par Euripide en personne, mais non, à notre avis, à la même occasion. Le présent article avance donc qu’il n’y a pas eu une seule visite, mais deux : la première vers 411 av. J.-C., la seconde avant la mort d’Euripide en 406. Le mécénat d’Archélaos s’ est donc exercé sur une période plus longue et a stimulé davantage l’activité d’Euripide et d’autres poètes qu’on ne l’a généralement reconnu. Ma thèse est que les tyrans, poussés à la fois par une authentique appréciation de la poésie et par des considérations politiques concrètes, ont joué un rôle significatif et fort méconnu jusqu’à il y a peu en finançant la représentation et la diffusion de tragédies.Stewart Edmund. Tragedy and Tyranny: Euripides, Archelaus of Macedon and Popular Patronage. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément, vol. 21, n°1, 2021. Tyranny: new context. pp. 81-101
χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε·ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπεςκιρνάντων προχύταισιν... more χαιρέτω ἡμέτερος βασιλεὺς σωτήρ τε πατήρ τε·ἡμῖν δὲ κρητῆρ’ οἰνοχόοι θέραπεςκιρνάντων προχύταισιν ἐν ἀργυρέοις· †ὁ δὲ χρυσὸςοἶνον ἔχων χειρῶν νιζέτω εἰς ἔδαφος.†σπένδοντες δ’ ἁγνῶς Ἡρακλεῖ τ’ Ἀλκμήνηι τε,Προκλεῖ Περσείδαις τ’ ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχόμενοιπίνωμεν, παίζωμεν· ἴτω διὰ νυκτὸς ἀοιδή,ὀρχείσθω τις· ἑκὼν δ’ ἄρχε φιλοφροσύνης.ὅντινα δ’ εὐειδὴς μίμνει θήλεια πάρευνος,κεῖνος τῶν ἄλλων κυδρότερον πίεται.May our king rejoice, our saviour and father; let the attendant cup-bearers mix for us a crater from silver urns; †Let the golden one with wine in his hands wash to the base† Pouring libations piously to Heracles and Alcmene, Procles and the sons of Perseus and Zeus first of all, let us drink, let us play, let our song rise through the night. Dance someone, willingly begin the festivities. And anyone who has a fair girl waiting to share his bed will drink more like a man than all the others.(Ion, fr. 27 West = fr. 90 Leurini)
This work is one of the first full studies of the dissemination of Greek tragedy in the archaic a... more This work is one of the first full studies of the dissemination of Greek tragedy in the archaic and classical periods. Drawing on recent research in network theory, it seeks to reinterpret classical tragedy as a Panhellenic art form. It thereby offers a radically new perspective on the interpretation of the extant tragic texts, which have often been seen as the product of the fifth-century Athenian democracy. Tragedy grew out of, and became part of, a common Greek (or Panhellenic) culture, which was itself sustained by frequent travel and exchange. This book shows how Athens was a major Panhellenic centre within a wider and, by the fifth century, well-established network of festivals and patrons. The part played by non-Athenians in the festival culture of Attica is fully reassessed and it is estimated that as much as a quarter of all tragic poets who produced plays in Athens during the classical period were non-citizens. In addition, the book re-examines the evidence for tragedies t...
Chapter 2 demonstrates the central importance of travel to Greek culture. By the fifth century, a... more Chapter 2 demonstrates the central importance of travel to Greek culture. By the fifth century, a network of festivals and sanctuaries, where Greeks of all description could gather, perform, and exchange goods and ideas, was already in existence. Moreover, from an early period travel was seen as an essential part of the work of the poet. This is because poets were professionals who wished to display their skills and abilities before as wide an audience as possible. In many cases, they may also have wished to exploit wider opportunities for enrichment and employment than those available in their home cities. As such, though Greek poets come from many cities, their poetry does not belong exclusively to any one region or locality.
Why should tragedy as a genre be thought of as Panhellenic? Greek poetry, including tragedy, aims... more Why should tragedy as a genre be thought of as Panhellenic? Greek poetry, including tragedy, aims to demonstrate connections between the disparate branches of the Hellenic race. These are created through accounts of the travels of heroes. Tragedy can be described as Panhellenic in the sense that, like epic and lyric, it takes as its subject the Greeks as a whole and explains who they were and where they came from. Foreign settings are not enough on their own to prove that plays were performed outside Attica or watched by foreigners at the Athenian dramatic festivals. However, all Greeks shared the same ‘Greek’ mythology, and it is probable that tragedy, like its heroes, was inherently suited for travel because of the nature of its content. The settings of 218 plays are analysed to show the diverse range of locations covered by the tragic poets.
Chapter 4 concerns performances of tragedy outside Athens in the first half of the fifth century.... more Chapter 4 concerns performances of tragedy outside Athens in the first half of the fifth century. It considers firstly the contribution made by Doric dramatists in the Peloponnese and Sicily to the development of tragedy. Secondly, it examines the Sicilian context for the performance of plays by Aeschylus (and possibly Phrynichus). Sicily was a major destination for all poets at this time (including Simonides and Pindar) largely because of the patronage of the tyrants of Syracuse and Acragas. It is no surprise that Aeschylus also made the journey west. Finally, it shows why the Aetnaeae and Persians of Aeschylus, plays often associated with Sicily, should be viewed as fundamentally Panhellenic, or at least Pansicilian, in orientation.
Chapter 6 seeks to counter the common assumption that tragedy was exported from Athens to the Gre... more Chapter 6 seeks to counter the common assumption that tragedy was exported from Athens to the Greek world over the course of the fourth century. In the fourth century we have strong evidence for an increase in numbers of dramatic competitions across the Greek world as the area traversed by tragedians expanded. However, it is argued that this expansion is the direct result of the efforts of travelling poets and actors in the previous generations. The dissemination of tragedy is thus a continuous process that begins simultaneously with the genre’s development. By the fourth century, tragedy had become an integral and canonical part of a vibrant Panhellenic festival culture.
Chapter 3 examines Athenian festival culture in the fifth and fourth centuries. It is argued that... more Chapter 3 examines Athenian festival culture in the fifth and fourth centuries. It is argued that the process of tragedy’s dissemination began not with the ‘export’ of plays out of Athens, but even at the very moment of their first performance in the theatre of Dionysus. Athens attracted a wide range of visitors to its festivals, who could be both performers and spectators. Here we examine the evidence for the activities of ninety non-citizen musicians, poets, and actors and the contribution they made to the Dionysia and other festivals. We shall see that Athens is best understood as a major Panhellenic centre within a broader network of other Greek cities and sanctuaries.
Chapter 5 demonstrates how the works of Euripides, like those of Aeschylus, served to create or h... more Chapter 5 demonstrates how the works of Euripides, like those of Aeschylus, served to create or highlight connections between different elements within the broader Hellenic race. It examines three sets of plays that were probably or certainly performed outside Athens. Firstly, the Archelaus, Temenus and Temenidae celebrate the Argive ancestry of the Macedonian kings and were almost certainly produced for Euripides’ patron, Archelaus of Macedon. Secondly, the Andomache is a travel play that ends with the establishment of Neoptolemus’ descendants in Molossia. Finally, the Melanippe Bound and Aeolus tell the story of the founding heroes of the Western Greek cities of Metapontum and Lipari.
Greek poets of the archaic period, though often characterised as amateur aristocrats, could also ... more Greek poets of the archaic period, though often characterised as amateur aristocrats, could also seek to present themselves as professionals – regular practitioners of a specialist skill (τέχνη). In this capacity, the poet is understood to work primarily for the benefit of the community (either his own or, more commonly, those through which he travels). In return for these services, he expects to receive both a special status and material rewards (though financial gain is not presented as his main motivation). The poet's professional status thus forms one part of his identity and is a source of respect in the ancient city.
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