understand the end of the interlude to be 11: 13. Although many would include 11: 14 in the inter... more understand the end of the interlude to be 11: 13. Although many would include 11: 14 in the interlude, it does not fit well there. As a number of scholars have pointed out, it would work better immediately before the beginning of the interlude, after 9:21. See, for example, Jurgen Roloff,
1 Introduction: The Problematic Nature of 2 Corinthians 3 2 The Question of the Integrity of 2 Co... more 1 Introduction: The Problematic Nature of 2 Corinthians 3 2 The Question of the Integrity of 2 Corinthians 3 The Origins of Paul's First Apology 4 "Who is Fit for These Things?" (2 Cor 2:14-3:6) 5 The Ministries of Condemnation and Righteousness (2 Cor 3:6-11) 6 Not Like Moses? (2 Cor 3:12-18) 7 Reading Paul Reading Moses
Owing to its powerful anti‐Roman polemic, the book of Revelation was traditionally thought to hav... more Owing to its powerful anti‐Roman polemic, the book of Revelation was traditionally thought to have been written to encourage believers to stand fast in the face of the Roman persecution. Recent scholarship, however, has undermined the scenario of Roman persecution. This book examines the social situation that gave rise to the production of the book of Revelation. Duff suggests that the book did not arise from persecution or harassment but rather it was written in response to an internal crisis of leadership. The book's anti‐Roman polemic was intended to manufacture a crisis in the minds of its readers. The creation of this crisis – a technique observed in other charismatic groups – served the function of uniting the churches behind the author and against his prophetic rival. In addition, the book's polemic, although aimed directly at Rome, was, at the same time, focused indirectly at the author's rival “Jezebel” who, John argues, was in league with Rome.
Begins by examining John's attitudes toward wealth. It challenges the view that, because ... more Begins by examining John's attitudes toward wealth. It challenges the view that, because of his concern for social justice, he polemicizes against wealth. Instead, John's polemic is directed against commerce. John, though, is careful not to openly condemn merchants and craftspersons so as not to alienate those merchants and craftspersons in his audience who might be sympathetic to his message.
Sets out the problem that gives rise to the rest of the book, the observation that the narrative ... more Sets out the problem that gives rise to the rest of the book, the observation that the narrative world of the book of Revelation does not match what we know about the real world that Christians in western Asia Minor inhabited. The narrative world of Revelation suggests a crisis involving persecution of the churches by Rome, but historical evidence does not support this scenario. The chapter surveys recent attempts to solve this problem, including attempts to reevaluate the date of Revelation, the suggestion that the crisis was a perceived crisis, and the suggestion that the norms of apocalyptic rhetoric can account for the “crisis” depicted in the narrative. The chapter concludes by evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of these various proposals.
Hardly anyone would dispute the claim that the martyrdom of Christians in the early centuries of ... more Hardly anyone would dispute the claim that the martyrdom of Christians in the early centuries of the Common Era had a significant effect on Christianity's subsequent development. In this volume, however, Elizabeth Castelli suggests that the very way that the stories of martyrdom were told helped shape Christian culture in late antiquity. Castelli grounds her study in the writings of Durkheim's disciple Maurice Halbach (1877-1945). Halbach suggested that collective memory enables social groups to situate themselves in the world by constructing the past in a way that makes present experience meaningful. While Castelli accepts most of what Halbach had to say about collective memory, she questions the validity of his binary model that sets memory (which he saw as both dynamic and meaningful) against history (which was neither). Collective memory, Castelli counters, is not always benign and sometimes needs correction. Chapters 2 and 4 focus on pagan and Christian points of conflict. In the second chapter, Castelli suggests that differing ideas about religion and law contributed significantly to the hostility between the two groups. Each claimed deviance on the part of the other. For example, the pagans viewed Christians as outside of the law because Christian refusal to offer sacrifice challenged the religious, social, and political order of the empire. Conversely, Christian writers depicted the persecutors as outside of the law for their own reasons. Concerning religion, Castelli analyzes the sacrificial framework of the Roman games and points to the Christian use of its own sacrificial counternarrative. The fourth chapter contains a discussion of the Roman spectacle. Christian writers consistently warned against attendance because the spectacles were believed to incite feelings of desire and brutality. But, ironically, despite this critique, narratives of martyrdom emerged as written, "Christianized" versions of the spectacles. Writers like Eusebius and Augustine claimed that these spectacles of word (in contrast to those that were viewed) had the power to edify rather than harm their readers. In the third and fifth chapters, Castelli deals with the relation between narrative and memory. Chapter 3 focuses on how three Christian selfnarratives by martyrs-to-be (Ignatius, Perpetua, and Pionius) began to shape early Christian collective memory. Since none of these accounts preserves a straightforward historical record, the author of each of these stylized texts played a role in creating the image that he or she left behind. Chapter 5 explores the malleability of collective memory by examining the evolution of the cult surrounding Thecla. In her exploration of literary and artistic depictions of Thecla, Castelli shows how collective memory transformed the portrait of the saint over time in order to provide later Christians with a more usable past. In her sixth chapter, Castelli moves from ancient narratives of martyrdom to a more recent one. She examines the events that followed the Columbine High School shootings in 1999, particularly the development of the martyr cult growing up around Cassie Bernal, one of the slain students. The Columbine story is particularly informative not only because of the development of
Paul begins his apologia with the image of himself being “led in triumph” by the deity as a priso... more Paul begins his apologia with the image of himself being “led in triumph” by the deity as a prisoner of war would be led in in triumph by a conquering general. Paul then suddenly switches metaphors, referring to himself as the “scent” of God’s γνῶσις (“knowledge”). The apostle then turns to the subject of his own “fitness” (2:16; 3:5-6). In the midst of that discussion, Paul raises the topic of letters of recommendation (3:1-3). He claims to need no such letters; the Corinthian ἐκκλησία itself represents his commendatory letter. Curiously, in his explication of this point, the apostle points allusively to the Torah (3:3). The section concludes with the claim that first, Paul has been commissioned as a διάκονος of a new covenant—a διακονία of Spirit rather than letter—and second, that the letter kills while the Spirit brings life (3:6). In this chapter, I tie all of these seemingly disparate elements together. Ultimately, I conclude that these first ten verses of the letter have as their focus both the Corinthians’ ability to correctly perceive Paul as a διάκονος of the deity and their ability to perceive their own transformation as resulting from the apostle’s διακονία.
The final chapter presents a summary of previous findings. 2 Corinthians 3 was composed as part o... more The final chapter presents a summary of previous findings. 2 Corinthians 3 was composed as part of Paul’s first apology to the Corinthians (2:14-7:4). In that apology, the apostle attempted to quell suspicions that arose from within the community in response to both 1 Corinthians and 2 Corinthians 8, suspicions regarding Paul’s collection for the Jerusalem church. Throughout the early part of the apology, Paul appeals to the figure of Moses. In 3:7-11, the apostle compares the glory of his own ministry to that of the lawgiver; he insists that more glory attends his διακονία. Furthermore, he labels the ministry of Moses a διακονία of death and condemnation because, I argue, it brought such to the gentiles. Paul then contrasts his behavior with that of the lawgiver, insisting that he, unlike Moses, has been entirely open with his constituency. He next introduces Israel and her obstructed perception to raise questions about the perceptual capability of the Corinthians. Was the Corinthians’ perception of Paul veiled like Israel’s perception of Moses? Paul concludes the section by setting Moses up as a paradigm for the gentile Corinthians. Just as Moses “turned to the Lord” and had his veil removed, so should the Corinthians—as a result of their conversion—be able to perceive with unveiled faces. They should be able to see the “glory of the Lord” in their own transformation and thereby, Paul implies, they should be able to view it in Paul’s διακονία as well.
The question of the identity of Paul’s opposition opens this chapter. Based on first, the lack of... more The question of the identity of Paul’s opposition opens this chapter. Based on first, the lack of sound evidence and second, the finding that 2 Corinthians 10-13 represents a later letter, there are insufficient grounds for concluding that the “super-apostles” were in Corinth at the time that Paul wrote 2:14-7:4. Rather, the evidence from within 2:14-7:4 indicates that opposition to Paul likely arose from within the community. Paul’s defensiveness arose from suspicions about his honesty and integrity (2:17; 4:2; 6:3; 7:2) and concerns over his poor physical presence (2 Cor 4:7-12; 5:1-10; 6:3-10). These were linked together in the minds of the Corinthians. Paul’s suffering was understood by at least some in the community as God’s punishment for the apostle’s alleged attempt to defraud the community by means of the collection for the Jerusalem church (cf. 6:9).
In 2 Cor 3:7-11, Paul alludes to Exod 34:29-35 in the context of an a minore ad maius argument. T... more In 2 Cor 3:7-11, Paul alludes to Exod 34:29-35 in the context of an a minore ad maius argument. This argument compares the lawgiver’s διακονία to his own ministry. This chapter questions how such an argument about Moses could fit into Paul’s apology to gentiles. In addition, it raises the question of why Paul would describe Moses’s glorious ministry as a ministry of death and condemnation. I will argue, against the opinion of many, that there is no implicit polemic here against Law observance or Judaism. Rather, Paul here makes the claim that Moses’s ministry had resulted in condemnation and a death sentence for gentiles. Like other Jews of his day, Paul considered the gentiles accountable for the Torah’s commands. In addition to examining passages from ancient Jewish texts, the chapter looks at other passages in Paul’s letters that support the thesis that the apostle believed that, prior to Christ’s death, gentiles were accountable to the Law. Finally, the chapter investigates the possibility that God’s “glory” could be associated with judgment and/or punishment.
A review of the various arguments about the integrity of canonical 2 Corinthians from the eightee... more A review of the various arguments about the integrity of canonical 2 Corinthians from the eighteenth century to the present constitutes the subject of chapter 2. To begin with, five important proposals are examined: 1) the claim for a Zwischenbesuch (“intermediate visit”), a Zwischenbrief (“intermediate letter”), and a Zwischenfall (“intermediate event”); 2) the suggestion that 2 Cor 6:14-7:1 is an interpolation; 3) the claim that chapters 10-13 represents an independent letter; 4) the proposal that chapters 8 and 9 should be separated from the rest of the canonical letter, and 5) the suggestion that 2 Cor 2:14-7:4 represents an independent letter. An evaluation of the current hypotheses about the division of 2 Corinthians follows. The chapter concludes with the determination that 2:14-7:4 (minus 6:14-7:1) was originally an independent letter and that it was one of the earliest letters contained in canonical 2 Corinthians.
Paul begins the last section of 2 Corinthians 3 (vv. 12-18) by again alluding to Exod 34:29-35. H... more Paul begins the last section of 2 Corinthians 3 (vv. 12-18) by again alluding to Exod 34:29-35. Here, however, he focuses on Moses’ veil. Curiously, the apostle depicts Moses in three different ways in this section, and in each case, the veil is involved. First, in 3:12-13, he concentrates on Moses, the veiled διάκονος. Then in 3:14-15, he speaks of “Moses” (i. e., the Torah) as a veiled text. Finally, in 3:16-18, Paul displays the unveiled Moses as a paradigm for the Corinthian believers. Besides Moses, however, Paul also introduces Israel in this section. Israel here serves as a negative model for the Corinthian community. Ultimately, Paul argues that the Corinthians are not like Israel (either past or present). Israel was incapable of correctly perceiving/reading Moses (due to the veil over their hearts) but the unveiled Corinthians perceive in themselves (i. e., “as in a mirror”) “the glory of the Lord.” Paul’s implicit point is that the Corinthians should thereby also be able to recognize “the glory of the Lord” in his ministry as well. Indeed, a few verses later (4:3-4), the apostle insists that those who are incapable of perceiving his gospel have had their thinking impeded by Satan, “the god of this age.”
Page 1. THE IRONY OF GALATIANS PAUL'S LETTER IN FIRST-CENTURY CONTEXT MARK D. NANOS Page 2. ... more Page 1. THE IRONY OF GALATIANS PAUL'S LETTER IN FIRST-CENTURY CONTEXT MARK D. NANOS Page 2. Page 3. The Irony of Galatians This One OXLQ-U44-ZL1Z Page 4. ...
understand the end of the interlude to be 11: 13. Although many would include 11: 14 in the inter... more understand the end of the interlude to be 11: 13. Although many would include 11: 14 in the interlude, it does not fit well there. As a number of scholars have pointed out, it would work better immediately before the beginning of the interlude, after 9:21. See, for example, Jurgen Roloff,
1 Introduction: The Problematic Nature of 2 Corinthians 3 2 The Question of the Integrity of 2 Co... more 1 Introduction: The Problematic Nature of 2 Corinthians 3 2 The Question of the Integrity of 2 Corinthians 3 The Origins of Paul's First Apology 4 "Who is Fit for These Things?" (2 Cor 2:14-3:6) 5 The Ministries of Condemnation and Righteousness (2 Cor 3:6-11) 6 Not Like Moses? (2 Cor 3:12-18) 7 Reading Paul Reading Moses
Owing to its powerful anti‐Roman polemic, the book of Revelation was traditionally thought to hav... more Owing to its powerful anti‐Roman polemic, the book of Revelation was traditionally thought to have been written to encourage believers to stand fast in the face of the Roman persecution. Recent scholarship, however, has undermined the scenario of Roman persecution. This book examines the social situation that gave rise to the production of the book of Revelation. Duff suggests that the book did not arise from persecution or harassment but rather it was written in response to an internal crisis of leadership. The book's anti‐Roman polemic was intended to manufacture a crisis in the minds of its readers. The creation of this crisis – a technique observed in other charismatic groups – served the function of uniting the churches behind the author and against his prophetic rival. In addition, the book's polemic, although aimed directly at Rome, was, at the same time, focused indirectly at the author's rival “Jezebel” who, John argues, was in league with Rome.
Begins by examining John's attitudes toward wealth. It challenges the view that, because ... more Begins by examining John's attitudes toward wealth. It challenges the view that, because of his concern for social justice, he polemicizes against wealth. Instead, John's polemic is directed against commerce. John, though, is careful not to openly condemn merchants and craftspersons so as not to alienate those merchants and craftspersons in his audience who might be sympathetic to his message.
Sets out the problem that gives rise to the rest of the book, the observation that the narrative ... more Sets out the problem that gives rise to the rest of the book, the observation that the narrative world of the book of Revelation does not match what we know about the real world that Christians in western Asia Minor inhabited. The narrative world of Revelation suggests a crisis involving persecution of the churches by Rome, but historical evidence does not support this scenario. The chapter surveys recent attempts to solve this problem, including attempts to reevaluate the date of Revelation, the suggestion that the crisis was a perceived crisis, and the suggestion that the norms of apocalyptic rhetoric can account for the “crisis” depicted in the narrative. The chapter concludes by evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of these various proposals.
Hardly anyone would dispute the claim that the martyrdom of Christians in the early centuries of ... more Hardly anyone would dispute the claim that the martyrdom of Christians in the early centuries of the Common Era had a significant effect on Christianity's subsequent development. In this volume, however, Elizabeth Castelli suggests that the very way that the stories of martyrdom were told helped shape Christian culture in late antiquity. Castelli grounds her study in the writings of Durkheim's disciple Maurice Halbach (1877-1945). Halbach suggested that collective memory enables social groups to situate themselves in the world by constructing the past in a way that makes present experience meaningful. While Castelli accepts most of what Halbach had to say about collective memory, she questions the validity of his binary model that sets memory (which he saw as both dynamic and meaningful) against history (which was neither). Collective memory, Castelli counters, is not always benign and sometimes needs correction. Chapters 2 and 4 focus on pagan and Christian points of conflict. In the second chapter, Castelli suggests that differing ideas about religion and law contributed significantly to the hostility between the two groups. Each claimed deviance on the part of the other. For example, the pagans viewed Christians as outside of the law because Christian refusal to offer sacrifice challenged the religious, social, and political order of the empire. Conversely, Christian writers depicted the persecutors as outside of the law for their own reasons. Concerning religion, Castelli analyzes the sacrificial framework of the Roman games and points to the Christian use of its own sacrificial counternarrative. The fourth chapter contains a discussion of the Roman spectacle. Christian writers consistently warned against attendance because the spectacles were believed to incite feelings of desire and brutality. But, ironically, despite this critique, narratives of martyrdom emerged as written, "Christianized" versions of the spectacles. Writers like Eusebius and Augustine claimed that these spectacles of word (in contrast to those that were viewed) had the power to edify rather than harm their readers. In the third and fifth chapters, Castelli deals with the relation between narrative and memory. Chapter 3 focuses on how three Christian selfnarratives by martyrs-to-be (Ignatius, Perpetua, and Pionius) began to shape early Christian collective memory. Since none of these accounts preserves a straightforward historical record, the author of each of these stylized texts played a role in creating the image that he or she left behind. Chapter 5 explores the malleability of collective memory by examining the evolution of the cult surrounding Thecla. In her exploration of literary and artistic depictions of Thecla, Castelli shows how collective memory transformed the portrait of the saint over time in order to provide later Christians with a more usable past. In her sixth chapter, Castelli moves from ancient narratives of martyrdom to a more recent one. She examines the events that followed the Columbine High School shootings in 1999, particularly the development of the martyr cult growing up around Cassie Bernal, one of the slain students. The Columbine story is particularly informative not only because of the development of
Paul begins his apologia with the image of himself being “led in triumph” by the deity as a priso... more Paul begins his apologia with the image of himself being “led in triumph” by the deity as a prisoner of war would be led in in triumph by a conquering general. Paul then suddenly switches metaphors, referring to himself as the “scent” of God’s γνῶσις (“knowledge”). The apostle then turns to the subject of his own “fitness” (2:16; 3:5-6). In the midst of that discussion, Paul raises the topic of letters of recommendation (3:1-3). He claims to need no such letters; the Corinthian ἐκκλησία itself represents his commendatory letter. Curiously, in his explication of this point, the apostle points allusively to the Torah (3:3). The section concludes with the claim that first, Paul has been commissioned as a διάκονος of a new covenant—a διακονία of Spirit rather than letter—and second, that the letter kills while the Spirit brings life (3:6). In this chapter, I tie all of these seemingly disparate elements together. Ultimately, I conclude that these first ten verses of the letter have as their focus both the Corinthians’ ability to correctly perceive Paul as a διάκονος of the deity and their ability to perceive their own transformation as resulting from the apostle’s διακονία.
The final chapter presents a summary of previous findings. 2 Corinthians 3 was composed as part o... more The final chapter presents a summary of previous findings. 2 Corinthians 3 was composed as part of Paul’s first apology to the Corinthians (2:14-7:4). In that apology, the apostle attempted to quell suspicions that arose from within the community in response to both 1 Corinthians and 2 Corinthians 8, suspicions regarding Paul’s collection for the Jerusalem church. Throughout the early part of the apology, Paul appeals to the figure of Moses. In 3:7-11, the apostle compares the glory of his own ministry to that of the lawgiver; he insists that more glory attends his διακονία. Furthermore, he labels the ministry of Moses a διακονία of death and condemnation because, I argue, it brought such to the gentiles. Paul then contrasts his behavior with that of the lawgiver, insisting that he, unlike Moses, has been entirely open with his constituency. He next introduces Israel and her obstructed perception to raise questions about the perceptual capability of the Corinthians. Was the Corinthians’ perception of Paul veiled like Israel’s perception of Moses? Paul concludes the section by setting Moses up as a paradigm for the gentile Corinthians. Just as Moses “turned to the Lord” and had his veil removed, so should the Corinthians—as a result of their conversion—be able to perceive with unveiled faces. They should be able to see the “glory of the Lord” in their own transformation and thereby, Paul implies, they should be able to view it in Paul’s διακονία as well.
The question of the identity of Paul’s opposition opens this chapter. Based on first, the lack of... more The question of the identity of Paul’s opposition opens this chapter. Based on first, the lack of sound evidence and second, the finding that 2 Corinthians 10-13 represents a later letter, there are insufficient grounds for concluding that the “super-apostles” were in Corinth at the time that Paul wrote 2:14-7:4. Rather, the evidence from within 2:14-7:4 indicates that opposition to Paul likely arose from within the community. Paul’s defensiveness arose from suspicions about his honesty and integrity (2:17; 4:2; 6:3; 7:2) and concerns over his poor physical presence (2 Cor 4:7-12; 5:1-10; 6:3-10). These were linked together in the minds of the Corinthians. Paul’s suffering was understood by at least some in the community as God’s punishment for the apostle’s alleged attempt to defraud the community by means of the collection for the Jerusalem church (cf. 6:9).
In 2 Cor 3:7-11, Paul alludes to Exod 34:29-35 in the context of an a minore ad maius argument. T... more In 2 Cor 3:7-11, Paul alludes to Exod 34:29-35 in the context of an a minore ad maius argument. This argument compares the lawgiver’s διακονία to his own ministry. This chapter questions how such an argument about Moses could fit into Paul’s apology to gentiles. In addition, it raises the question of why Paul would describe Moses’s glorious ministry as a ministry of death and condemnation. I will argue, against the opinion of many, that there is no implicit polemic here against Law observance or Judaism. Rather, Paul here makes the claim that Moses’s ministry had resulted in condemnation and a death sentence for gentiles. Like other Jews of his day, Paul considered the gentiles accountable for the Torah’s commands. In addition to examining passages from ancient Jewish texts, the chapter looks at other passages in Paul’s letters that support the thesis that the apostle believed that, prior to Christ’s death, gentiles were accountable to the Law. Finally, the chapter investigates the possibility that God’s “glory” could be associated with judgment and/or punishment.
A review of the various arguments about the integrity of canonical 2 Corinthians from the eightee... more A review of the various arguments about the integrity of canonical 2 Corinthians from the eighteenth century to the present constitutes the subject of chapter 2. To begin with, five important proposals are examined: 1) the claim for a Zwischenbesuch (“intermediate visit”), a Zwischenbrief (“intermediate letter”), and a Zwischenfall (“intermediate event”); 2) the suggestion that 2 Cor 6:14-7:1 is an interpolation; 3) the claim that chapters 10-13 represents an independent letter; 4) the proposal that chapters 8 and 9 should be separated from the rest of the canonical letter, and 5) the suggestion that 2 Cor 2:14-7:4 represents an independent letter. An evaluation of the current hypotheses about the division of 2 Corinthians follows. The chapter concludes with the determination that 2:14-7:4 (minus 6:14-7:1) was originally an independent letter and that it was one of the earliest letters contained in canonical 2 Corinthians.
Paul begins the last section of 2 Corinthians 3 (vv. 12-18) by again alluding to Exod 34:29-35. H... more Paul begins the last section of 2 Corinthians 3 (vv. 12-18) by again alluding to Exod 34:29-35. Here, however, he focuses on Moses’ veil. Curiously, the apostle depicts Moses in three different ways in this section, and in each case, the veil is involved. First, in 3:12-13, he concentrates on Moses, the veiled διάκονος. Then in 3:14-15, he speaks of “Moses” (i. e., the Torah) as a veiled text. Finally, in 3:16-18, Paul displays the unveiled Moses as a paradigm for the Corinthian believers. Besides Moses, however, Paul also introduces Israel in this section. Israel here serves as a negative model for the Corinthian community. Ultimately, Paul argues that the Corinthians are not like Israel (either past or present). Israel was incapable of correctly perceiving/reading Moses (due to the veil over their hearts) but the unveiled Corinthians perceive in themselves (i. e., “as in a mirror”) “the glory of the Lord.” Paul’s implicit point is that the Corinthians should thereby also be able to recognize “the glory of the Lord” in his ministry as well. Indeed, a few verses later (4:3-4), the apostle insists that those who are incapable of perceiving his gospel have had their thinking impeded by Satan, “the god of this age.”
Page 1. THE IRONY OF GALATIANS PAUL'S LETTER IN FIRST-CENTURY CONTEXT MARK D. NANOS Page 2. ... more Page 1. THE IRONY OF GALATIANS PAUL'S LETTER IN FIRST-CENTURY CONTEXT MARK D. NANOS Page 2. Page 3. The Irony of Galatians This One OXLQ-U44-ZL1Z Page 4. ...
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