It surveys sudies of negation and polarity, focusing on Contrastive Topic scalar implicature solu... more It surveys sudies of negation and polarity, focusing on Contrastive Topic scalar implicature solution to Neg-Raising and introducing ERP experiments on metalinguistic negation. It also introduces the content of the chapters by Horn and younger experts included in the book edited by Larrivee and Lee: Negation and Polarity: Experimental and Cognitve Perspectives.
This paper attempts to argue that the so-called gapless relative clause (GRC) in Korean (Chinese ... more This paper attempts to argue that the so-called gapless relative clause (GRC) in Korean (Chinese and Japanese as well) can best be dealt with by the Generative Lexicon Theory (GLT) put forward in Pustejovsky (1995). There arises a superficial conflict in the construction: the GRC, with no apparent gap, contains a relative verb that does not directly relate to the head noun in terms of cause-effect relation required between the GRC and the following head noun. The paper shows that this incomplete realization of the cause-effect relation can be fully recovered from the lexical-semantic(-pragmatic) information specified under the GL framework. Thus, the qualia structure of GLT can successfully fill the meaning of the best hidden relative verb in the GRC for the correct interpretation
In a unified account of negative polarity and free choice expressed by amu/any or wh-indefinites ... more In a unified account of negative polarity and free choice expressed by amu/any or wh-indefinites in Korean and English, this paper argues that the notion of concession by arbitrary or disjunctive choice (based on indefiniteness) is crucial. With this central notion all the apparently diverse polarity-related phenomena can be explained consistently, not just described in terms of distribution. With strong negatives and weak affective licensors, concessive force is not emphasized and the licensed NPIs reveal existential force, whereas with free choice and generic-like items, licensed by modals, concessive force is emphasized and the whole category denoted by the given Noun is reached, giving the impression of universal force. The logical consequences of monotone decreasingness is transparent with strong negatives but less so with weaker ones.
This is to characterize the relationship between the algebraic function types of negative force a... more This is to characterize the relationship between the algebraic function types of negative force and types of negative polarity items in natural language. The former are guidelines for exploring types and behaviors of the latter but do not exactly correspond. Free choice and negative polarity are argued to come from concessive constructions, revealing attitudinal, expressive and emotive aspects of language for argumentative goals and largely frozen forms in appearance.
In this chapter I will consider Contrastive Topic (CT), Contrastive Predicate Topic (CPT) and Foc... more In this chapter I will consider Contrastive Topic (CT), Contrastive Predicate Topic (CPT) and Focus in information structure and their relations to intonation and meaning, as I have attempted to account for in a series of papers on related topics1. Particularly, I will try to see the conventional scalar implicature meanings triggered by CPT and CT in connection with its intonation. In dealing with those phenomena, I will use data extensively from Korean, where CT is surprisingly clearly marked morphologically and intonationally, in comparison with data from English. Information structure, claimed to constitute a separate component from phonological, syntactic and semantic components (Vallduvi 1992), consists basically of Topic – Comment or Background – Focus information. Apart from whether it constitutes a separate component in grammar, no one can deny that it is closely interwoven with morphological structure (particularly in Korean and Japanese), syntactic linear and hierarchical structure, semantic structure, and prosodic phonological structure. That is why we came to organize the present workshop and create a volume on Topic and Focus in connection with their meaning and intonation. Recently the phenomenon of CT in particular has been well characterised. Through this kind of common efforts we believe we can deepen our understanding of underlying principles governing related issues cross-linguistically. The organization of the chapter is as follows: In 2 Contrastive Topic is distinguished from non-contrastive Topic and from list contrastive topics, which do not leave implicature; CT is examined in a dialogue model and the notion of sum considered; Korean CT is shown on pitch tracks. In 3 scalar meanings are analyzed; type-subtype scalarity and subtype scalarity are distinguished and CT’s inherent tendency of subtype scalarity even in entities is advocated. In 4 scope relations between scope bearers and CT and CT’s narrow-scope nature is discussed, together with non-narrow-scope topicalization effect. In 5 Contrastive Predicate Topic and the scope relation between CT and REASON clause are explored. 6 concludes the chapter.
This paper reports the syntactic distribution of amwu-N-to/-irato/-ina phrases, which are represe... more This paper reports the syntactic distribution of amwu-N-to/-irato/-ina phrases, which are representative polarity sensitive items (PSIs) in Korean, and accounts for their semantic characteristics in terms of "arbitrary choice quantification" and "concession." In the first section, we extensively illustrate the distributional behaviour of the PSIs in various constructions and roughly generalize the distribution in terms of "(anti/non-) verdicality." Section 2 claims amwu denotes an arbitrary choice quantifier, and the particles -to/-irato/-ina as "concessive" markers, so the compounds denote a special element in a pragmatic scale determined by context/situation. Section 3, based on the pragmatics of scalar implicature, accounts for the apparent ambiguity of PSIs between "universal" and "existential" readings, and further characterizes the difference among the concessive markers -to/-irato/-ina in terms of "quantity/quality scale." * Earlier versions of this paper were read at the following conferences: The
... Observe the following examples. (6) a. molay-phan-i kolu-ta. sand-bed-Nom even The (surface ... more ... Observe the following examples. (6) a. molay-phan-i kolu-ta. sand-bed-Nom even The (surface of) sand-bed is even. b. John-i molay-phan-ul kolu-ass-ta. J-Nom sand-bed-Acc make-even-Past-Dec John made the (surface of) sand-bed even. ...
This paper aims to investigate the typology of resultative constructions (henceforth RC) in Korea... more This paper aims to investigate the typology of resultative constructions (henceforth RC) in Korean, to provide their relevant constraints and finally to propose formal structures of RCs in a unified way.
RCs refer to a formation that combines a simple sentence with a result phrase or an expression denoting the result of an action. For example, red in Lee painted the wall red, a result phrase can be paraphrased as “Lee painted the wall; and, as a result, the wall was red.” In other words, the sentence Lee painted the wall red holds the causal relation between Lee’s painting action and the result state ‘the wall is red’.
The traditional transformational approaches (Simpson 1983; Carrier and Randall 1992) assumed that the subject of an intransitive RC derives from the deep or underlying object position, supporting the Unaccusative Hypothesis by Perlmutter (1978). Despite the existence of RCs, however, it is not so easy to provide syntactic evidence for unaccusativity in such languages as Korean. We argue that RCs can be explained by type-specific but cross-linguistically plausible properties of the constructions and their relevant constraints by introducing the extended feature descriptions of RCs in connection with eventuality, i.e. telicity or delimitedness. The analysis is formulated, partially adopting Generative Lexicon Theory, in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG).
It surveys sudies of negation and polarity, focusing on Contrastive Topic scalar implicature solu... more It surveys sudies of negation and polarity, focusing on Contrastive Topic scalar implicature solution to Neg-Raising and introducing ERP experiments on metalinguistic negation. It also introduces the content of the chapters by Horn and younger experts included in the book edited by Larrivee and Lee: Negation and Polarity: Experimental and Cognitve Perspectives.
This paper attempts to argue that the so-called gapless relative clause (GRC) in Korean (Chinese ... more This paper attempts to argue that the so-called gapless relative clause (GRC) in Korean (Chinese and Japanese as well) can best be dealt with by the Generative Lexicon Theory (GLT) put forward in Pustejovsky (1995). There arises a superficial conflict in the construction: the GRC, with no apparent gap, contains a relative verb that does not directly relate to the head noun in terms of cause-effect relation required between the GRC and the following head noun. The paper shows that this incomplete realization of the cause-effect relation can be fully recovered from the lexical-semantic(-pragmatic) information specified under the GL framework. Thus, the qualia structure of GLT can successfully fill the meaning of the best hidden relative verb in the GRC for the correct interpretation
In a unified account of negative polarity and free choice expressed by amu/any or wh-indefinites ... more In a unified account of negative polarity and free choice expressed by amu/any or wh-indefinites in Korean and English, this paper argues that the notion of concession by arbitrary or disjunctive choice (based on indefiniteness) is crucial. With this central notion all the apparently diverse polarity-related phenomena can be explained consistently, not just described in terms of distribution. With strong negatives and weak affective licensors, concessive force is not emphasized and the licensed NPIs reveal existential force, whereas with free choice and generic-like items, licensed by modals, concessive force is emphasized and the whole category denoted by the given Noun is reached, giving the impression of universal force. The logical consequences of monotone decreasingness is transparent with strong negatives but less so with weaker ones.
This is to characterize the relationship between the algebraic function types of negative force a... more This is to characterize the relationship between the algebraic function types of negative force and types of negative polarity items in natural language. The former are guidelines for exploring types and behaviors of the latter but do not exactly correspond. Free choice and negative polarity are argued to come from concessive constructions, revealing attitudinal, expressive and emotive aspects of language for argumentative goals and largely frozen forms in appearance.
In this chapter I will consider Contrastive Topic (CT), Contrastive Predicate Topic (CPT) and Foc... more In this chapter I will consider Contrastive Topic (CT), Contrastive Predicate Topic (CPT) and Focus in information structure and their relations to intonation and meaning, as I have attempted to account for in a series of papers on related topics1. Particularly, I will try to see the conventional scalar implicature meanings triggered by CPT and CT in connection with its intonation. In dealing with those phenomena, I will use data extensively from Korean, where CT is surprisingly clearly marked morphologically and intonationally, in comparison with data from English. Information structure, claimed to constitute a separate component from phonological, syntactic and semantic components (Vallduvi 1992), consists basically of Topic – Comment or Background – Focus information. Apart from whether it constitutes a separate component in grammar, no one can deny that it is closely interwoven with morphological structure (particularly in Korean and Japanese), syntactic linear and hierarchical structure, semantic structure, and prosodic phonological structure. That is why we came to organize the present workshop and create a volume on Topic and Focus in connection with their meaning and intonation. Recently the phenomenon of CT in particular has been well characterised. Through this kind of common efforts we believe we can deepen our understanding of underlying principles governing related issues cross-linguistically. The organization of the chapter is as follows: In 2 Contrastive Topic is distinguished from non-contrastive Topic and from list contrastive topics, which do not leave implicature; CT is examined in a dialogue model and the notion of sum considered; Korean CT is shown on pitch tracks. In 3 scalar meanings are analyzed; type-subtype scalarity and subtype scalarity are distinguished and CT’s inherent tendency of subtype scalarity even in entities is advocated. In 4 scope relations between scope bearers and CT and CT’s narrow-scope nature is discussed, together with non-narrow-scope topicalization effect. In 5 Contrastive Predicate Topic and the scope relation between CT and REASON clause are explored. 6 concludes the chapter.
This paper reports the syntactic distribution of amwu-N-to/-irato/-ina phrases, which are represe... more This paper reports the syntactic distribution of amwu-N-to/-irato/-ina phrases, which are representative polarity sensitive items (PSIs) in Korean, and accounts for their semantic characteristics in terms of "arbitrary choice quantification" and "concession." In the first section, we extensively illustrate the distributional behaviour of the PSIs in various constructions and roughly generalize the distribution in terms of "(anti/non-) verdicality." Section 2 claims amwu denotes an arbitrary choice quantifier, and the particles -to/-irato/-ina as "concessive" markers, so the compounds denote a special element in a pragmatic scale determined by context/situation. Section 3, based on the pragmatics of scalar implicature, accounts for the apparent ambiguity of PSIs between "universal" and "existential" readings, and further characterizes the difference among the concessive markers -to/-irato/-ina in terms of "quantity/quality scale." * Earlier versions of this paper were read at the following conferences: The
... Observe the following examples. (6) a. molay-phan-i kolu-ta. sand-bed-Nom even The (surface ... more ... Observe the following examples. (6) a. molay-phan-i kolu-ta. sand-bed-Nom even The (surface of) sand-bed is even. b. John-i molay-phan-ul kolu-ass-ta. J-Nom sand-bed-Acc make-even-Past-Dec John made the (surface of) sand-bed even. ...
This paper aims to investigate the typology of resultative constructions (henceforth RC) in Korea... more This paper aims to investigate the typology of resultative constructions (henceforth RC) in Korean, to provide their relevant constraints and finally to propose formal structures of RCs in a unified way.
RCs refer to a formation that combines a simple sentence with a result phrase or an expression denoting the result of an action. For example, red in Lee painted the wall red, a result phrase can be paraphrased as “Lee painted the wall; and, as a result, the wall was red.” In other words, the sentence Lee painted the wall red holds the causal relation between Lee’s painting action and the result state ‘the wall is red’.
The traditional transformational approaches (Simpson 1983; Carrier and Randall 1992) assumed that the subject of an intransitive RC derives from the deep or underlying object position, supporting the Unaccusative Hypothesis by Perlmutter (1978). Despite the existence of RCs, however, it is not so easy to provide syntactic evidence for unaccusativity in such languages as Korean. We argue that RCs can be explained by type-specific but cross-linguistically plausible properties of the constructions and their relevant constraints by introducing the extended feature descriptions of RCs in connection with eventuality, i.e. telicity or delimitedness. The analysis is formulated, partially adopting Generative Lexicon Theory, in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG).
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Papers by Chungmin Lee
RCs refer to a formation that combines a simple sentence with a result phrase or an expression denoting the result of an action. For example, red in Lee painted the wall red, a result phrase can be paraphrased as “Lee painted the wall; and, as a result, the wall was red.” In other words, the sentence Lee painted the wall red holds the causal relation between Lee’s painting action and the result state ‘the wall is red’.
The traditional transformational approaches (Simpson 1983; Carrier and Randall 1992) assumed that the subject of an intransitive RC derives from the deep or underlying object position, supporting the Unaccusative Hypothesis by Perlmutter (1978). Despite the existence of RCs, however, it is not so easy to provide syntactic evidence for unaccusativity in such languages as Korean. We argue that RCs can be explained by type-specific but cross-linguistically plausible properties of the constructions and their relevant constraints by introducing the extended feature descriptions of RCs in connection with eventuality, i.e. telicity or delimitedness. The analysis is formulated, partially adopting Generative Lexicon Theory, in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG).
RCs refer to a formation that combines a simple sentence with a result phrase or an expression denoting the result of an action. For example, red in Lee painted the wall red, a result phrase can be paraphrased as “Lee painted the wall; and, as a result, the wall was red.” In other words, the sentence Lee painted the wall red holds the causal relation between Lee’s painting action and the result state ‘the wall is red’.
The traditional transformational approaches (Simpson 1983; Carrier and Randall 1992) assumed that the subject of an intransitive RC derives from the deep or underlying object position, supporting the Unaccusative Hypothesis by Perlmutter (1978). Despite the existence of RCs, however, it is not so easy to provide syntactic evidence for unaccusativity in such languages as Korean. We argue that RCs can be explained by type-specific but cross-linguistically plausible properties of the constructions and their relevant constraints by introducing the extended feature descriptions of RCs in connection with eventuality, i.e. telicity or delimitedness. The analysis is formulated, partially adopting Generative Lexicon Theory, in the framework of Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG).