The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This contribution probes the relationship between two prominent approaches in contemporary politi... more This contribution probes the relationship between two prominent approaches in contemporary political theory – namely, the one between political realism and agonistic democracy – and its relevance for the (as the editors of this special section dub it) ‘new realities’ of our age. The point of this article is not to deny that agonism and realism share several core concepts. The point, rather, is that if we analyze these core concepts in more detail we will discover that they play out quite differently in the two approaches and pull agonism and realism in different directions. In many respects, then, agonism and realism are ‘false friends’: their parallels exist only on a superficial level, which renders an ‘assumption of friendship’ theoretically flawed and practically counterproductive. One aim of this paper, therefore, is to lay bare the divergences between realism and agonism on a deeper level. The second purpose, however, is to show that a ‘fusion of horizons’ of the two approache...
Ever since Socrates proposed as a solution to the 'ills for the cities' the idea that either phil... more Ever since Socrates proposed as a solution to the 'ills for the cities' the idea that either philosophers become kings or kings become philosophers has influenced the theory and practice of politics. Yet, despite its prominence and continuing appeal, the philosopher king has rarely been subjected to rigorous philosophical analysis. One of the few exceptions is Modern Philosopher Kings, Haig Patapan's marvellous study of this idea that has 'mesmerized and tantalized' (p. 4) since its original formulation. The anchor of the book is the 'paradox of the philosopher king'. It can be summarised as follows: The philosopher king, by uniting philosophy and politics, wisdom and power, is presented as the answer to fundamental moral, social, and political questions-ultimately, even to the question of how to secure justice. The problem is that the two realms of politics and philosophy are in a less than harmonious relationship. The philosopher immerses herself in the vita contemplativa. Far removed from the chaos of the agora, she seeks wisdom in the hallowed halls of the academy and looks down on politics with contempt. This hostility is, of course, mutual. Politics elevates the vita activa over the vita contemplativa and, thus, sees the philosopher as a useless brooder at best and a dangerous moralist at worst. This unedifying situation gives rise to the paradox: The paradox of the philosopher king is that it simultaneously says the philosopher king is possible and it is not; that philosophy and politics can be combined and they cannot, and more generally, that justice in this life is possible and it is not (p. 18).
Is polarisation a fundamental threat to the open society? Are the divisions that run through soci... more Is polarisation a fundamental threat to the open society? Are the divisions that run through societies and separate them into two (or more) more or less hostile groups problems to be solved? Or are they the corollaries of a vibrant democratic system that might legitimately be called an ‘open society’? These are the questions I seek to explore in this contribution to the special issue. My argument unfolds through a reinterpretation of Karl Popper’s conception of open society as a democratic idea, characterised by an appreciation of genuine human plurality and diversity that make ‘critical encounters with the other side’ possible (and desirable); this conception of open society also recognises the progressive potential of social and political conflicts. For that reason, political polarisation cannot be regarded as a lethal threat to open societies. By contrast, ‘belief polarisation’, with its Manichean orientation and anti-political tendencies, is a much more serious threat. It follow...
The purpose of this chapter is to develop a ‘demoralised’ and ‘re-politicised’ vision of R2P by r... more The purpose of this chapter is to develop a ‘demoralised’ and ‘re-politicised’ vision of R2P by reframing it as a ‘responsibility to protect humanity from evil’; the aim of this reframed vision is to enhance R2P’s discursive potential to guide moral-political judgement and action in the face of harrowing mass atrocities. In a first step, I ‘excavate’ R2P’s original purpose and argue that the concept was created and designed as a response to humanity’s concrete experience of evil. The second section critically engages with a range of critical arguments against R2P and provides tentative responses to these arguments. The heart of the chapter, however, is the third section in which I demonstrate how an Arendtian conception of evil, and the link between evil, human plurality and our common humanity, can help us to reframe R2P as a responsibility to protect humanity from evil.
This chapter reconceptualise the ICC as a ‘bulwark against evil’ by demonstrating that the ‘prima... more This chapter reconceptualise the ICC as a ‘bulwark against evil’ by demonstrating that the ‘primary purpose’ of the ICC is to combat evil. The chapter starts by portraying the ICC as the culmination of a legal framework that seeks to protect the very idea of humanity. In a subsequent step, I reject legalistic attempts to portray the ICC as an exclusively legal, even anti-political, judicial body and develop a picture of the ICC as a ‘political actor’ that is a tool in the global struggle against evil. In the final section, the chapter probes the pivotal role of the ICC prosecutor in this struggle. Drawing on Aristotle’s conception of phronesis, I argue that it is his/her ability to exercise moral-political judgement that primarily determines whether ICC intervention is conducive or deleterious to the primary purpose of combatting evil.
This thesis represents an attempt to reimagine why and how to confront mass atrocities in world p... more This thesis represents an attempt to reimagine why and how to confront mass atrocities in world politics. Drawing on Hannah Arendt's conception of evil, it interprets and understands mass atrocities as 'evil' in an 'Arendtian' sense, that is, as crimes against human plurality and, thus, crimes against humanity itself. This understanding of mass atrocities paves the way for reframing responses to mass atrocities as attempts to confront evil. In doing so, the thesis focuses on military intervention under the banner of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and judicial intervention by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and reframes them as tools to protect human plurality from evil. Furthermore, the thesis looks at the place and the role of R2P and the ICC in the changing landscape of world order. It argues that the protection of humanity from evil can serve as a legitimate Grundnorm (basic norm) around which a global constitutional order in an inherently pluralis...
This article engages with the recently published volume Wenn Demokratien demokratisch untergehen ... more This article engages with the recently published volume Wenn Demokratien demokratisch untergehen (Vienna: Passagen Verlag, 2019). This work, which is available in German only, focuses on the danger that democracies perish democratically. Today’s crisis of democracy, so the argument of the volume goes, is that while there are – at least formally – more democracies than ever before, there are forces that erode democracy’s fundamental principles and values from within the democratic space.The purpose of this essay is to introduce the arguments of leading democratic theorists to a non-German speaking audience, to construct a narrative that brings to the fore the multiple challenges that democratic societies face today, and finally, to warn against a certain anti-progressive habit in democratic and political theory.
Evil as a Crime Against Humanity …an attack upon human diversity as such, that is, upon a charact... more Evil as a Crime Against Humanity …an attack upon human diversity as such, that is, upon a characteristic of the 'human status' without which the very words 'mankind' or 'humanity' would be devoid of meaning. (Arendt 2006b: 268-269) This is not an abstract 'discursive experience' that we can treat as something removed from the real world. No, this heart of darkness is an ever-present possibility.
The purpose of this concluding chapter is not only to summarise but also to clarify the main argu... more The purpose of this concluding chapter is not only to summarise but also to clarify the main arguments of the book. Taking HRW’s recent warning that mass atrocities have become ‘the New Normal’ as its jumping-off point, the chapter clarifies the contributions that this book makes to critical theory. Subsequently, after a summary of the main arguments, I will point to some of the limitations of my analysis and identify avenues for further research. This conclusion, moreover, is structured around the two concepts of ‘tragedy’ and ‘hope’ because it tries to bring home an important final point: The—seemingly pessimistic and fatalistic—idea that evil can never be eradicated as it is, tragically, both an expression of and a threat to our common humanity should, ultimately, be understood as a source of hope.
This Handbook—one of a new series—sets out to describe the current state of the art in Internatio... more This Handbook—one of a new series—sets out to describe the current state of the art in International Political Theory, and to advance this discourse into new areas. A key feature of the Handbook is the way in which its contributors engage with “real politics”: although the importance of developing so-called ideal theory is acknowledged in several chapters, the main emphasis of the book is on an engagement with empirical data and real-world politics. Conventional distinctions such as that between “critical theory” and “problem-solving theory” are challenged—the underlying contention is that, ultimately, all theory is problem-solving, and an emphasis on norms and normative theory cannot be understood as separate from so-called positive International Relations Theory. The contributors have approached the themes of the Handbook from different angles in relation to a wide range of different topics in ways that showcase the diversity of perspectives and traditions that make up the field o...
This chapter broadens the focus of the book by addressing the question of how to justify the esta... more This chapter broadens the focus of the book by addressing the question of how to justify the establishment of an overarching world order in a world that not only is but, crucially, ought to be inherently pluralistic. The answer to this question, I suggest, lies in the development of an ‘agonistic global constitutionalism’. In a first step, I build a conceptual framework for the chapter by introducing the three elements of an agonistic global constitutionalism. The second section turns to a more direct discussion of Jurgen Habermas’ vision of a constitution for world society, James Tully’s account of constitutional agonism and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic pluralism. This, in turn, paves the way for the third and central section in which I develop an ‘agonistic global constitutionalism’ that incorporates some ideas of Habermas, Tully and Mouffe, but is ultimately most strongly influenced by Arendt’s political thought.
Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development, 2020
Abstract:The purpose of this review essay is not so much to dwell on the numerous virtues of Math... more Abstract:The purpose of this review essay is not so much to dwell on the numerous virtues of Mathias Thaler’s Naming Violence and Elizabeth Frazer’s and Kimberly Hutchings’ Can Political Violence Ever be Justified?, but rather to enter into a critical discussion with the authors and to carve out some major points of disagreement. In both cases I am not entirely convinced by how the authors conceptualize potential responses to political violence. After discussing the two books in isolation from each other, the essay’s conclusion brings some of the previous arguments together and opens a space in which we can develop a theory of judging and responding to violence.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This contribution probes the relationship between two prominent approaches in contemporary politi... more This contribution probes the relationship between two prominent approaches in contemporary political theory – namely, the one between political realism and agonistic democracy – and its relevance for the (as the editors of this special section dub it) ‘new realities’ of our age. The point of this article is not to deny that agonism and realism share several core concepts. The point, rather, is that if we analyze these core concepts in more detail we will discover that they play out quite differently in the two approaches and pull agonism and realism in different directions. In many respects, then, agonism and realism are ‘false friends’: their parallels exist only on a superficial level, which renders an ‘assumption of friendship’ theoretically flawed and practically counterproductive. One aim of this paper, therefore, is to lay bare the divergences between realism and agonism on a deeper level. The second purpose, however, is to show that a ‘fusion of horizons’ of the two approache...
Ever since Socrates proposed as a solution to the 'ills for the cities' the idea that either phil... more Ever since Socrates proposed as a solution to the 'ills for the cities' the idea that either philosophers become kings or kings become philosophers has influenced the theory and practice of politics. Yet, despite its prominence and continuing appeal, the philosopher king has rarely been subjected to rigorous philosophical analysis. One of the few exceptions is Modern Philosopher Kings, Haig Patapan's marvellous study of this idea that has 'mesmerized and tantalized' (p. 4) since its original formulation. The anchor of the book is the 'paradox of the philosopher king'. It can be summarised as follows: The philosopher king, by uniting philosophy and politics, wisdom and power, is presented as the answer to fundamental moral, social, and political questions-ultimately, even to the question of how to secure justice. The problem is that the two realms of politics and philosophy are in a less than harmonious relationship. The philosopher immerses herself in the vita contemplativa. Far removed from the chaos of the agora, she seeks wisdom in the hallowed halls of the academy and looks down on politics with contempt. This hostility is, of course, mutual. Politics elevates the vita activa over the vita contemplativa and, thus, sees the philosopher as a useless brooder at best and a dangerous moralist at worst. This unedifying situation gives rise to the paradox: The paradox of the philosopher king is that it simultaneously says the philosopher king is possible and it is not; that philosophy and politics can be combined and they cannot, and more generally, that justice in this life is possible and it is not (p. 18).
Is polarisation a fundamental threat to the open society? Are the divisions that run through soci... more Is polarisation a fundamental threat to the open society? Are the divisions that run through societies and separate them into two (or more) more or less hostile groups problems to be solved? Or are they the corollaries of a vibrant democratic system that might legitimately be called an ‘open society’? These are the questions I seek to explore in this contribution to the special issue. My argument unfolds through a reinterpretation of Karl Popper’s conception of open society as a democratic idea, characterised by an appreciation of genuine human plurality and diversity that make ‘critical encounters with the other side’ possible (and desirable); this conception of open society also recognises the progressive potential of social and political conflicts. For that reason, political polarisation cannot be regarded as a lethal threat to open societies. By contrast, ‘belief polarisation’, with its Manichean orientation and anti-political tendencies, is a much more serious threat. It follow...
The purpose of this chapter is to develop a ‘demoralised’ and ‘re-politicised’ vision of R2P by r... more The purpose of this chapter is to develop a ‘demoralised’ and ‘re-politicised’ vision of R2P by reframing it as a ‘responsibility to protect humanity from evil’; the aim of this reframed vision is to enhance R2P’s discursive potential to guide moral-political judgement and action in the face of harrowing mass atrocities. In a first step, I ‘excavate’ R2P’s original purpose and argue that the concept was created and designed as a response to humanity’s concrete experience of evil. The second section critically engages with a range of critical arguments against R2P and provides tentative responses to these arguments. The heart of the chapter, however, is the third section in which I demonstrate how an Arendtian conception of evil, and the link between evil, human plurality and our common humanity, can help us to reframe R2P as a responsibility to protect humanity from evil.
This chapter reconceptualise the ICC as a ‘bulwark against evil’ by demonstrating that the ‘prima... more This chapter reconceptualise the ICC as a ‘bulwark against evil’ by demonstrating that the ‘primary purpose’ of the ICC is to combat evil. The chapter starts by portraying the ICC as the culmination of a legal framework that seeks to protect the very idea of humanity. In a subsequent step, I reject legalistic attempts to portray the ICC as an exclusively legal, even anti-political, judicial body and develop a picture of the ICC as a ‘political actor’ that is a tool in the global struggle against evil. In the final section, the chapter probes the pivotal role of the ICC prosecutor in this struggle. Drawing on Aristotle’s conception of phronesis, I argue that it is his/her ability to exercise moral-political judgement that primarily determines whether ICC intervention is conducive or deleterious to the primary purpose of combatting evil.
This thesis represents an attempt to reimagine why and how to confront mass atrocities in world p... more This thesis represents an attempt to reimagine why and how to confront mass atrocities in world politics. Drawing on Hannah Arendt's conception of evil, it interprets and understands mass atrocities as 'evil' in an 'Arendtian' sense, that is, as crimes against human plurality and, thus, crimes against humanity itself. This understanding of mass atrocities paves the way for reframing responses to mass atrocities as attempts to confront evil. In doing so, the thesis focuses on military intervention under the banner of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and judicial intervention by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and reframes them as tools to protect human plurality from evil. Furthermore, the thesis looks at the place and the role of R2P and the ICC in the changing landscape of world order. It argues that the protection of humanity from evil can serve as a legitimate Grundnorm (basic norm) around which a global constitutional order in an inherently pluralis...
This article engages with the recently published volume Wenn Demokratien demokratisch untergehen ... more This article engages with the recently published volume Wenn Demokratien demokratisch untergehen (Vienna: Passagen Verlag, 2019). This work, which is available in German only, focuses on the danger that democracies perish democratically. Today’s crisis of democracy, so the argument of the volume goes, is that while there are – at least formally – more democracies than ever before, there are forces that erode democracy’s fundamental principles and values from within the democratic space.The purpose of this essay is to introduce the arguments of leading democratic theorists to a non-German speaking audience, to construct a narrative that brings to the fore the multiple challenges that democratic societies face today, and finally, to warn against a certain anti-progressive habit in democratic and political theory.
Evil as a Crime Against Humanity …an attack upon human diversity as such, that is, upon a charact... more Evil as a Crime Against Humanity …an attack upon human diversity as such, that is, upon a characteristic of the 'human status' without which the very words 'mankind' or 'humanity' would be devoid of meaning. (Arendt 2006b: 268-269) This is not an abstract 'discursive experience' that we can treat as something removed from the real world. No, this heart of darkness is an ever-present possibility.
The purpose of this concluding chapter is not only to summarise but also to clarify the main argu... more The purpose of this concluding chapter is not only to summarise but also to clarify the main arguments of the book. Taking HRW’s recent warning that mass atrocities have become ‘the New Normal’ as its jumping-off point, the chapter clarifies the contributions that this book makes to critical theory. Subsequently, after a summary of the main arguments, I will point to some of the limitations of my analysis and identify avenues for further research. This conclusion, moreover, is structured around the two concepts of ‘tragedy’ and ‘hope’ because it tries to bring home an important final point: The—seemingly pessimistic and fatalistic—idea that evil can never be eradicated as it is, tragically, both an expression of and a threat to our common humanity should, ultimately, be understood as a source of hope.
This Handbook—one of a new series—sets out to describe the current state of the art in Internatio... more This Handbook—one of a new series—sets out to describe the current state of the art in International Political Theory, and to advance this discourse into new areas. A key feature of the Handbook is the way in which its contributors engage with “real politics”: although the importance of developing so-called ideal theory is acknowledged in several chapters, the main emphasis of the book is on an engagement with empirical data and real-world politics. Conventional distinctions such as that between “critical theory” and “problem-solving theory” are challenged—the underlying contention is that, ultimately, all theory is problem-solving, and an emphasis on norms and normative theory cannot be understood as separate from so-called positive International Relations Theory. The contributors have approached the themes of the Handbook from different angles in relation to a wide range of different topics in ways that showcase the diversity of perspectives and traditions that make up the field o...
This chapter broadens the focus of the book by addressing the question of how to justify the esta... more This chapter broadens the focus of the book by addressing the question of how to justify the establishment of an overarching world order in a world that not only is but, crucially, ought to be inherently pluralistic. The answer to this question, I suggest, lies in the development of an ‘agonistic global constitutionalism’. In a first step, I build a conceptual framework for the chapter by introducing the three elements of an agonistic global constitutionalism. The second section turns to a more direct discussion of Jurgen Habermas’ vision of a constitution for world society, James Tully’s account of constitutional agonism and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic pluralism. This, in turn, paves the way for the third and central section in which I develop an ‘agonistic global constitutionalism’ that incorporates some ideas of Habermas, Tully and Mouffe, but is ultimately most strongly influenced by Arendt’s political thought.
Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development, 2020
Abstract:The purpose of this review essay is not so much to dwell on the numerous virtues of Math... more Abstract:The purpose of this review essay is not so much to dwell on the numerous virtues of Mathias Thaler’s Naming Violence and Elizabeth Frazer’s and Kimberly Hutchings’ Can Political Violence Ever be Justified?, but rather to enter into a critical discussion with the authors and to carve out some major points of disagreement. In both cases I am not entirely convinced by how the authors conceptualize potential responses to political violence. After discussing the two books in isolation from each other, the essay’s conclusion brings some of the previous arguments together and opens a space in which we can develop a theory of judging and responding to violence.
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