The chapter discusses three different readings that so-called frequency adjectives (e.g. daily, f... more The chapter discusses three different readings that so-called frequency adjectives (e.g. daily, frequent, occasional) have been attributed to (internal, generic, adverbial) and zooms in on one of these readings, the adverbial one. Under the adverbial reading (e.g. The occasional sailor strolled by) the adjective can be paraphrased as a sentence-level adverb and thus seemingly scopes over the entire sentence. Two competing analyses of the adverbial reading are discussed, one in terms of distributional quantification, according to which the adjective is a determiner (or is forming a complex determiner with the article), vs one in terms of distributional modification, according to which the adjective is a DP-internal modifier and its seemingly scopal behaviour is merely an illusion. The chapter ends with some considerations why both types of analyses might be needed and a discussion of some cross-linguistic implications.
In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certai... more In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certain locative and directional contexts in Greek. We highlight the relevance of the simultaneous omission of the definite determiner and bring out the syntactic and semantic properties that the phenomenon at hand shares with pseudo-/semantic incorporation. We observe that P-drop is only possible with nouns that denote stereotypical locations, i.e. locations which are moved to or spent time at regularly, in order to perform there an institutionalized activity. Our proposal is to treat P-drop in Greek as another instance of pseudo-incorporation, which we implement syntactically as LF movement of the bare noun to the verb. The account derives the cluster of properties observed, while at the same time doing away with unpronounced P and D heads in the construction.
In the literature on idioms, conjunction modification is understood as involving a modifier that ... more In the literature on idioms, conjunction modification is understood as involving a modifier that does not lexically belong to the idiom at hand, modifying the literal meaning of a noun in that idiom while the idiomatic meaning of the expression as a whole is preserved. The construction relies on the hearer perceiving the idiomatic meaning of the whole and the literal meaning of a part of it simultaneously and in conjunction. We investigate instances of naturally occurring examples of four semantically non-decomposable verb-phrase idioms (two English, two German) whose complements contain such a modifier. We examine the possible interpretations and the contextual conditions of these idiom-modifier combinations. They are particularly interesting instances of one-to-many relations between form and meaning.
Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily... more Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily, are usually restricted to modifying event-denoting nominals (e.g. The house underwent frequent cleanings = Frequently, the house underwent cleanings vs. We saw frequent sailors/the frequent sailor = Frequently, we saw sailors/the sailor). In this, they contrast with what Gehrke and McNally (2012) refer to as nontemporal FAs (e.g. odd, cp. The occasional sailor strolled by = Occasionally, a sailor strolled by). However, there is a systematic set of exceptions to this generalization, e.g. She wrote frequent letters, which have never been explained. In this paper we provide an analysis of these exceptional cases. Our account points to interesting parallelisms between the construction of interest and Kennedy's (2012) use of Kratzer's (1996) Event Identification to account for event measurement via measure expressions on incremental themes. It also situates this use of FAs within the family of semantic incorporation constructions, providing a novel example of how the varied morphosyntactic resources of a language can make it possible to fulfill the pragmatic functions that incorporation constructions serve for a wide variety of propositional contents.
Due to their hybrid nature, German adjectival participles display properties of both adjectives a... more Due to their hybrid nature, German adjectival participles display properties of both adjectives and verbs. In particular, their verbal behaviour is evidenced by the restricted availability of manner and other event-related modifiers. I propose that German adjectival participles denote degrees (state kinds), which accounts for their adjectival behaviour, and that an adjectival passive construction refers to the instantiation of a consequent state kind of an event kind, which accounts for the verbal properties. Event-related modifiers that name event participants, i.e. phrases headed by by or with, are analysed in terms of pseudo-incorporation. This account is motivated by the fact that the nouns in such phrases display properties of pseudo-incorporated nouns, such as discourse opacity and the requirement of naming an institutionalised or conventionalised activity or state, together with the verb/participle these phrases incorporate into. The restrictions on event-related modification, then, follow from general restrictions on kind modification and on pseudo-incorporation.
This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree. This includes ... more This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree. This includes going over the theoretical questions that arise in the literature on VP modification and event semantics, as well as the research that has been carried out on gradable adjectives, scale structure and vagueness. This introduction further situates the papers and commentaries in this volume within this discussion. We end by outlining commonalities between manner and degree. Keywords Manner • Degree • Modification • Adjective • Adverb • Scale structure • Comparison class • Standard of comparison • Events • Kinds 1 Introduction This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree and situates the papers in this volume within this discussion. While manner is commonly associated with adverbial modification in the domain of events expressed by verbs, degrees are associated with gradable categories, most notably adjectives. However, since manner adverbs, more generally, are derived from adjectives, there is a close tie between adverbs expressing a manner of an event, modifying a verbal predicates, and adjectives that modify a nominal predicate. In fact, we will see that in many respects manner and degree can be seen as two sides of the same coin and that B B. Gehrke
The child was combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INT... more The child was combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INTERPRETATION (ii) The child (has) combed him/herself. REFLEXIVE INTERPRETATION b. Das Kind wurde schlampig gekämmt. the child became slopp(il)y combed 'The child was (being) combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) = Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INTERPRETATION (ii) NOT: The child (has) combed him/herself. REFLEXIVE INTERPRETATION Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2008), building on Anagnostopoulou (2003), argue that this semantic difference between the two types of adjectival (or stativized; cf. fn. 1) participles is a direct reflection of a structural difference, In particular, they propose that Greek stative participles in-tos, which lack event implication, are root-derived (4a). The term 'stative' here is adopted from Embick (2004) who proposes a structural distinction between root-derived stative participles and verb-derived resultative ones. 2 Furthermore, (English, German and Greek-menos) target state participles are argued to be directly derived from vPs (4b), whereas only Greek resultant state (-menos) participles can involve a Voice layer on top (4c); a similar argument in favor of the presence of Voice in participles has been made for Hebrew participles derived from the causative template (Doron to appear). 3 (4) a. [Asp [Root]] (English, German, Greek-tos stative participles) b. [Asp [vP [Root]] ] (English, German, Greek-menos TS participles) c. [Asp [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]] (Greek-menos RS participles, Hebrew causative template) Embick (2004) presented the following argument for the absence of a v layer in purely stative participles (i.e. not necessarily target state participles). Like the adjective in (5a), the participle in (5b) expresses a situation in which the door never participated in a change-ofstate event. (5) a. This door was built open/*opened. b. This door was built closed. Based on data like these and others, Embick concludes that participles that can appear in the complement of verbs like build involve a root-derivation. Recently, this picture has been challenged in various ways. Anagnostopoulou & Samioti (to appear) argue that in Greek even stative-tos participles could involve a verbal layer (vP). They also argue that certain-tos participles expressing possibility/ability can even contain VoiceP (based on Samioti to appear). Furthermore, McIntyre (2013) and Bruening (to appear) show that English adjectival participles can license by-phrases and conclude from this that
We present a Spanish corpus data study that shows that event-related byphrases in the two types o... more We present a Spanish corpus data study that shows that event-related byphrases in the two types of passives are qualitatively different with respect to the types of complements they take: With verbal passives we find more strongly referential nominals (e.g. proper names, pronouns, demonstratives, regular definites), whereas with adjectival passives, we mainly find weakly or non-referential nominals (e.g. indefinites, bare nominals, weak and generic definites). These differences comply with an account, according to which the event in adjectival passives remains in the kind domain, restricting event modification to kind modification. Furthermore, the data show that there are no qualitative differences in the complements we find in state-related by-phrases of either passive, which have the same properties as those in event-related ones with verbal passives. We take this fact to support the claim that there are two different kinds of by-phrases with adjectival passives: Event-related ones which modify an event kind (the VP/PrtP before adjectivisation), and state-related ones which modify a state token (the AP).
This chapter offers an overview of the advancements made in the semantic theory of events and int... more This chapter offers an overview of the advancements made in the semantic theory of events and introduces its central notions and current issues to serve as background information relevant for the contributions included in the volume. It is structured around two main axes: compositional and decompositional approaches to the semantics of event predicates. We argue that, while composition and decomposition are at times treated as two competing ways to deal with the semantics of event predicates, they can actually be seen as two sides of the same coin, as essential parts of the subatomic semantics of event predicates. Along with these two axes, we address how adverbial modification served as modification for event semantics as well as its use as diagnostics for the structural complexity or for particular properties of eventualities, such as (a)telicity or scalarity.
Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily... more Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily, are usually restricted to modifying event-denoting nominals (e.g. The house underwent frequent cleanings = Frequently, the house underwent cleanings vs. We saw frequent sailors/the frequent sailor = Frequently, we saw sailors/the sailor). In this, they contrast with what Gehrke and McNally (2012) refer to as nontemporal FAs (e.g. odd, cp. The odd sailor strolled by = A sailor strolled by on odd occasions). However, there is a systematic set of exceptions to this generalization, e.g. She wrote frequent letters, which have never been explained. In this paper we provide an analysis of these exceptional cases. Our account points to interesting parallelisms between the construction of interest and Kennedy's (2012) use of Kratzer's (1996) Event Identification to account for event measurement via measure expressions on incremental themes. It also situates this use of FAs within the family of semantic incorporation constructions, providing a novel example of how the varied morphosyntactic resources of a language can make it possible to fulfill the pragmatic functions that incorporation constructions serve for a wide variety of propositional contents.
This paper reports on a large-scale, statistical analysis of corpus data to support the null hypo... more This paper reports on a large-scale, statistical analysis of corpus data to support the null hypothesis that ethnic adjectives (EAs, e.g. French) are ordinary adjectives, rather than argument-saturating "nouns in disguise" (in, e.g., French agreement). In particular, EAs are argued to simply modify the noun they combine with; their special properties in inducing argument-like behavior arises from the interaction between the semantics of event nominals and that of the adjective.
While we can name examples of modifiers (e.g. adjectives, adverbs, PPs, relative clauses), it is ... more While we can name examples of modifiers (e.g. adjectives, adverbs, PPs, relative clauses), it is not uncontroversial to what extent "modifier" is a syntactic term and how we should represent modification as part of a semantic model. This being true, modification is not only interesting because it challenges a simple composition system that proceeds through application of functions to arguments. In this introduction we present four papers that show that research on modification proves to be relevant for current investigations on the syntax-semantics interface as well as the language-cognition interface.
In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certai... more In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certain locative and directional contexts in Greek. We highlight the relevance of the simultaneous omission of the definite determiner and bring out the syntactic and semantic properties that the phenomenon at hand shares with pseudo-/semantic incorporation. We observe that P-drop is only possible with nouns that denote stereotypical locations, i.e. locations which are moved to or spent time at regularly, in order to perform there an institutionalized activity. Our proposal is to treat P-drop in Greek as another instance of pseudo-incorporation, which we implement syntactically as LF movement of the bare noun to the verb. The account derives the cluster of properties observed, while at the same time doing away with unpronounced P and D heads in the construction.
On the semantics and syntax of P elements and motion events Ps in Beweging Over de semantiek en s... more On the semantics and syntax of P elements and motion events Ps in Beweging Over de semantiek en syntaxis van P elementen en gebeurtenissen van beweging (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. J. C. Stoof, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op 1 juli 2008 des middags te 12.45 uur door Berit Gehrke geboren op 19 juni 1974 te Lübeck, Duitsland
The chapter discusses three different readings that so-called frequency adjectives (e.g. daily, f... more The chapter discusses three different readings that so-called frequency adjectives (e.g. daily, frequent, occasional) have been attributed to (internal, generic, adverbial) and zooms in on one of these readings, the adverbial one. Under the adverbial reading (e.g. The occasional sailor strolled by) the adjective can be paraphrased as a sentence-level adverb and thus seemingly scopes over the entire sentence. Two competing analyses of the adverbial reading are discussed, one in terms of distributional quantification, according to which the adjective is a determiner (or is forming a complex determiner with the article), vs one in terms of distributional modification, according to which the adjective is a DP-internal modifier and its seemingly scopal behaviour is merely an illusion. The chapter ends with some considerations why both types of analyses might be needed and a discussion of some cross-linguistic implications.
In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certai... more In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certain locative and directional contexts in Greek. We highlight the relevance of the simultaneous omission of the definite determiner and bring out the syntactic and semantic properties that the phenomenon at hand shares with pseudo-/semantic incorporation. We observe that P-drop is only possible with nouns that denote stereotypical locations, i.e. locations which are moved to or spent time at regularly, in order to perform there an institutionalized activity. Our proposal is to treat P-drop in Greek as another instance of pseudo-incorporation, which we implement syntactically as LF movement of the bare noun to the verb. The account derives the cluster of properties observed, while at the same time doing away with unpronounced P and D heads in the construction.
In the literature on idioms, conjunction modification is understood as involving a modifier that ... more In the literature on idioms, conjunction modification is understood as involving a modifier that does not lexically belong to the idiom at hand, modifying the literal meaning of a noun in that idiom while the idiomatic meaning of the expression as a whole is preserved. The construction relies on the hearer perceiving the idiomatic meaning of the whole and the literal meaning of a part of it simultaneously and in conjunction. We investigate instances of naturally occurring examples of four semantically non-decomposable verb-phrase idioms (two English, two German) whose complements contain such a modifier. We examine the possible interpretations and the contextual conditions of these idiom-modifier combinations. They are particularly interesting instances of one-to-many relations between form and meaning.
Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily... more Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily, are usually restricted to modifying event-denoting nominals (e.g. The house underwent frequent cleanings = Frequently, the house underwent cleanings vs. We saw frequent sailors/the frequent sailor = Frequently, we saw sailors/the sailor). In this, they contrast with what Gehrke and McNally (2012) refer to as nontemporal FAs (e.g. odd, cp. The occasional sailor strolled by = Occasionally, a sailor strolled by). However, there is a systematic set of exceptions to this generalization, e.g. She wrote frequent letters, which have never been explained. In this paper we provide an analysis of these exceptional cases. Our account points to interesting parallelisms between the construction of interest and Kennedy's (2012) use of Kratzer's (1996) Event Identification to account for event measurement via measure expressions on incremental themes. It also situates this use of FAs within the family of semantic incorporation constructions, providing a novel example of how the varied morphosyntactic resources of a language can make it possible to fulfill the pragmatic functions that incorporation constructions serve for a wide variety of propositional contents.
Due to their hybrid nature, German adjectival participles display properties of both adjectives a... more Due to their hybrid nature, German adjectival participles display properties of both adjectives and verbs. In particular, their verbal behaviour is evidenced by the restricted availability of manner and other event-related modifiers. I propose that German adjectival participles denote degrees (state kinds), which accounts for their adjectival behaviour, and that an adjectival passive construction refers to the instantiation of a consequent state kind of an event kind, which accounts for the verbal properties. Event-related modifiers that name event participants, i.e. phrases headed by by or with, are analysed in terms of pseudo-incorporation. This account is motivated by the fact that the nouns in such phrases display properties of pseudo-incorporated nouns, such as discourse opacity and the requirement of naming an institutionalised or conventionalised activity or state, together with the verb/participle these phrases incorporate into. The restrictions on event-related modification, then, follow from general restrictions on kind modification and on pseudo-incorporation.
This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree. This includes ... more This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree. This includes going over the theoretical questions that arise in the literature on VP modification and event semantics, as well as the research that has been carried out on gradable adjectives, scale structure and vagueness. This introduction further situates the papers and commentaries in this volume within this discussion. We end by outlining commonalities between manner and degree. Keywords Manner • Degree • Modification • Adjective • Adverb • Scale structure • Comparison class • Standard of comparison • Events • Kinds 1 Introduction This chapter provides an overview of semantic issues concerning manner and degree and situates the papers in this volume within this discussion. While manner is commonly associated with adverbial modification in the domain of events expressed by verbs, degrees are associated with gradable categories, most notably adjectives. However, since manner adverbs, more generally, are derived from adjectives, there is a close tie between adverbs expressing a manner of an event, modifying a verbal predicates, and adjectives that modify a nominal predicate. In fact, we will see that in many respects manner and degree can be seen as two sides of the same coin and that B B. Gehrke
The child was combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INT... more The child was combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INTERPRETATION (ii) The child (has) combed him/herself. REFLEXIVE INTERPRETATION b. Das Kind wurde schlampig gekämmt. the child became slopp(il)y combed 'The child was (being) combed in a sloppy manner.' (i) = Someone (else) (has) combed the child. DISJOINT INTERPRETATION (ii) NOT: The child (has) combed him/herself. REFLEXIVE INTERPRETATION Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2008), building on Anagnostopoulou (2003), argue that this semantic difference between the two types of adjectival (or stativized; cf. fn. 1) participles is a direct reflection of a structural difference, In particular, they propose that Greek stative participles in-tos, which lack event implication, are root-derived (4a). The term 'stative' here is adopted from Embick (2004) who proposes a structural distinction between root-derived stative participles and verb-derived resultative ones. 2 Furthermore, (English, German and Greek-menos) target state participles are argued to be directly derived from vPs (4b), whereas only Greek resultant state (-menos) participles can involve a Voice layer on top (4c); a similar argument in favor of the presence of Voice in participles has been made for Hebrew participles derived from the causative template (Doron to appear). 3 (4) a. [Asp [Root]] (English, German, Greek-tos stative participles) b. [Asp [vP [Root]] ] (English, German, Greek-menos TS participles) c. [Asp [VoiceP [vP [Root]]]] (Greek-menos RS participles, Hebrew causative template) Embick (2004) presented the following argument for the absence of a v layer in purely stative participles (i.e. not necessarily target state participles). Like the adjective in (5a), the participle in (5b) expresses a situation in which the door never participated in a change-ofstate event. (5) a. This door was built open/*opened. b. This door was built closed. Based on data like these and others, Embick concludes that participles that can appear in the complement of verbs like build involve a root-derivation. Recently, this picture has been challenged in various ways. Anagnostopoulou & Samioti (to appear) argue that in Greek even stative-tos participles could involve a verbal layer (vP). They also argue that certain-tos participles expressing possibility/ability can even contain VoiceP (based on Samioti to appear). Furthermore, McIntyre (2013) and Bruening (to appear) show that English adjectival participles can license by-phrases and conclude from this that
We present a Spanish corpus data study that shows that event-related byphrases in the two types o... more We present a Spanish corpus data study that shows that event-related byphrases in the two types of passives are qualitatively different with respect to the types of complements they take: With verbal passives we find more strongly referential nominals (e.g. proper names, pronouns, demonstratives, regular definites), whereas with adjectival passives, we mainly find weakly or non-referential nominals (e.g. indefinites, bare nominals, weak and generic definites). These differences comply with an account, according to which the event in adjectival passives remains in the kind domain, restricting event modification to kind modification. Furthermore, the data show that there are no qualitative differences in the complements we find in state-related by-phrases of either passive, which have the same properties as those in event-related ones with verbal passives. We take this fact to support the claim that there are two different kinds of by-phrases with adjectival passives: Event-related ones which modify an event kind (the VP/PrtP before adjectivisation), and state-related ones which modify a state token (the AP).
This chapter offers an overview of the advancements made in the semantic theory of events and int... more This chapter offers an overview of the advancements made in the semantic theory of events and introduces its central notions and current issues to serve as background information relevant for the contributions included in the volume. It is structured around two main axes: compositional and decompositional approaches to the semantics of event predicates. We argue that, while composition and decomposition are at times treated as two competing ways to deal with the semantics of event predicates, they can actually be seen as two sides of the same coin, as essential parts of the subatomic semantics of event predicates. Along with these two axes, we address how adverbial modification served as modification for event semantics as well as its use as diagnostics for the structural complexity or for particular properties of eventualities, such as (a)telicity or scalarity.
Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily... more Adverbially-interpreted temporal frequency adjectives (FAs) such as frequent, sporadic, and daily, are usually restricted to modifying event-denoting nominals (e.g. The house underwent frequent cleanings = Frequently, the house underwent cleanings vs. We saw frequent sailors/the frequent sailor = Frequently, we saw sailors/the sailor). In this, they contrast with what Gehrke and McNally (2012) refer to as nontemporal FAs (e.g. odd, cp. The odd sailor strolled by = A sailor strolled by on odd occasions). However, there is a systematic set of exceptions to this generalization, e.g. She wrote frequent letters, which have never been explained. In this paper we provide an analysis of these exceptional cases. Our account points to interesting parallelisms between the construction of interest and Kennedy's (2012) use of Kratzer's (1996) Event Identification to account for event measurement via measure expressions on incremental themes. It also situates this use of FAs within the family of semantic incorporation constructions, providing a novel example of how the varied morphosyntactic resources of a language can make it possible to fulfill the pragmatic functions that incorporation constructions serve for a wide variety of propositional contents.
This paper reports on a large-scale, statistical analysis of corpus data to support the null hypo... more This paper reports on a large-scale, statistical analysis of corpus data to support the null hypothesis that ethnic adjectives (EAs, e.g. French) are ordinary adjectives, rather than argument-saturating "nouns in disguise" (in, e.g., French agreement). In particular, EAs are argued to simply modify the noun they combine with; their special properties in inducing argument-like behavior arises from the interaction between the semantics of event nominals and that of the adjective.
While we can name examples of modifiers (e.g. adjectives, adverbs, PPs, relative clauses), it is ... more While we can name examples of modifiers (e.g. adjectives, adverbs, PPs, relative clauses), it is not uncontroversial to what extent "modifier" is a syntactic term and how we should represent modification as part of a semantic model. This being true, modification is not only interesting because it challenges a simple composition system that proceeds through application of functions to arguments. In this introduction we present four papers that show that research on modification proves to be relevant for current investigations on the syntax-semantics interface as well as the language-cognition interface.
In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certai... more In this paper we discuss so-called P-drop, i.e. the omission of the preposition se 'at' in certain locative and directional contexts in Greek. We highlight the relevance of the simultaneous omission of the definite determiner and bring out the syntactic and semantic properties that the phenomenon at hand shares with pseudo-/semantic incorporation. We observe that P-drop is only possible with nouns that denote stereotypical locations, i.e. locations which are moved to or spent time at regularly, in order to perform there an institutionalized activity. Our proposal is to treat P-drop in Greek as another instance of pseudo-incorporation, which we implement syntactically as LF movement of the bare noun to the verb. The account derives the cluster of properties observed, while at the same time doing away with unpronounced P and D heads in the construction.
On the semantics and syntax of P elements and motion events Ps in Beweging Over de semantiek en s... more On the semantics and syntax of P elements and motion events Ps in Beweging Over de semantiek en syntaxis van P elementen en gebeurtenissen van beweging (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. J. C. Stoof, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op 1 juli 2008 des middags te 12.45 uur door Berit Gehrke geboren op 19 juni 1974 te Lübeck, Duitsland
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