Skip to main content

Asbjørn Wahl

Followers

125

Following

157

Co-authors

2

Public Views

Asbjørn Wahl (70) has a long career in the trade union movement at national (Norwegian) as well as international level. Retired from his formal positions, he is currently a trade union writer and activist. Until recently he served as President of the Urban Transport Committee of the International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) and Leader of the ITF Working Group on Climate Change through a decade. He is currently member of the Global Advisory Group of the Trade Unions for Energy Democracy (TUED) network. He was trained in history and sociology and has published a number of articles on politics, social and labour questions in magazines and books both in Norway and internationally. His book “The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State” (Pluto Press, London, 2011), which was originally written in Norwegian, has also been translated into Korean, Japanese, Turkish and Chinese. He is a Research Fellow of Parkland Institute, Edmonton, Canada.

less

Johnna Montgomerie

Goldsmiths, University of London

The University of Sheffield

Armando Marques-Guedes

UNL - New University of Lisbon

Sciences Po, Paris

Rice University

Agustin Santella

Universidad de Buenos Aires

LUISS Guido Carli

CSIC (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas-Spanish National Research Council)

Sumercan Bozkurt Gungen

Simon Fraser University

Kocaeli University

Interests

Uploads

Papers by Asbjørn Wahl

How new social alliances changed politics in Norway

A Transport Revolution in the Pipeline

GLOBAL TRANSPORT, 1995

11.3 El moviment sindical a Europa. Crisi política i ideològica en una Unió Europea cada vegada més autoritària

Anuario del Conflicto Social, 2014

LABOUR AND DEVELOPMENT: WHAT CAN BE LEARNT FROM THE NORDIC MODEL (Praca i rozwój: jakie lekcje mozna wyciagnac z 'modelu skandynawskiego')

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje, 2009

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article e... more Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article examine l'État providence tel qu'il s'est développé au cours du dernier demi-siècle, particulièrement dans les pays scandinaves. L'auteur fait valoir que ceci représente plutôt le résultat d'une évolution historique spécifique au vingtième siècle qu'une partie intégrante d'une progression générale vers le développement. Elle ne peut donc être reproduite. L'État providence, sous forme d'un capitalisme bien réglementé, n'était pas l'objectif premier du mouvement ouvrier dans les pays du Nord, mais plutôt le résultat d'un pacte social entre capital et main d'oeuvre. De nos jours, le capital s'est plus ou moins retiré de ce pacte et a commencé à attaquer et à saper les réussites acquises durant les années de l'État providence, augmentant de ce fait la pauvreté et élargissant l'écart entre riches et pauvres. Un mouvement syndical dépolitisé et dé-radicalisé a été acculé à la défensive. L'auteur en conclut que le principal objectif du mouvement ouvrier d'aujourd'hui, au Nord comme au Sud, doit donc être de limiter le pouvoir du capital et de soumettre l'économie à un contrôle démocratique. Ce résultat ne se produira pas par le dialogue social et la coopération tri-partite, mais bien par la lutte des classes et la confrontation sociale.

El elefante en la habitación: los partidos de izquierda y la Unión Europea

El Viejo topo, 2021

11.3 El movimiento sindical en Europa. Crisis política e ideológica en una Unión Europea cada vez más autoritaria

Anuario del Conflicto Social, 2013

Trabalho europeu: dialogo social, pactos sociais ou Europa social

Fragmentos de Cultura, 2003

European Labor: Political and Ideological Crisis in an Increasingly More Authoritarian European Union

Monthly Review, Jan 3, 2014

Acute economic and political drama mark contemporary Europe. The terrible trauma of the financial... more Acute economic and political drama mark contemporary Europe. The terrible trauma of the financial crisis has been followed by a sovereign-debt disaster. In the countries most deeply affected, the people have been faced with massive attacks on public services, wages, pensions, trade unions, and social rights. The draconian austerity policies have pushed the situation in those countries from bad to worse, leading them into a deep depression.… Confronted with these multiple crises, the traditional labor movements appear perplexed and partly paralyzed. Social democracy is in political and ideological disarray and confusion, reflecting a deep crisis in these movements. On the one hand, social democrats have played a leading role in fierce attacks on trade unions and the welfare state in countries where they have been in power. On the other hand, other social democrats adopt statements and support appeals that sharply condemn the political course now followed by the European Union. This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website , where most recent articles are published in full. Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Main d'œuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique?

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article e... more Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article examine l'État providence tel qu'il s'est développé au cours du dernier demi-siècle, particulièrement dans les pays scandinaves. L'auteur fait valoir que ceci représente plutôt le résultat d'une évolution historique spécifique au vingtième siècle qu'une partie intégrante d'une progression générale vers le développement. Elle ne peut donc être reproduite. L'État providence, sous forme d'un capitalisme bien réglementé, n'était pas l'objectif premier du mouvement ouvrier dans les pays du Nord, mais plutôt le résultat d'un pacte social entre capital et main d'oeuvre. De nos jours, le capital s'est plus ou moins retiré de ce pacte et a commencé à attaquer et à saper les réussites acquises durant les années de l'État providence, augmentant de ce fait la pauvreté et élargissant l'écart entre riches et pauvres. Un mouvement syndical dépolitisé et dé-radicalisé a été acculé à la défensive. L'auteur en conclut que le principal objectif du mouvement ouvrier d'aujourd'hui, au Nord comme au Sud, doit donc être de limiter le pouvoir du capital et de soumettre l'économie à un contrôle démocratique. Ce résultat ne se produira pas par le dialogue social et la coopération tri-partite, mais bien par la lutte des classes et la confrontation sociale.

The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State

Introduction 1. The Power Base 2. The Turning Point 3. The Shift in the Balance of Power 4. The A... more

Transport-Telematikk Fra Teknologi Til Marked [Road Telematics : Technologies and Market Potential]

This article discusses Intelligent Transportation Systems from a Norwegian perspective. National ... more

European Labor: Social Dialogue, Social Pacts, or a Social Europe?

Monthly Review, Jun 4, 2002

For many years the European trade union movement has demanded a "social Europe" from Eu... more For many years the European trade union movement has demanded a "social Europe" from European governments and the European Union (EU). If the integration of Europe were to be successful, it had to be accompanied by a strong social dimension—a people's Europe. This was also the expressed aim of European social democracy—to regain control of capital forces and create a "social Europe" through the European Union. Now, for the first time since the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC), social democratic, or social democratic dominated governments have been in power throughout the EU for some years. However, a "social Europe" has yet to be realized.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

A Transport Revolution in the Pipeline

GLOBAL TRANSPORT, 1995

Right Wing Radicalism and a Reactionary Working Class? – South Asia Citizens Web

El elefante en la habitación: los partidos de izquierda y la Unión Europea

El Viejo topo, 2021

Ȼentol Tŧe Teṉew̱ (Together with the Land)

International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 2020

In this paper, Part 2 of a two-paper series, we extend our learning on land- and water-based peda... more In this paper, Part 2 of a two-paper series, we extend our learning on land- and water-based pedagogies from Part 1 to outline broader debates about upholding resurgence in frontline practice with Indigenous children, youth, and families. This article shares key learning from an Indigenous land- and water-based institute held from 2019 to 2020 that was facilitated by knowledge keepers from local First Nations and coordinated by faculty mentors from the School of Child and Youth Care at the University of Victoria. The purpose of the one-year institute was to convene a circle of Indigenous graduate students and faculty to engage in land- and water-based learning and meaningful mentoring connections with Indigenous Old Ones, Elders, and knowledge keepers. Students participated in land- and water-based activities and ceremonies, learning circles, and writing workshops, and were invited to develop and share culturally grounded frameworks to inform their frontline practice with children, ...

Six Cases From Across Europe

by Asbjørn Wahl and Kristof Szombati

from the Nordic Model?

TRAVAIL, capital et société 40:1&2 (2007) Main d’œuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle no... more

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Labour and Development: What can be Learned from the Nordic Model?

Résumé Cet Introduction There is a lot of heated discussion on the welfare state, or the European... more Résumé Cet Introduction There is a lot of heated discussion on the welfare state, or the European Social Model 2 as it is often referred to in Europe. In my part of the world we call it the Nordic Model, which by people throughout the world is being considered the most advanced version of this social model. The welfare state represented great progress in terms of living and working conditions, unprecedented in the history of mankind. Public health, life expectancy and social security improved enormously over a short period of time as the welfare state developed in the last century. It, therefore, became enormously popular among ordinary people. In the current era of neoliberal hegemony, however, the welfare state is being attacked by strong political and economic

Norwegian elections: Another right-wing victory & a serious Labour defeat | Asbjørn Wahl

The centre-left failed in getting rid of the so-called blue-blue government at the parliamentary ... more The centre-left failed in getting rid of the so-called blue-blue government at the parliamentary elections in Norway on 11 September. The Labour Party was the main loser, while small parties on the centre-left advanced slightly. However, the parliamentary basis of the right-wing government has started to unravel. A deeper political crisis may be looming in the background, while social contradictions are on the raise. Social Democracy followed the general European downward tendency (except Britain).

How new social alliances changed politics in Norway

A Transport Revolution in the Pipeline

GLOBAL TRANSPORT, 1995

11.3 El moviment sindical a Europa. Crisi política i ideològica en una Unió Europea cada vegada més autoritària

Anuario del Conflicto Social, 2014

LABOUR AND DEVELOPMENT: WHAT CAN BE LEARNT FROM THE NORDIC MODEL (Praca i rozwój: jakie lekcje mozna wyciagnac z 'modelu skandynawskiego')

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje, 2009

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article e... more Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article examine l'État providence tel qu'il s'est développé au cours du dernier demi-siècle, particulièrement dans les pays scandinaves. L'auteur fait valoir que ceci représente plutôt le résultat d'une évolution historique spécifique au vingtième siècle qu'une partie intégrante d'une progression générale vers le développement. Elle ne peut donc être reproduite. L'État providence, sous forme d'un capitalisme bien réglementé, n'était pas l'objectif premier du mouvement ouvrier dans les pays du Nord, mais plutôt le résultat d'un pacte social entre capital et main d'oeuvre. De nos jours, le capital s'est plus ou moins retiré de ce pacte et a commencé à attaquer et à saper les réussites acquises durant les années de l'État providence, augmentant de ce fait la pauvreté et élargissant l'écart entre riches et pauvres. Un mouvement syndical dépolitisé et dé-radicalisé a été acculé à la défensive. L'auteur en conclut que le principal objectif du mouvement ouvrier d'aujourd'hui, au Nord comme au Sud, doit donc être de limiter le pouvoir du capital et de soumettre l'économie à un contrôle démocratique. Ce résultat ne se produira pas par le dialogue social et la coopération tri-partite, mais bien par la lutte des classes et la confrontation sociale.

El elefante en la habitación: los partidos de izquierda y la Unión Europea

El Viejo topo, 2021

11.3 El movimiento sindical en Europa. Crisis política e ideológica en una Unión Europea cada vez más autoritaria

Anuario del Conflicto Social, 2013

Trabalho europeu: dialogo social, pactos sociais ou Europa social

Fragmentos de Cultura, 2003

European Labor: Political and Ideological Crisis in an Increasingly More Authoritarian European Union

Monthly Review, Jan 3, 2014

Acute economic and political drama mark contemporary Europe. The terrible trauma of the financial... more Acute economic and political drama mark contemporary Europe. The terrible trauma of the financial crisis has been followed by a sovereign-debt disaster. In the countries most deeply affected, the people have been faced with massive attacks on public services, wages, pensions, trade unions, and social rights. The draconian austerity policies have pushed the situation in those countries from bad to worse, leading them into a deep depression.… Confronted with these multiple crises, the traditional labor movements appear perplexed and partly paralyzed. Social democracy is in political and ideological disarray and confusion, reflecting a deep crisis in these movements. On the one hand, social democrats have played a leading role in fierce attacks on trade unions and the welfare state in countries where they have been in power. On the other hand, other social democrats adopt statements and support appeals that sharply condemn the political course now followed by the European Union. This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website , where most recent articles are published in full. Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Main d'œuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique?

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article e... more Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Asbjørn Wahl Résumé Cet article examine l'État providence tel qu'il s'est développé au cours du dernier demi-siècle, particulièrement dans les pays scandinaves. L'auteur fait valoir que ceci représente plutôt le résultat d'une évolution historique spécifique au vingtième siècle qu'une partie intégrante d'une progression générale vers le développement. Elle ne peut donc être reproduite. L'État providence, sous forme d'un capitalisme bien réglementé, n'était pas l'objectif premier du mouvement ouvrier dans les pays du Nord, mais plutôt le résultat d'un pacte social entre capital et main d'oeuvre. De nos jours, le capital s'est plus ou moins retiré de ce pacte et a commencé à attaquer et à saper les réussites acquises durant les années de l'État providence, augmentant de ce fait la pauvreté et élargissant l'écart entre riches et pauvres. Un mouvement syndical dépolitisé et dé-radicalisé a été acculé à la défensive. L'auteur en conclut que le principal objectif du mouvement ouvrier d'aujourd'hui, au Nord comme au Sud, doit donc être de limiter le pouvoir du capital et de soumettre l'économie à un contrôle démocratique. Ce résultat ne se produira pas par le dialogue social et la coopération tri-partite, mais bien par la lutte des classes et la confrontation sociale.

The Rise and Fall of the Welfare State

Introduction 1. The Power Base 2. The Turning Point 3. The Shift in the Balance of Power 4. The A... more

Transport-Telematikk Fra Teknologi Til Marked [Road Telematics : Technologies and Market Potential]

This article discusses Intelligent Transportation Systems from a Norwegian perspective. National ... more

European Labor: Social Dialogue, Social Pacts, or a Social Europe?

Monthly Review, Jun 4, 2002

For many years the European trade union movement has demanded a "social Europe" from Eu... more For many years the European trade union movement has demanded a "social Europe" from European governments and the European Union (EU). If the integration of Europe were to be successful, it had to be accompanied by a strong social dimension—a people's Europe. This was also the expressed aim of European social democracy—to regain control of capital forces and create a "social Europe" through the European Union. Now, for the first time since the establishment of the European Economic Community (EEC), social democratic, or social democratic dominated governments have been in power throughout the EU for some years. However, a "social Europe" has yet to be realized.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

A Transport Revolution in the Pipeline

GLOBAL TRANSPORT, 1995

Right Wing Radicalism and a Reactionary Working Class? – South Asia Citizens Web

El elefante en la habitación: los partidos de izquierda y la Unión Europea

El Viejo topo, 2021

Ȼentol Tŧe Teṉew̱ (Together with the Land)

International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 2020

In this paper, Part 2 of a two-paper series, we extend our learning on land- and water-based peda... more In this paper, Part 2 of a two-paper series, we extend our learning on land- and water-based pedagogies from Part 1 to outline broader debates about upholding resurgence in frontline practice with Indigenous children, youth, and families. This article shares key learning from an Indigenous land- and water-based institute held from 2019 to 2020 that was facilitated by knowledge keepers from local First Nations and coordinated by faculty mentors from the School of Child and Youth Care at the University of Victoria. The purpose of the one-year institute was to convene a circle of Indigenous graduate students and faculty to engage in land- and water-based learning and meaningful mentoring connections with Indigenous Old Ones, Elders, and knowledge keepers. Students participated in land- and water-based activities and ceremonies, learning circles, and writing workshops, and were invited to develop and share culturally grounded frameworks to inform their frontline practice with children, ...

Six Cases From Across Europe

by Asbjørn Wahl and Kristof Szombati

from the Nordic Model?

TRAVAIL, capital et société 40:1&2 (2007) Main d’œuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle no... more

Main d'oeuvre et développement: Que retenir du modèle nordique? Labour and Development: What can be Learned from the Nordic Model?

Résumé Cet Introduction There is a lot of heated discussion on the welfare state, or the European... more Résumé Cet Introduction There is a lot of heated discussion on the welfare state, or the European Social Model 2 as it is often referred to in Europe. In my part of the world we call it the Nordic Model, which by people throughout the world is being considered the most advanced version of this social model. The welfare state represented great progress in terms of living and working conditions, unprecedented in the history of mankind. Public health, life expectancy and social security improved enormously over a short period of time as the welfare state developed in the last century. It, therefore, became enormously popular among ordinary people. In the current era of neoliberal hegemony, however, the welfare state is being attacked by strong political and economic

Norwegian elections: Another right-wing victory & a serious Labour defeat | Asbjørn Wahl

The centre-left failed in getting rid of the so-called blue-blue government at the parliamentary ... more The centre-left failed in getting rid of the so-called blue-blue government at the parliamentary elections in Norway on 11 September. The Labour Party was the main loser, while small parties on the centre-left advanced slightly. However, the parliamentary basis of the right-wing government has started to unravel. A deeper political crisis may be looming in the background, while social contradictions are on the raise. Social Democracy followed the general European downward tendency (except Britain).

Radikale rechte in regierung

by Sebastian Reinfeldt, Kristof Szombati, and Asbjørn Wahl

Die radikale Rechte an der Regierung, 2018

Finally, the concluding piece by Sebastian Reinfeldt focuses on Austria, where—following a coalit... more Finally, the concluding piece by Sebastian Reinfeldt focuses on Austria, where—following a coalition between Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) in the early 2000s—another right-wing government formed in late 2017. Since the ÖVP’s sharp turn to the right under its young leader Sebastian Kurz, the government now consists of two parties whose recent electoral successes are tied to their far-right populist agenda. Their appeal is particularly strong among the traditional mainstream of Austrian society—the lower middle class, comprised of medium-income groups such as white-collar workers or civil servants. This means that the FPÖ is not a “proletarian party” or a party of the lower classes. Instead, it harnesses the fears and anxieties of social groups faced with the risk of downward mobility and economic precariousness. Reinfeldt’s point is significant if we want to understand and confront right-wing populism: While the appeal of the far right might lie in its rhetorical ruses against immigrants, elites, and politicians, it is the deep satisfaction caused by the crisis of capitalism that makes people susceptible to this rhetoric in the first place.