Papers by Alexandre Andrade Sampaio
Sumario: Introdução. 1 Convenções de Direitos Humanos e o Brasil. 2 Tramitação da Convenção. 3 O ... more Sumario: Introdução. 1 Convenções de Direitos Humanos e o Brasil. 2 Tramitação da Convenção. 3 O desafio do migrante – o direito de ingresso. 4 O excluído pela nacionalidade. Conclusão. Referências. Resumo: A despeito dos esforços da sociedade civil e dos órgãos internacionais, o Brasil não se vinculou à Convenção sobre a Proteção dos Direitos dos Trabalhadores Migrantes e Membros de Sua Família. Entender os motivos que levaram a isso, especialmente em um país que tem como tradição a vinculação a tratados de direitos humanos, passa por compreender o cenário de exclusão enfrentado pelos migrantes no mundo e também no Brasil. Sem o direito de ingresso garantido e à margem do processo político, os migrantes passam a ser entendidos como um grupo que não detém direitos e, por desculpas ligadas à segurança pública, passam a ser excluídos. Neste contexto, o objetivo deste artigo é, a partir da situação atual de tramitação no Congresso Nacional do processo de aprovação interna da Convenção, compreender como o debate se insere na lógica de exclusão do estrangeiro instalada há muito no país, que, ao contrário do que se afirma, não deve ser entendido como um paraíso de acolhimento para os estrangeiros, mas como avanço na proteção de direitos dos migrantes pelo mundo.
The present article presents securitization theory and applies it to energy policy in Latin Ameri... more The present article presents securitization theory and applies it to energy policy in Latin America. The article's focus is on how the Brazilian State marginalizes tribal land claims by securitizing energy production in order to pursue so-called development projects in the energy sector. This practice occurs via the utilization of a procedural instrument known as ‘Security Suspension’, the origins and consequences of which are examined in this work. The research suggests that contrary to what is affirmed by the State, this securitization does not benefit the population at large, which raises a question as to why these projects are really being carried out. While a plethora of tribal peoples’ human rights are violated by this practice that perpetuates a policy directed at the marginalization of these minorities, the interest of the majority of the population in the preservation of the environment is sidelined.
To a part of Brazil’s southern and south-eastern population, the 2014 presidential election was a... more To a part of Brazil’s southern and south-eastern population, the 2014 presidential election was about two irreconcilable projects for the country. To them, the victory of the Workers Party contender meant the unacceptable maintenance of the current economic policy and distribution of state’s benefits. In response to this outcome, they publicly called for the secession of the south and south-east regions. Even though not a new phenomenon in Brazil, the current calls for secession are made under a distinct international legal scenario. The rise of self-determination as a right could serve as a legal basis for such claims. By looking at said right, the present article endeavours to establish the legal validity of the current calls for secession coming from south and south-east Brazil. After demonstrating that these claims are economic in nature, the present work demonstrates that those from the south and south-east seeking secession cannot be classified as a people and, therefore, could not legitimately claim such right. Even if peoplehood was present in the equation, the work further concludes that the current governmental policy directed at distributing benefits to disadvantaged sections of society via taxation cannot be considered to reach a threshold of harm that would legitimise secession through the saving clause of UN Resolution 25/2625. The authors suggest that secessionists abandon their false discourse of colonial liberation and their prejudiced views based on racist stereotypes of other regions of the country, which could only be detrimental to the social cohesion of Brazil. To pursue their goals, be they legitimate or not, secessionists are advised to make use of participatory tools that could provide for the same results achieved via the right to self-determination, except for secession.
A obra discorre sobre a inconstitucionalidade do instrumento jurídico denominado Suspensão de Seg... more A obra discorre sobre a inconstitucionalidade do instrumento jurídico denominado Suspensão de Segurança, que se dá em razão das violações de direitos ambientais e humanos que sua utilização implica. Os casos das UHEs de Teles Pires e São Manoel no Tapajós são oportunamente analisados para demonstrar tais violações e a falta de comprometimento do Poder Judiciário para com direitos fundametais quando acolhe pedidos feitos por meio desse instrumento de caráter político e antidemocrático.
By examining legal documents, doctrine and experts’ opinions and the ICRC’s position on the matte... more By examining legal documents, doctrine and experts’ opinions and the ICRC’s position on the matter, the present article demonstrates that child soldiers do not bear the necessary requisites to be legally capable of directly participating in hostilities, as these children lack the intent that must be considered a conditio sine qua non for such acts to be carried out. By demonstrating this, the article shows that all children associated with armed forces or groups must be considered as victims, exploited by the adults that welcome or force them into joining belligerent parties. This conclusion, while not preventing belligerents from seeking a military victory, calls on them to take into account the specific situation of these children as they should be computed as potential collateral damage in targeting operations and treated as victims in need of special care for their rehabilitation when captured. The final sections of the article analyze in detail such consequences for belligerents that capture child soldiers or target forces with children in their ranks.
A presente pesquisa, realizada pelas organizações Artigo 19, Fundaçao Getúlio Vargas de São Paulo... more A presente pesquisa, realizada pelas organizações Artigo 19, Fundaçao Getúlio Vargas de São Paulo e Universidade de São Paulo, buscou estudar a transparência do sistema de Justiça brasileiro. Com base em entrevistas de cunho exploratório, consultas documentais e estudos comparativos, procurou-se definir conceitos de transparência passiva e ativa e identificar os limites legítimos ao direito à informação. Realizou-se ainda um estudo comparativo internacional para se verificar mecanismos de transparência em outros sistema de Justiça.
A presente pesquisa buscou estudar a transparência no sistema de Justiça brasileiro. Com base em ... more A presente pesquisa buscou estudar a transparência no sistema de Justiça brasileiro. Com base em entrevistas de cunho exploratório, análise bibliográfica, consultas documentais e estudos comparativos, procurou-se definir conceitos de transparência ativa e passiva e limites legítimos ao direito à informação. Realizou-se ainda um estudo comparativo
internacional (Brasil, Canadá, Chile, Costa Rica, México e Reino Unido) para se verificar mecanismos de transparência.
In June 2011 the license to build Belo Monte — what the Brazilian government claims to be the thi... more In June 2011 the license to build Belo Monte — what the Brazilian government claims to be the third largest dam in the world in terms of electric power generating capacity — was granted. Since the 1970s, when the plans to build the dam were first made public, the project has encountered great opposition. Indigenous peoples and others who would adversely be affected by the construction of the Belo Monte Dam were supported by national and international NGOs that tried to halt the project through numerous strategic paths, one of which was by filing a case before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Finally, in April 2011, the Commission granted an injunction in favor of the indigenous peoples of the Xingu River Basin that would be impacted by the dam, requesting the government to stop Belo Monte’s construction. However, Brazil argued that these peoples would not be affected and disregarded the request. This article, by looking at indigenous peoples’ substantive and procedural rights, assesses the possible adverse impacts on the indigenous peoples. Special attention is given to the profound connection indigenous peoples have with their lands and how this connection impacts on their unique rights to self-determination, property, and culture. Considering the analysis of these rights, indigenous peoples’ right to be consulted in a free, prior, and informed manner is assessed. This article concludes that the adverse impacts that would result from Belo Monte’s construction are evident and the State’s conduct in carrying on with the project is in violation of national and international law.
United States (US) government officials disclosed, in 2010, that Anwar Al-Aulaki, a dual US-Yemen... more United States (US) government officials disclosed, in 2010, that Anwar Al-Aulaki, a dual US-Yemeni citizen alleged to be a leader of the terrorist group Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, had been added to a list of individuals that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) were authorised to target for death. It is clear that the right to life is affected by targeted killing actions, as the objective of the practice is to kill the targeted individual. For such a practice to be lawful, it has to be considered non-arbitrary according to international standards. The two main instruments of universal scope that provide a legal protection for this right are the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The use of lethal force by a State would be legally justified by: (1) the carrying out of a lawfully imposed death penalty; (2) during an armed conflict, under international humanitarian law; and (3) if the force used was necessary, proportional and not the first option. This article examines the question of whether adding names to kill list remains legal under international human rights and humanitarian law, and if so, under what circumstances?
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Papers by Alexandre Andrade Sampaio
internacional (Brasil, Canadá, Chile, Costa Rica, México e Reino Unido) para se verificar mecanismos de transparência.
internacional (Brasil, Canadá, Chile, Costa Rica, México e Reino Unido) para se verificar mecanismos de transparência.