Abstract This paper analyses the 2019 general elections and the by-elections that followed in the... more Abstract This paper analyses the 2019 general elections and the by-elections that followed in the state of Kerala, India, to discern the changing gender dynamics that produced certain kinds of ‘desirability’ and ‘approval’ around the candidature of women politicians. By tracing the historical trajectory of women's engagement in public politics in the state, this paper attempts to identify the coordinates of evolving gender dynamics that decidedly shape women's political representation. It identifies three specific frameworks such as ‘honorary masculinity, ‘‘relaxed honorary masculinity,’ and ‘welfarist feminine altruism’ in and through which three generations of women politicians entered into public politics and carved out their niches. However, what is striking is that the framework of ‘welfarist feminine altruism’, originated at the local level during the mid-1990s in the context of decentralisation, is getting extended to the state level. It incorporated specific markers of ‘desirability’ that accommodates the current caste and religious identity politics. This has led to effectively push women politicians further towards the margins of mainstream politics. The study thus raises the question of intersectionality in women's political leadership, which is relevant to the contemporary analysis of women's political representation.
Microfinance challenges: empowerment or disempowerment of the poor?, 2005
The concepts of civil society, empowerment and community participation have become part of the li... more The concepts of civil society, empowerment and community participation have become part of the liberal discourse of non-party formations such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and the Welfare State in recent years. As a result, the State came out with many welfare policies for poverty alleviation and the decentralisation of power. NGOs, on their part started many local-level economic development programmes such as microcredit to uplift the poor, particularly women, from their economic..
... I happily remember Prof. P. Mohanan Pillai, Prof. TM Thomas Isaac and Dr. PM ... I am thankfu... more ... I happily remember Prof. P. Mohanan Pillai, Prof. TM Thomas Isaac and Dr. PM ... I am thankful to ISEC friends, Gagan, Emil, Santhosh, Poulomi, Nisha, Lija, Prasobh, Jeena, Jyothis, Amalendu, deepika, Prathibha, Tunga, Anand, sathyapriya and Mahesh for the special company. ...
Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessa... more Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessarily both partial and political. The dominant mode of 'seeing' poverty currently adopted by the Indian state is that poverty pertains to households (or individuals), and can be captured by certain indicators whose presence (belonging to a Scheduled community) or absence (such as land ownership) is amenable to social verification. This is to some degree both innovative and progressive, in that it recognises the multi-dimensional nature of poverty, and potentially democratises the process of labelling households as 'BPL' (below poverty line). It is, however, problematic in that it fails to recognise the relational nature of poverty, and also bolsters a set of poverty alleviation strategies that take 'capacity impaired households' as naturalised objects for intervention (c.f. Tilly, 2007). This paper uses evidence from two Districts in Kerala to question this current framing of poverty, and its alleviation through strategies important at the national level (the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) and within the State (Kudumbashree, Kerala's innovative anti-poverty mission, and its Ashraya programme for dealing with 'destitute' households). In doing so it draws on the perspectives of respondents traditionally seen as poor, such as landless labourers and Scheduled communities, and the 'new' poor, including farming households affected by the collapse of prices for Kerala's key cash crops. The argument put forward here is that these programmes are well-attuned to the local state's own capacities for intervention, and put in play a particular mode of poverty alleviation which is potentially open to popular scrutiny and participation. What they ignore, however, is a deeper politics of the production of poverty, in which the local state is seen as helpless in the face of 'market forces' to address underlying issues around the production of secure livelihoods.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the public long-term care (LTC) system on c... more The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the public long-term care (LTC) system on children’s consciousness of duty to look after their older parents. Since the Second World War, the role of family has been continuously reviewed in many welfare capitalist countries. In Japan, public universal coverage of pensions was established in 1961. It reduced the financial burden for each family of supporting older parents, while the role of family as caregiver was maintained strongly especially for women. Since the economic bubble burst in 1990, dual-earner households have increased. This has made it difficult for families to supply unpaid work, that is, caring for older parents informally. In response to this change in social conditions, public LTC insurance was introduced to reduce the burden for families as caregivers and to stimulate labour participation for women. However, we still find it is mainly women who are forced to leave their work due to caring for older parents wit...
Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessa... more Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessarily both partial and political. The dominant mode of 'seeing' poverty currently adopted by the Indian state is that poverty pertains to households (or individuals), and can be captured by certain indicators whose presence (belonging to a Scheduled community) or absence (such as land ownership) is amenable to social verification. This is to some degree both innovative and progressive, in that it recognises the multi-dimensional nature of poverty, and potentially democratises the process of labelling households as 'BPL' (below poverty line). It is, however, problematic in that it fails to recognise the relational nature of poverty, and also bolsters a set of poverty alleviation strategies that take 'capacity impaired households' as naturalised objects for intervention (c.f. Tilly, 2007). This paper uses evidence from two Districts in Kerala to question this current framing of poverty, and its alleviation through strategies important at the national level (the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) and within the State (Kudumbashree, Kerala's innovative anti-poverty mission, and its Ashraya programme for dealing with 'destitute' households). In doing so it draws on the perspectives of respondents traditionally seen as poor, such as landless labourers and Scheduled communities, and the 'new' poor, including farming households affected by the collapse of prices for Kerala's key cash crops. The argument put forward here is that these programmes are well-attuned to the local state's own capacities for intervention, and put in play a particular mode of poverty alleviation which is potentially open to popular scrutiny and participation. What they ignore, however, is a deeper politics of the production of poverty, in which the local state is seen as helpless in the face of 'market forces' to address underlying issues around the production of secure livelihoods.
The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have important implications for gendering governance... more The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have important implications for gendering governance in Kerala. Thus, besides the different histories mediated by caste and community, the spatial location of women leaders in local governance appears to be of central importance in shaping their agency. This article which is based on the research about women leaders in local governance in Kerala in 2005-10 explores the extent to which success in local governance allowed these women entry into politics and gave them a greater presence within the public life. Generally it is seen that successful women leaders are often the bearers of a specific form of power that has been historically associated with the deployment of sentiment and affect, and ideal femininity, and that such power is understood to be crucial to local governance as well. However, an entirely different picture emerged from this study on women leaders of urban governance. Besides gentle power, successful women attribute their ...
This briefing paper looks at state strategies for identifying and alleviating poverty in Kerala, ... more This briefing paper looks at state strategies for identifying and alleviating poverty in Kerala, and at the implementation and impact of these strategies within two Districts of the State. Kerala's approach to the management of poverty is shaped by national policy, which promotes economic self-reliance and political empowerment, and the State has shown innovation in its adaptation of these policy goals to its particular circumstances. However, at the grassroots level, the way that poverty alleviation policies have been framed and implemented has meant that current poverty interventions have failed to reach some of the poorest and most marginalised individuals and communities.
139955Kerala's poverty eradication programme, Kudumbashree, aims to enhance women's econo... more 139955Kerala's poverty eradication programme, Kudumbashree, aims to enhance women's economic development and enable women to become 'active citizens'. The programme has been largely successful in terms of the numbers of women involved, their levels of engagement with the local state, and their increased ability to save money and access subsidised credit. However this study suggests that, as a result of local political cultures and sustained patterns of social exclusion, some of the poorest and most marginalised women find it difficult to access the programme, and many of the women who are involved still lack decision-making power and autonomy.
Abstract This paper analyses the 2019 general elections and the by-elections that followed in the... more Abstract This paper analyses the 2019 general elections and the by-elections that followed in the state of Kerala, India, to discern the changing gender dynamics that produced certain kinds of ‘desirability’ and ‘approval’ around the candidature of women politicians. By tracing the historical trajectory of women's engagement in public politics in the state, this paper attempts to identify the coordinates of evolving gender dynamics that decidedly shape women's political representation. It identifies three specific frameworks such as ‘honorary masculinity, ‘‘relaxed honorary masculinity,’ and ‘welfarist feminine altruism’ in and through which three generations of women politicians entered into public politics and carved out their niches. However, what is striking is that the framework of ‘welfarist feminine altruism’, originated at the local level during the mid-1990s in the context of decentralisation, is getting extended to the state level. It incorporated specific markers of ‘desirability’ that accommodates the current caste and religious identity politics. This has led to effectively push women politicians further towards the margins of mainstream politics. The study thus raises the question of intersectionality in women's political leadership, which is relevant to the contemporary analysis of women's political representation.
Microfinance challenges: empowerment or disempowerment of the poor?, 2005
The concepts of civil society, empowerment and community participation have become part of the li... more The concepts of civil society, empowerment and community participation have become part of the liberal discourse of non-party formations such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and the Welfare State in recent years. As a result, the State came out with many welfare policies for poverty alleviation and the decentralisation of power. NGOs, on their part started many local-level economic development programmes such as microcredit to uplift the poor, particularly women, from their economic..
... I happily remember Prof. P. Mohanan Pillai, Prof. TM Thomas Isaac and Dr. PM ... I am thankfu... more ... I happily remember Prof. P. Mohanan Pillai, Prof. TM Thomas Isaac and Dr. PM ... I am thankful to ISEC friends, Gagan, Emil, Santhosh, Poulomi, Nisha, Lija, Prasobh, Jeena, Jyothis, Amalendu, deepika, Prathibha, Tunga, Anand, sathyapriya and Mahesh for the special company. ...
Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessa... more Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessarily both partial and political. The dominant mode of 'seeing' poverty currently adopted by the Indian state is that poverty pertains to households (or individuals), and can be captured by certain indicators whose presence (belonging to a Scheduled community) or absence (such as land ownership) is amenable to social verification. This is to some degree both innovative and progressive, in that it recognises the multi-dimensional nature of poverty, and potentially democratises the process of labelling households as 'BPL' (below poverty line). It is, however, problematic in that it fails to recognise the relational nature of poverty, and also bolsters a set of poverty alleviation strategies that take 'capacity impaired households' as naturalised objects for intervention (c.f. Tilly, 2007). This paper uses evidence from two Districts in Kerala to question this current framing of poverty, and its alleviation through strategies important at the national level (the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) and within the State (Kudumbashree, Kerala's innovative anti-poverty mission, and its Ashraya programme for dealing with 'destitute' households). In doing so it draws on the perspectives of respondents traditionally seen as poor, such as landless labourers and Scheduled communities, and the 'new' poor, including farming households affected by the collapse of prices for Kerala's key cash crops. The argument put forward here is that these programmes are well-attuned to the local state's own capacities for intervention, and put in play a particular mode of poverty alleviation which is potentially open to popular scrutiny and participation. What they ignore, however, is a deeper politics of the production of poverty, in which the local state is seen as helpless in the face of 'market forces' to address underlying issues around the production of secure livelihoods.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the public long-term care (LTC) system on c... more The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the public long-term care (LTC) system on children’s consciousness of duty to look after their older parents. Since the Second World War, the role of family has been continuously reviewed in many welfare capitalist countries. In Japan, public universal coverage of pensions was established in 1961. It reduced the financial burden for each family of supporting older parents, while the role of family as caregiver was maintained strongly especially for women. Since the economic bubble burst in 1990, dual-earner households have increased. This has made it difficult for families to supply unpaid work, that is, caring for older parents informally. In response to this change in social conditions, public LTC insurance was introduced to reduce the burden for families as caregivers and to stimulate labour participation for women. However, we still find it is mainly women who are forced to leave their work due to caring for older parents wit...
Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessa... more Any attempt to define poverty, or to produce policy interventions for its alleviation, is necessarily both partial and political. The dominant mode of 'seeing' poverty currently adopted by the Indian state is that poverty pertains to households (or individuals), and can be captured by certain indicators whose presence (belonging to a Scheduled community) or absence (such as land ownership) is amenable to social verification. This is to some degree both innovative and progressive, in that it recognises the multi-dimensional nature of poverty, and potentially democratises the process of labelling households as 'BPL' (below poverty line). It is, however, problematic in that it fails to recognise the relational nature of poverty, and also bolsters a set of poverty alleviation strategies that take 'capacity impaired households' as naturalised objects for intervention (c.f. Tilly, 2007). This paper uses evidence from two Districts in Kerala to question this current framing of poverty, and its alleviation through strategies important at the national level (the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) and within the State (Kudumbashree, Kerala's innovative anti-poverty mission, and its Ashraya programme for dealing with 'destitute' households). In doing so it draws on the perspectives of respondents traditionally seen as poor, such as landless labourers and Scheduled communities, and the 'new' poor, including farming households affected by the collapse of prices for Kerala's key cash crops. The argument put forward here is that these programmes are well-attuned to the local state's own capacities for intervention, and put in play a particular mode of poverty alleviation which is potentially open to popular scrutiny and participation. What they ignore, however, is a deeper politics of the production of poverty, in which the local state is seen as helpless in the face of 'market forces' to address underlying issues around the production of secure livelihoods.
The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have important implications for gendering governance... more The rapidly changing urban scenario seems to have important implications for gendering governance in Kerala. Thus, besides the different histories mediated by caste and community, the spatial location of women leaders in local governance appears to be of central importance in shaping their agency. This article which is based on the research about women leaders in local governance in Kerala in 2005-10 explores the extent to which success in local governance allowed these women entry into politics and gave them a greater presence within the public life. Generally it is seen that successful women leaders are often the bearers of a specific form of power that has been historically associated with the deployment of sentiment and affect, and ideal femininity, and that such power is understood to be crucial to local governance as well. However, an entirely different picture emerged from this study on women leaders of urban governance. Besides gentle power, successful women attribute their ...
This briefing paper looks at state strategies for identifying and alleviating poverty in Kerala, ... more This briefing paper looks at state strategies for identifying and alleviating poverty in Kerala, and at the implementation and impact of these strategies within two Districts of the State. Kerala's approach to the management of poverty is shaped by national policy, which promotes economic self-reliance and political empowerment, and the State has shown innovation in its adaptation of these policy goals to its particular circumstances. However, at the grassroots level, the way that poverty alleviation policies have been framed and implemented has meant that current poverty interventions have failed to reach some of the poorest and most marginalised individuals and communities.
139955Kerala's poverty eradication programme, Kudumbashree, aims to enhance women's econo... more 139955Kerala's poverty eradication programme, Kudumbashree, aims to enhance women's economic development and enable women to become 'active citizens'. The programme has been largely successful in terms of the numbers of women involved, their levels of engagement with the local state, and their increased ability to save money and access subsidised credit. However this study suggests that, as a result of local political cultures and sustained patterns of social exclusion, some of the poorest and most marginalised women find it difficult to access the programme, and many of the women who are involved still lack decision-making power and autonomy.
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Papers by Binitha Thampi