Papers by Yuliy Nisnevich
World Economy and International Relations, 2023
The article is devoted to the problem of the relationship between monarchy and democracy, the que... more The article is devoted to the problem of the relationship between monarchy and democracy, the question of whether the monarchical form of government is able to adapt to modern realities and how compatible it is with democracy. This problem is not well understood, and no new political theory has been developed on it since Walter Bagehot published his classic work “The English Constitution” about the British system of government in 1867. The phenomenon of the “northern kingdoms” is investigated, which lies in the fact that the kingdoms of Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden have earned advanced positions in socio-economic development and evolution of democratic institutions and are at the top of the modern states’ development ratings. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is that the leading positions of the northern monarchies in the evolvement of the political, and as a result, the socio-economic sphere are largely due to the high level of unity of the nation, in which the form of government of these states, the democratic constitutional monarchy, plays a decisive role. To confirm this research hypothesis, the work of Phillip Manow “In the Kings’ Shadow” is used. This work suggests a possible explanation of this phenomenon providing historical and political analysis of the transition of the nation’s political representation from the King to the parliament when moving from absolute monarchy to democracy. In constitutional monarchies, the monarch preserves in symbolical and representational form the concept of national cohesion and the nation’s common will removing it from the competitive field of politics, therefore, monoethnic northern kingdoms have a high level of solidarity and national unity “in the shadow of the king”. This significantly affects coherence and efficiency of the system of public authority and public institutions. Moreover, in constitutional monarchies, the Crown symbolizes and represents historical continuity, cultural and ethnic traditions and norms of behavior; representatives of monarchial dynasties can serve as more adequate role models than elected politicians.
World Economy and International Relations, 2017
We develop an informational theory of dictatorship. Dictators survive not because of their use of... more We develop an informational theory of dictatorship. Dictators survive not because of their use of force or ideology but because they convince the public-rightly or wrongly-that they are competent. Citizens do not observe the dictator's type but infer it from signals inherent in their living standards, state propaganda, and messages sent by an informed elite via independent media. If citizens conclude the dictator is incompetent, they overthrow him in a revolution. The dictator can invest in making convincing state propaganda, censoring independent media, coopting the elite, or equipping police to repress attempted uprisings-but he must finance such spending with taxes that depress the public's living standards. We show that incompetent dictators can survive as long as economic shocks are not too large. Moreover, their reputations for competence may grow over time. Censorship and co-optation of the elite are substitutes, but both are complements of propaganda. Repression of protests is a substitute for all the other techniques. In some equilibria the ruler uses propaganda and coopts the elite; in others, propaganda is combined with censorship. The multiplicity of equilibria emerges due to coordination failure among members of the elite. We show that repression is used against ordinary citizens only as a last resort when the opportunities to survive through co-optation, censorship, and propaganda are exhausted. In the equilibrium with censorship, difficult economic times prompt higher relative spending on censorship and propaganda. The results illuminate tradeoffs faced by various recent dictatorships.
World Economy and International Relations, 2012
This paper addresses the role of corruption in political processes today as well as problems of i... more This paper addresses the role of corruption in political processes today as well as problems of its measurement with Corruption Perception Index (TI) and the Control of Corruption Index (WB) as the key measures. We propose a variant of the methodological solution as concerns the problem of validation strategy in cases, where the measures under study are few and have correlated measurement errors. Our proposal is based on a combination of the correlation, principal components and regression analysis. Using the proposed methodology we find that both indices are highly consistent with one another. At the same time there are differences in consistency degree in the countries with a high and a low level of corruption. We conclude with some suggestions about usage of these indices in comparative analysis of corruption.
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Apr 1, 2017
Аннотация Рассматривается процесс экспроприации правящей номенклатурой контрольных органов парлам... more Аннотация Рассматривается процесс экспроприации правящей номенклатурой контрольных органов парламента России в пользу президента посредством политического непотизма. Экспроприация Счетной палаты была осуществлена передачей на законодательном уровне президенту исключительного права выдвигать кандидатов на должности председателя, заместителя председателя и всех аудиторов Счетной палаты с их последующим формальным утверждением палатами парламента. Институт Уполномоченного по правам человека был экспроприирован посредством безальтернативного выдвижения кандидата на эту должность президентом с последующим формальным утверждением президентского кандидата Государственной Думой. Рассмотрены федеральные законы о парламентском расследовании и парламентском контроля, которые факти-Abstract The paper discusses the expropriation by the ruling elite of the control bodies in the Russian Parliament in favor of the President by way of political nepotism. The expropriation of the Audit Chamber was conducted by assignment at the legislative level to the President of the exclusive right to suggest candidates to the positions of the Chairman, Deputy Chairman and all auditors of the Audit Chamber with their subsequent formal approval by the Houses of the Parliament. The Institute of the Ombudsman for Human Rights was expropriated by non-alternative suggestion of a candidate to this position by the President with subsequent formal approval of the President-supported candidate by the State Duma. The paper studies the federal laws related to Parliamentary investigation and Parliamentary control that, in fact, чески служат лишь для имитации контрольной функции парламента. Ключевые слова: парламент, президент, экспроприация, парламентский контроль, Счетная палата, Уполномоченный по правам человека, парламентское расследование only imitate the control function of the Parliament.
American journal of sociological research, Aug 31, 2012
The paper proposes a political and legal approach to conceptualizing modern democratic state as l... more The paper proposes a political and legal approach to conceptualizing modern democratic state as law-governed, social and secular. It defines legal, institutional, and socio-political characteristics of law-governed, social, and secular state.
Общественные науки и современность, Feb 1, 2019
Статья посвящена анализу образа постсоветской России в государствоведческих исследованиях 22 межг... more Статья посвящена анализу образа постсоветской России в государствоведческих исследованиях 22 межгосударственных и неправительственных организаций, в ходе которых определяются 30 оценочных показателей институциональных характеристик государства. Политикоуправленческие характеристики образа России говорят о том, что правящим является недемократический режим с выраженной авторитарной тенденцией, не обеспечивающей реализацию на должном уровне базовых политических и государственных порядков. Имеет место низкая эффективность управления делами государства и очень высокий уровень коррупции, что препятствует свободной экономической конкуренции и интенсивному инновационному развитию. Темпы социального развития и качество жизни российских граждан находятся на уровне ниже среднемирового, причем имеются существенные проблемы в области здравоохранения, образования и других социальных сферах. В международном аспекте постсоветская Россия при удовлетворительной экономической конкурентоспособности и достаточно высокой включенности в процесс глобализации оценивается как очень немиролюбивое государство с невысокой институциональной устойчивостью. Ключевые слова: постсоветская Россия, государствоведческие исследования, межгосударственные и неправительственные организации, институциональные характеристики.
Polis. Political Studies, Jul 25, 2013
Under consideration is the way the problem of political responsibility is treated. In due course,... more Under consideration is the way the problem of political responsibility is treated. In due course, find their definition individual subject and collective subject of the political responsibility during the stage of conquering political power and the stage of its execution. Analyzed then are essential characteristics of the political responsibility as it is proper to politicians, to elected and appointed political functionaries within political power, and to electors, as well as to parties, to political institutions of public power, and to citizens’ associations. Measures and mechanisms of compulsion to political responsibility are evaluated – such, for instance, as appointment by election and removability – according to results of elections – of political functionaries of public power and civil control of the latter’s activities.
Vestnik Rossijskogo universiteta družby narodov, Dec 15, 2016
Статья посвящена анализу влияния мотивации должностных лиц на распространение коррупционного пове... more Статья посвящена анализу влияния мотивации должностных лиц на распространение коррупционного поведения в системе публичной власти. В рамках нормативно-ценностной концептуализации коррупция рассматривается как девиантное антиантисоциальное, асоциальное и аутодеструктивное поведение. Представлена двумерная кривая мотивации, включающая два сегмента. Первый сегмент «жажды признания» составляют мотивы, имеющие просоциальный, позитивно-альтруистический характер, второй сектор «жажды наживы» -мотивы, имеющие не просоциальный, негативно-эгоистический характер. Показано, что мотивация, особенно при внешнем локусе контроля, оказывает определяющее влияние на выбор коррупционного поведения в качестве средства достижения цели как непосредственно, в частности, допуская использование принципа «цель оправдывает средства», так и опосредовано, предопределяя саму цель. Ключевые слова: коррупция, публичная власть, девиантное поведение, мотивация, локус контроля. Для анализа и оценки влияния мотивации публичных должностных лиц на состояние коррупции в сфере публичной власти целесообразно использовать социально-антропологический подход, отличительная характеристика которого состоит в стремлении понять изучаемые процессы и события с точки зрения их участников [6], в сочетании с подходами современной психологии. При использовании социально-антропологического подхода нельзя игнорировать тот факт, что «психологи, особенно те, кто имеет практику, хорошо знают, Нисневич Ю.А., Томилова Е.А. Влияние мотивации на коррупционное поведение должностных лиц... This article shows that motivation, especially with external locus of control has a decisive influence on corrupt behavior as means of the goals achievement. Particularly, it directly allows public officials to use "aim justifies the means" principle, or indirectly predetermine the very aim of their actions.
Полития, 2018
Юлий Анатольевич Нисневич -доктор политических наук, профессор департамента политической науки фа... more Юлий Анатольевич Нисневич -доктор политических наук, профессор департамента политической науки факультета социальных наук Национального исследовательского университета «Высшая школа экономики».
Vestnik Rossijskogo universiteta družby narodov, Jun 30, 2023
The article discusses the replacement of political competition with political administration in o... more The article discusses the replacement of political competition with political administration in order to maintain the power of the ruling political actors and ensure the tenure of the ruling regime under neo-authoritarian rule in a number of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The administration of all key arenas of the political sphere is implemented through special political technologies and informal practices of political corruption. A pseudo-multiparty system with a dominating ruling party is being constructed in the party-political arena. In the media arena, the most inf luential mass media are being "nationalized". In the arena of personnel, through political nepotism, adherents of the ruling regime are placed in key political and administrative positions of public power. In the electoral arena, the institution of elections is transformed into a procedure for the formation of public authorities by manipulating the voting procedures. In the legislative arena, the ruling party provides political administration of legislative and parliamentary activities in general. In the judicial arena, through the administrative regulation of the judiciary personnel, the judicial system is integrated into a single system of neo-authoritarian rule aimed at providing judicial protection for the ruling regime from the discontent of the citizens and using courts for political purposes. To demonstrate the appearance of democratic legitimacy, all neo-authoritarian regimes imitate the work of the basic institutions of democracy.
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia
The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the factor of political Islam in the mo... more The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the factor of political Islam in the modern conditions. In order to reveal such influence, the author examines the situation in 45 UN member stat es, where more than 50% of the population adheres to Islam, tentatively subdividing these states into Islamic, quasi-Islamic and secular. His analysis shows that the influence of the factor of political Islam in the field of politics of the Muslim world, and, consequently, in the global political space, is limited. The direct impact of political Islam on political processes is visible only in 12 Islamic states with stable political regimes and secular Turkey. In all these states, except for theocratic Islamic dictatorships Afghanistan and Iran, as well as Qatar, the authorities severely suppress any manifestations of radical political Islam. The interreligious Sunni-Shia conflict exerts a significant impact on the political situation in a number of Islamic states. In 20 quasi-Islami...
The Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia
The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the factor of political Islam in the mo... more The article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the factor of political Islam in the modern conditions. In order to reveal such influence, the author examines the situation in 45 UN member stat es, where more than 50% of the population adheres to Islam, tentatively subdividing these states into Islamic, quasi-Islamic and secular. His analysis shows that the influence of the factor of political Islam in the field of politics of the Muslim world, and, consequently, in the global political space, is limited. The direct impact of political Islam on political processes is visible only in 12 Islamic states with stable political regimes and secular Turkey. In all these states, except for theocratic Islamic dictatorships Afghanistan and Iran, as well as Qatar, the authorities severely suppress any manifestations of radical political Islam. The interreligious Sunni-Shia conflict exerts a significant impact on the political situation in a number of Islamic states. In 20 quasi-Islami...
World Economy and International Relations
The democratic trend in the Muslim world is very difficult and contradictory. Its particularities... more The democratic trend in the Muslim world is very difficult and contradictory. Its particularities need to be correctly studied what gives an opportunity to present suggestions about perspectives of democracy in Muslim states and societies. The Muslim world itself is composed of 47 states in which the majority consists of muslims added to them some other where the Muslim minority often possess a significant influence. Only several Muslim states could be classified as secular – among them Turkey, all states in Central Asia and some others. In the majority of those countries Islam isn’t accepted as source of law, clergymen don’t participate in taking key political decisions, but local administrations including of a high level evidently emphasize that their decisions are corresponding with the Islamic tradition. As far as Muslim monarchies, especially in the Persian Gulf, they carry out their politics according with religious norms but at the same time avoiding radicalization. They are ...
World Economy and International Relations
The democratic trend in the Muslim world is very difficult and contradictory. Its particularities... more The democratic trend in the Muslim world is very difficult and contradictory. Its particularities need to be correctly studied what gives an opportunity to present suggestions about perspectives of democracy in Muslim states and societies. The Muslim world itself is composed of 47 states in which the majority consists of muslims added to them some other where the Muslim minority often possess a significant influence. Only several Muslim states could be classified as secular – among them Turkey, all states in Central Asia and some others. In the majority of those countries Islam isn’t accepted as source of law, clergymen don’t participate in taking key political decisions, but local administrations including of a high level evidently emphasize that their decisions are corresponding with the Islamic tradition. As far as Muslim monarchies, especially in the Persian Gulf, they carry out their politics according with religious norms but at the same time avoiding radicalization. They are ...
Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, Apr 19, 2018
Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, Apr 19, 2018
RUDN Journal of Political Science, 2021
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders... more After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events s...
RUDN Journal of Political Science, 2021
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders... more After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events s...
Post-Soviet Issues, 2021
The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of t... more The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. The political context of these elections is assessed as a confrontation between the “party in power” and the anti-reform opposition. To counteract the opposition, the “party in power” created its own political structure to participate in the elections — the movement “Our Home-Russia” (NDR), headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. An analysis of the process of creating the PDR movement, which took place under the auspices of the Presidential Administration, confirms the use of the administrative resource of the presidential and executive powers in this process. The creation of the NDR movement led to the erosion of the reformist-democratic wing. The weakening of this flank was also facilitated by the fact that the political organizations forming it could not unite. Two leading political organizations with a reformist-democratic orient...
Post-Soviet Issues, 2021
The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of t... more The article is devoted to the political and historical analysis of the elections of deputies of the State Duma of the second convocation in 1995. The political context of these elections is assessed as a confrontation between the “party in power” and the anti-reform opposition. To counteract the opposition, the “party in power” created its own political structure to participate in the elections — the movement “Our Home-Russia” (NDR), headed by Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. An analysis of the process of creating the PDR movement, which took place under the auspices of the Presidential Administration, confirms the use of the administrative resource of the presidential and executive powers in this process. The creation of the NDR movement led to the erosion of the reformist-democratic wing. The weakening of this flank was also facilitated by the fact that the political organizations forming it could not unite. Two leading political organizations with a reformist-democratic orient...
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Papers by Yuliy Nisnevich