Papers by Jón Símon Markússon
![Research paper thumbnail of Um hugrænar forsendur fyrir útvíkkun beygingarvíxla: Vitnisburður færeyskra kvenkynsnafnorða með ar-fleirtölu [On the cognitive prerequisites for inflection:
The testimony of Faroese feminine nouns in plural -ar]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/109262883/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Ritið, 2023
This article examines the reanalysis of Faroese feminine forms in pl. -ar as masculine, e.g. fem.... more This article examines the reanalysis of Faroese feminine forms in pl. -ar as masculine, e.g. fem. et. fjøður ‘feather’ ~ pl. fjaðrar ~ pl.def. fjaðrarnar/occasionally masc.nom.pl.def. fjaðrarnir, øksl ‘shoulder’ ~ akslar ~ akslarnar/akslarnir. The aim of the article is to elucidate the domain-general cognitive factors that underly the process through reference to the dispersion of pl. -ar, which is high among masculines. I argue that pl. -ar is highly associated with masculine nouns on account of its dispersion, a position supported by previous research on language change in Old West Nordic and by the adaptation of borrowings to the Faroese inflectional system. The demonstrable impact of dispersion is argued to support a usage-based cognitive approach to language change, which assumes rich memory for language, meaning that prior linguistic experience is both stored and accessible for use. This approach is in direct conflict with dual-processing models, the proponents of which claim highly constrained memory for language and view so-called default inflectional patterns as derived from a single lexical form by symbolic rules. Conversely, non-default patterns are extended by analogy. From the dual-processing perspective, Faroese masculine nouns in pl. -ar can be considered representative of inflection by such means. However, it is demonstrated that reanalysis of feminine forms in pl. -ar as masculine is motivated by alternation of the kind fuglur ‘bird’, cf. pl. fuglar ~ nom.pl.def. fuglarnir, which is the most common pattern of inflection for Faroese masculine. Therefore, information pertaining to these factors must be stored in memory and based on prior experience with language. The productivity of so-called default patterns is shown to proceed as a function of analogy and to be substantively no different from the process that extends supposedly non-default patterns. Differences in productivity are ascribed to non-linguistic factors such as dispersion, type frequency, and the degree of phonetic dissimilarity that the members of an inflection class exhibit to one another.
Keywords: analogical reasoning, Faroese, frequency, gender, inflection, language use, reanalysis.
![Research paper thumbnail of Um áhrif tíðni á stefnu útjöfnunar: Rannsókn á beygingarþróun færeysku nafnorðanna vøllur og fjørður [On frequency as the determinant of levelling: Tracing inflectional changes in the nouns vøllur and fjørður through Faroese language history]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/101613481/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Íslenskt mál og almenn málfræði, 2022
The intricate vowel alternations exhibited by Old West-Nordic u-stems have mostly been levelled i... more The intricate vowel alternations exhibited by Old West-Nordic u-stems have mostly been levelled in Faroese, as evident from the development of Far. vøllur. However, Far. fjørður has both retained its old stem alternants and extended them within the paradigm, cf. e.g. innovative dat.sg. fjørði and dat.pl. firðum. Typically, basic forms for levelling are identi- fied on either of two theoretical premises: one places prominence on the effects of so- called markedness, while the other posits the impact of frequency on memory as the deter- mining factor. Faroese corpus data demonstrates that basic forms for levelling in the para- digms of Far. vøllur and fjørður, both of which refer to topographical entities and occur as complex place names, are established on the basis of frequency and not common seman- tics. It is concluded that the lack of any significant frequency disparity between distinct forms of vøllur facilitated levelling in favour of (nom./acc.sg., dat.pl.) vøll- to the whole paradigm. Conversely, the high token frequency of dat.sg. firði triggered spread of the stem alternant firð- to the dative plural through the context [í/á/úr + dat.]. Subsequently, association of firð- with the plural, cf. nom./acc.pl. firðir, motivated an attempt to align the meaning singular with the form fjørð-.
NOWELE, 2022
This article examines the limited productivity of a minimally schematic Icelandic microclass, ori... more This article examines the limited productivity of a minimally schematic Icelandic microclass, originally containing bók 'book' , bót 'patch' , brók 'trousers' , nót 'fishing net' , and rót 'root' only. Productivity is betrayed by the addition of feminine blók 'nonentity' and forms of neuter kók 'Coke™'. While plural nominative/accusative blaekur and kaekur speak to the productivity of the microclass specifically, doublet forms in both paradigms follow multiple inflection classes. Some are of the opinion that plural kaekur belies real language use, as it is only used for humorous effect. The current paper applies a usage-based cognitive analysis to the relevant data with two objectives. First, to account for graded membership in the microclass as a function of limited productivity. Secondly, to demonstrate that innovative kaekur and blaekur are deduced by identical means. It is concluded that productivity is a property of language use, which is posited as a function of analogy. 1. One such opinion has been worded as follows: "Ég hef reyndar aldrei trúað því að víxlin kók-kaekur vaeru daemi um raunverulega málnotkun-held að þetta hafi verið búið til í gríni. " ('I have actually never believed that the alternation kók-kaekur is an example of real language Graded membership of an Icelandic microclass
Nordic Journal of Linguistics, 2023
This paper presents a usage-based cognitive approach to the different rates at which Icelandic ma... more This paper presents a usage-based cognitive approach to the different rates at which Icelandic masculine forms in nominative/accusative plural-ur are reanalysed as feminine. Of the 14.92% of nouns in plural-ur, 91.89% are feminine, others masculine. Syncretism in nominative/accusative plural is exceptionless among feminines, but relatively rare among masculines. Interestingly, plurals such as masculine eigendur 'owners', faetur 'feet', vetur 'winters' occasionally yield the feminine outputs definite eigendur-nar, faetur-nar, vetur-nar, and are sometimes modified by feminine forms of adjectives and determiners. As the full set of forms in plural-ur is highly schematic, we might expect reanalysisviewed as a property of a schema's productivityto correlate proportionately with the frequency of corresponding masculine forms. However, corpus data for Icelandic betray a mismatch. Through a network model approach that emphasises prototype structure, minimal schematicity is shown to impact the rate of reanalysis by means of a gang effect.
Shima , 2021
This critical report-cum-position statement summarises several workshops and conference panels re... more This critical report-cum-position statement summarises several workshops and conference panels recently held in three Nordic countries-Denmark, Iceland, and the Faroe Islands-based in developing the concept of island languages. It puts forward the epistemology and ontology of these sessions. The role these gatherings are playing in encouraging a more linguistically mandated direction within island studies and the study of island languages, especially in the Nordic countries and Europe, is summarised.
Möggubrár (ritstj. Katrín Axelsdóttir, Veturliði Óskarsson, Þorsteinn G. Indriðason, 2021
Acta Linguistica Hafniensia International Journal of Linguistics, 2020
Islands as specific research sites in their own right have been given little direct attention by ... more Islands as specific research sites in their own right have been given little direct attention by linguists. The physical segregation, distinctness, and isolation of islands from mainland and continental environments may provide scholars of language with distinct and robust sets of singular and combined case studies for examining the role of islandness in any appreciation of language. Whether distinct and particular sociolinguistic and typological phenomena can be attributable to islands and their islandness and vice versa remains unexplored. This position article considers the possibility of there being anything particular and peculiar about languages spoken on islands as compared to languages spoken on mainlands and continents. It arose out of a workshop titled ‘Exploring island languages’ held at Aarhus University, Denmark on 30 April 2018. The main question posed was: Is there anything special socially, linguistically, grammatically, and typologically about the languages of islands? If so, is it possible to talk about such a thing as an island language?
Acta linguistica Hafniensia, 2019
Islands as distinct research sites have been given little specific attention by linguists. The ph... more Islands as distinct research sites have been given little specific attention by linguists. The physical segregation, distinctness, and isolation of islands from continental environments may provide scholars of language with distinct and robust sets of singular and combined case studies for examining the role of islandness in any appreciation of language. Is there anything distinct about languages spoken on islands and island languages as compared to languages spoken on mainlands and continents? This position article is the result of a round table workshop where this question was discussed by the authors at Aarhus Institute of Advanced Studies, Aarhus University, Denmark on 30 April 2018. There is a great diversity of islands, locations, geographies, and linguistic mixing around the world. This variety was demonstrated and represented by the 11 presenters. There were three rounds of presentations aimed to answer the question: Is there anything special about the languages of islands? And if so, can we talk about such thing as an island language? This research is offered as an invitation to scholars working on languages spoken on islands and to stimulate research on linguistic aspects relevant to island studies to advance this thinking.
![Research paper thumbnail of Samband veiklunar og hljóðanvæðingar: Vitnisburður u-hljóðvarpsvíxla í frum- og vesturnorrænni málsögu
[On the relationship between weakening and phonemicisation: The testimony of u-umlaut alternations in Proto- and West-Nordic language history]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57063988/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Bók Jógvan, 2017
A widely-accepted theory seeking to account for the phonemicisation of allophones suggests that t... more A widely-accepted theory seeking to account for the phonemicisation of allophones suggests that the process culminates with phonetic reduction of conditioning environements. This theory has its roots in structuralism and appears logical at first glance: overt loss of conditioning factors certainly implies that the quality of an allophone no longer depends on its phonetic environment. However, with reference to Insular Nordic a~ǫ (> Far. a~ø, Ice. a~ö) alternation, a result of Proto Nordic u-umlaut, it is demonstrated that the implicit relationship between the triggering environment of allophonic variation and the status of resulting allophones is not as intrinsically codependent as previously assumed. The development of unstressed PNc. */u/, as witnessed in the Eggja forms nAkdan 'naked' and Alu 'magic' (c. 700 CE), suggests PNc. *ǫ had aquired phonemic status before the reduction of the umlaut-triggering environment in PNc. *nǫkuđanō (> nAkdan). Subsequently, it is argued that INc. a~ǫ alternation has always been morphologically motivated, this perspective being supported by historical developments in the respective stressed and unstressed vocalic systems of Faroese and Icelandic.
![Research paper thumbnail of Eðli u-hljóðvarpsvíxla í íslenskri málsögu [On the nature of u-umlaut alternations in Icelandic language history]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/67328892/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Hugvísindastofnun, 2012
This thesis accounts for the nature of historical u-umlaut from the Proto-Nordic period to Modern... more This thesis accounts for the nature of historical u-umlaut from the Proto-Nordic period to Modern Icelandic, within the wider Insular Nordic, i.e., Icelandic and Faroese, context. Generative linguists have argued for u-umlaut as synchronically active, positing an on-line process of derivation via which ordered symbolic rules are applied to a supposed underlying form containing /a/, ultimately yielding a surface form in [œ(:)], cf., e.g., underlying Dpl. #barnum# > #börnum#, Ice. börnum 'children'. To account for instances of surface [œ(:)] where no unstressed /u/ follows, the same linguists posit an active morphophonological rule, which, for example, serves to differentiate related forms in terms of meaning and/or syntactic function, cf., e.g., NAsg. barn 'child' ~ NApl. börn. However, the historical analysis presented here demonstrates that derivation of surface [ö(:)] from "underlying" /a/ would have been a phonologically unnatural process for centuries, while the conditioning environment, the back vowel unstressed /u/, would have some how had to have front underlying /a/ in order to derive front [œ(:]]. The other solution is to assume that u-umlaut was inactive for centuries and suddenly reactivated again with the fronting of unstressed /u/. Both positions, it is argued, are untenable. Thus, the conclusions drawn assume that alternation stemming from Proto-Nordic u-umlaut was already morphologically conditioned before the time of the earliest Icelandic written texts, with this position being supported by Runic evidence. In other words, while paradigmatically-conditioned a~ö-alternation is well and truly alive in Modern Icelandic, the process that rounded /a/ to [œ] has been inactive for over a millennium.
![Research paper thumbnail of Um hljóðkerfislegan breytileika í færeysku: lítil forrannsókn [On phonological variation in Faroese: A brief study]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/57089248/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Frændafundur, 2012
This article reports on a pilot study of phonological variation in Faroese. The methodo- logy is ... more This article reports on a pilot study of phonological variation in Faroese. The methodo- logy is similar to that applied in previous work on Icelandic (Höskuldur Thráinsson & Kristján Árnason 1992, Kristján Árnason & Höskuldur Thráinsson 2003). Using a num- ber of phonological variables, partly corresponding to traditionally observed dialectal differences and partly based on newly observed variation (cf. Kristján Árnason 2011), a survey was carried out in an interview with 25 speakers from five locations within the Faroes (Tórshavn, Fuglafjørður, Klaksvík, Sandur and Tvøroyri). The recorded inter- views included a reading task and an informal interview on the linguistic situation in the Faroes, pertaining to the variables under observation. The experience from this study tells us that in spite of the fact that the history and present day conditions are fundamen- tally different; the methodology used in Iceland can be applied in the Faroes, plotting phonological variables against external ones such as location, age and sex. The results correlate well with previous reports on phonological variation. Additionally, some observations are submitted on phenomena, which had not been clearly identified in earlier works on Faroese phonology, e.g. the raising of vowels in hiatus in words like fáa and dagar.
Conference Presentations by Jón Símon Markússon
GLAC, 2024
This paper seeks to determine both the basic forms for levelling within the paradigms of Far. vøl... more This paper seeks to determine both the basic forms for levelling within the paradigms of Far. vøllur ‘field, grassy ledge on a rock face, (sports) pitch, airport’ and fjørður ‘fjord, inlet/bay, sound/strait’, as well as offering a chronology of change despite a pronounced lack of written sources for Faroese language history until c. 1800 (Gunnlaugsson 2000). Both nouns descend from Old West-Nordic u-stems, which exhibited intricate patterns of vowel alternation within the paradigm, cf. OWN nom.sg. vǫllr ~ dat.sg. velli ~ gen.sg. vallar, fjǫrðr ~ firði ~ fjarðar. In Faroese, the relevant alternations have been levelled in almost all instances, as exemplified by the paradigm of vøllur, where the stem variant vøll- (OWN ǫ > Far. ø by regular sound change) now occurs in every cell of the paradigm. Conversely, Far. fjørður has not only retained its old stem alternants, but all of these have been extended within the paradigm, e.g. innovative dat.sg. fjørði, beside older firði, dat.pl. firðum, beside older fjørðum, nom./acc.pl. fjarðir, beside older firðir (Markússon 2022). Typically, basic forms for levelling are identified on either of two theoretical premises. One places prominence on the effects of so-called markedness, the determinants of which are viewed as mainly semantic (e.g. Greenberg 1966; Mańczak 1958). The other is characterised by the usage-based cognitive approach, which considers frequency of use and its impact on the strength of memory representations for linguistic structures to be the determining factor: The more frequently a given structure occurs, the stronger it is represented in memory and the more easily it can be accessed and subsequently retrieved for use (e.g. Bybee 2015; also Tiersma 1982). Crucially, both Far. vøllur and fjørður refer to topographical entities, as well as occurring in complex place names. Thus, according to the aproach from markedness, we might expect both paradigms to exhibit similar paths of levelling, given the common sphere of usage. However, the vastly different developments discussed refute the theoretical viability of recouse to markedness. Rather, through analysis of Faroese corpus data in comparison with data for Old Icelandic, I demonstrate that the basic forms in both paradigms are established on the basis of frequency. Thus, a lack of any significant frequency disparity between distinct forms of vøllur facilitated levelling in favour of the stem variant vøll- to the whole paradigm, while the high token frequency of dat.sg. firði triggered spread of the stem alternant firð- to the dative plural through the context í/á/úr ‘in, from’ + dative. Subsequently, association of firð- with the plural, cf. nom./acc.pl. firðir, motivated an attempt to align the meaning singular with the form fjørð- (following Bybee 1985, 2015).
Bibliography
Bybee, Joan. 1985. Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bybee, Joan. 2015. Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Greenberg, Joseph. 1966. Language universals: with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton.
Gunnlaugsson, Guðvarður Már. 2000. Færeyskar málheimildir. In Magnús Snædal and Turið Sigurðardóttir (eds.): Frændafundur 3, pp. 91–105. Reykjavík: Háskólaútgáfan.
Mańczak, Witold. 1958. Tendances générales des changements analogiques. Lingua 7:298–325, 387–420.
Markússon, Jón Símon. 2022. Um áhrif tíðni á stefnu útjöfnunar: Rannsókn á beygingarþróun færeysku nafnorðanna vøllur og fjørður. Íslensk mál og almenn málfræði 44:53–86. Tiersma, Peter. 1982. Local and general markedness. Language 58: 832–849.
Georgian-American University, Tbilisi, 2023
Outline of the lecture:
1. The Faroe Islands: Geography, population, and terrain
2. Subsistence... more Outline of the lecture:
1. The Faroe Islands: Geography, population, and terrain
2. Subsistence on the Faroe Islands (isolation, whaling)
3. Faroe Islands within Denmark (colony > autonomy > (?) independence)
4. The language situation (Faroese at home, Danish in the street)
5. Ballads and national identity
Aims of the lecture:
1. To provide an overview of Faroese culture and history via reference to the
language situation in the Faroe Islands
2. To demonstrate the tenacity of Faroese national identity despite:
– Colonial history
– Historical scarcity of population (and native speakers of Faroese)
– Harsh environmental/living conditions
To demonstrate that isolation has facilitated Faroese identity as manifested by:
– Cultural integrity
– Language use
![Research paper thumbnail of Um beygingarþróun færeysku nafnorðanna vøllur og fjørður [On the inflectional development of the Faroese nouns vøllur and fjørður]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/92921015/thumbnails/1.jpg)
5. Ólafsþing, 2022
Í færeysku hafa fjölskrúðug stofnsérhljóðavíxl gamalla u-stofna verið jöfnuð út að mestu leyti, s... more Í færeysku hafa fjölskrúðug stofnsérhljóðavíxl gamalla u-stofna verið jöfnuð út að mestu leyti, sbr. t.d. nf.et. vøllur ~ þf.et. vøll ~ þgf.et. vølli ~ nf./þf.ft. vøllir ~ þgf.ft. vøllum. Þó stingur beyging fær. fjørður í stúf við þessa þróun, en gömlu víxlin hafa haldist auk þess sem minnst tvær nýjar myndir hafa bæst við beygingardæmið, sbr. þgf.et. fjørði, þgf.ft. firðum o.fl. Ein nálgun á útjöfnun gerir ráð fyrir að tíðni ein ráði ferðinni. Merkingarfræðilegur snertiflötur orðanna vøllur og fjørður gerir því samanburð á ólíkri stefnu útjöfnunar tilvalinn, enda vísa fær. vøllur og fjørður hvort til sinnar tegundar af landslagi. Niðurstöður tíðnirannsóknar benda til þess að við beygingarþróun fær. vøllur hafi stofnmyndin nf./þf.et./þgf.ft. vøll– sótt á vegna skorts á afgerandi tíðnimismun milli aðgreindra mynda orðsins. Aftur á móti virðist há staktíðni þgf.et. firði hafa stuðlað að tilurð þgf.ft. firðum við beygingarþróun fær. fjørður vegna tíðrar notkunar stofnmyndarinnar firð– í setningafræðilega samhenginu [í/á/úr FJØRÐURþgf.]. Nú er yngri þgf.ft. firðum langtum tíðari en eldri fjørðum og því innihalda sjálfgefnar myndir fleirtölunnar stofnmyndina firð-, sbr. nf./þf.ft. firðir, þgf.ft. firðum. Færð verða rök fyrir því að eftir tilurð yngri þgf.ft. firðum hafi myndast tengsl milli formsins firð– og merkingarinnar fleirtölu sem varð svo hvatinn að tilraun til að greina að eintölu og fleirtölu með formlegum hætti: et. fjørð– gegn ft. firð‑. Þó hefur yngri þgf.et. fjørði aldrei náð verulegri fótfestu í færeysku sökum samkeppni við eldri þgf.et. firði sem hefur alltaf verið rótfastari vegna hárrar tíðni.
Representing the Faroe Islands in the Workshop on Islands Languages, Aarhus University, April 2018
Presented in the session 'Analogy' at GLAC (Germanic Linguistics Annual Conference) 2018, 2018
Through a usage-based framework it is possible to account for the effects of language
use on lan... more Through a usage-based framework it is possible to account for the effects of language
use on language acquisition, on differing degrees of entrenchment of linguistic
patterns, as well as repeated use as the mechanism of language change. Usage-based
approaches do not assume economy constraints on the contents of the lexicon. Rather,
the processes that underlie language use are propelled by domain-general cognitive
operations such as categorisation and analogy. Accordingly, memory for exemplars
of linguistic experience should be rich, affected by factors such as
frequency of use, and subject to processes of schematisation as instances of repeated
use are categorised with similar exemplars.
Inflectional forms of the same word are related in memory within networks of
association on the basis of shared phonological and sematic features. The Faroese
“default” pattern for masculine nouns, cf. nom.sg. hestur ‘horse’ ~ nom./acc.pl.
hestar ~ nom.pl.def. hestarnir, is well entrenched and extended on analogy with prior
instances of its application. The pattern is gradually reinforced as more items conform
to it, cf. Far. nom.sg. bátur ‘boat’ ~ nom./acc.pl. bátar ~ nom.pl.def. bátarnir,
facilitating the categorisation of new items into the same network of association, cf.
nom.sg. iPaddur ‘iPad’ ~ nom./acc.pl. iPaddar ~ nom.pl.def. iPaddarnir. The
process of categorisation subsequently yields schemas that abstract over shared
morphophonological features characteristic for the category, cf. nom.sg. Xur ~
nom./acc.pl. Xar ~ nom.pl.def. Xarnir.
The high type frequency of the schematic relationship delineated above, plus the
open nature of the schema (‘X’ = stem can have any shape), motivates reanalysis of
original feminines in nom./acc.pl. -ar, such as Far. nom./acc.pl. akslar ‘shoulders’, as
masculine. Reanalysis then facilitates the extension of the plural pattern to original
feminines, cf. nom./acc.pl. akslar ~ nom.pl.def. akslarnir (instead of older akslarnar).
Further, the fact that nom.sg. akslar alternates with obviously feminine singulars, cf.
øksl and vørr, confirms that the reanalysis stems from direct access to schemas for
plural forms, making an appeal to derivation from a lexical form – supposedly
corresponding to the nom.sg. – implausible. On this basis, the spread of the default pattern will be shown to proceed along the same lines as non-default patterns.
Talks by Jón Símon Markússon
University of Iceland, 2019
I organised the conference 'Islands of Cognition', to which I invited speakers from Aarhus Univer... more I organised the conference 'Islands of Cognition', to which I invited speakers from Aarhus University, the University of Greenland and the University of Iceland to share perspectives on linguistic diversity and human cognition.
Website: www.islandsofcognition.com
Thesis Chapters by Jón Símon Markússon
University of Icelandic School of Humanities, 2024
Íslensku-og menningardeild Háskóla Íslands hefur metið ritgerð þessa haefa til varnar við doktors... more Íslensku-og menningardeild Háskóla Íslands hefur metið ritgerð þessa haefa til varnar við doktorspróf í íslenskri málfraeði Reykjavík, 22. maí 2024 Gauti Kristmannsson deildarforseti The Faculty of Icelandic and Comparative Cultural Studies at the University of Iceland has declared this dissertation eligible for defence leading to a Ph.D. degree in Icelandic Linguistics
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Papers by Jón Símon Markússon
Keywords: analogical reasoning, Faroese, frequency, gender, inflection, language use, reanalysis.
Conference Presentations by Jón Símon Markússon
Bibliography
Bybee, Joan. 1985. Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bybee, Joan. 2015. Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Greenberg, Joseph. 1966. Language universals: with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton.
Gunnlaugsson, Guðvarður Már. 2000. Færeyskar málheimildir. In Magnús Snædal and Turið Sigurðardóttir (eds.): Frændafundur 3, pp. 91–105. Reykjavík: Háskólaútgáfan.
Mańczak, Witold. 1958. Tendances générales des changements analogiques. Lingua 7:298–325, 387–420.
Markússon, Jón Símon. 2022. Um áhrif tíðni á stefnu útjöfnunar: Rannsókn á beygingarþróun færeysku nafnorðanna vøllur og fjørður. Íslensk mál og almenn málfræði 44:53–86. Tiersma, Peter. 1982. Local and general markedness. Language 58: 832–849.
1. The Faroe Islands: Geography, population, and terrain
2. Subsistence on the Faroe Islands (isolation, whaling)
3. Faroe Islands within Denmark (colony > autonomy > (?) independence)
4. The language situation (Faroese at home, Danish in the street)
5. Ballads and national identity
Aims of the lecture:
1. To provide an overview of Faroese culture and history via reference to the
language situation in the Faroe Islands
2. To demonstrate the tenacity of Faroese national identity despite:
– Colonial history
– Historical scarcity of population (and native speakers of Faroese)
– Harsh environmental/living conditions
To demonstrate that isolation has facilitated Faroese identity as manifested by:
– Cultural integrity
– Language use
use on language acquisition, on differing degrees of entrenchment of linguistic
patterns, as well as repeated use as the mechanism of language change. Usage-based
approaches do not assume economy constraints on the contents of the lexicon. Rather,
the processes that underlie language use are propelled by domain-general cognitive
operations such as categorisation and analogy. Accordingly, memory for exemplars
of linguistic experience should be rich, affected by factors such as
frequency of use, and subject to processes of schematisation as instances of repeated
use are categorised with similar exemplars.
Inflectional forms of the same word are related in memory within networks of
association on the basis of shared phonological and sematic features. The Faroese
“default” pattern for masculine nouns, cf. nom.sg. hestur ‘horse’ ~ nom./acc.pl.
hestar ~ nom.pl.def. hestarnir, is well entrenched and extended on analogy with prior
instances of its application. The pattern is gradually reinforced as more items conform
to it, cf. Far. nom.sg. bátur ‘boat’ ~ nom./acc.pl. bátar ~ nom.pl.def. bátarnir,
facilitating the categorisation of new items into the same network of association, cf.
nom.sg. iPaddur ‘iPad’ ~ nom./acc.pl. iPaddar ~ nom.pl.def. iPaddarnir. The
process of categorisation subsequently yields schemas that abstract over shared
morphophonological features characteristic for the category, cf. nom.sg. Xur ~
nom./acc.pl. Xar ~ nom.pl.def. Xarnir.
The high type frequency of the schematic relationship delineated above, plus the
open nature of the schema (‘X’ = stem can have any shape), motivates reanalysis of
original feminines in nom./acc.pl. -ar, such as Far. nom./acc.pl. akslar ‘shoulders’, as
masculine. Reanalysis then facilitates the extension of the plural pattern to original
feminines, cf. nom./acc.pl. akslar ~ nom.pl.def. akslarnir (instead of older akslarnar).
Further, the fact that nom.sg. akslar alternates with obviously feminine singulars, cf.
øksl and vørr, confirms that the reanalysis stems from direct access to schemas for
plural forms, making an appeal to derivation from a lexical form – supposedly
corresponding to the nom.sg. – implausible. On this basis, the spread of the default pattern will be shown to proceed along the same lines as non-default patterns.
Talks by Jón Símon Markússon
Website: www.islandsofcognition.com
Thesis Chapters by Jón Símon Markússon
Keywords: analogical reasoning, Faroese, frequency, gender, inflection, language use, reanalysis.
Bibliography
Bybee, Joan. 1985. Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bybee, Joan. 2015. Language Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Greenberg, Joseph. 1966. Language universals: with special reference to feature hierarchies. The Hague: Mouton.
Gunnlaugsson, Guðvarður Már. 2000. Færeyskar málheimildir. In Magnús Snædal and Turið Sigurðardóttir (eds.): Frændafundur 3, pp. 91–105. Reykjavík: Háskólaútgáfan.
Mańczak, Witold. 1958. Tendances générales des changements analogiques. Lingua 7:298–325, 387–420.
Markússon, Jón Símon. 2022. Um áhrif tíðni á stefnu útjöfnunar: Rannsókn á beygingarþróun færeysku nafnorðanna vøllur og fjørður. Íslensk mál og almenn málfræði 44:53–86. Tiersma, Peter. 1982. Local and general markedness. Language 58: 832–849.
1. The Faroe Islands: Geography, population, and terrain
2. Subsistence on the Faroe Islands (isolation, whaling)
3. Faroe Islands within Denmark (colony > autonomy > (?) independence)
4. The language situation (Faroese at home, Danish in the street)
5. Ballads and national identity
Aims of the lecture:
1. To provide an overview of Faroese culture and history via reference to the
language situation in the Faroe Islands
2. To demonstrate the tenacity of Faroese national identity despite:
– Colonial history
– Historical scarcity of population (and native speakers of Faroese)
– Harsh environmental/living conditions
To demonstrate that isolation has facilitated Faroese identity as manifested by:
– Cultural integrity
– Language use
use on language acquisition, on differing degrees of entrenchment of linguistic
patterns, as well as repeated use as the mechanism of language change. Usage-based
approaches do not assume economy constraints on the contents of the lexicon. Rather,
the processes that underlie language use are propelled by domain-general cognitive
operations such as categorisation and analogy. Accordingly, memory for exemplars
of linguistic experience should be rich, affected by factors such as
frequency of use, and subject to processes of schematisation as instances of repeated
use are categorised with similar exemplars.
Inflectional forms of the same word are related in memory within networks of
association on the basis of shared phonological and sematic features. The Faroese
“default” pattern for masculine nouns, cf. nom.sg. hestur ‘horse’ ~ nom./acc.pl.
hestar ~ nom.pl.def. hestarnir, is well entrenched and extended on analogy with prior
instances of its application. The pattern is gradually reinforced as more items conform
to it, cf. Far. nom.sg. bátur ‘boat’ ~ nom./acc.pl. bátar ~ nom.pl.def. bátarnir,
facilitating the categorisation of new items into the same network of association, cf.
nom.sg. iPaddur ‘iPad’ ~ nom./acc.pl. iPaddar ~ nom.pl.def. iPaddarnir. The
process of categorisation subsequently yields schemas that abstract over shared
morphophonological features characteristic for the category, cf. nom.sg. Xur ~
nom./acc.pl. Xar ~ nom.pl.def. Xarnir.
The high type frequency of the schematic relationship delineated above, plus the
open nature of the schema (‘X’ = stem can have any shape), motivates reanalysis of
original feminines in nom./acc.pl. -ar, such as Far. nom./acc.pl. akslar ‘shoulders’, as
masculine. Reanalysis then facilitates the extension of the plural pattern to original
feminines, cf. nom./acc.pl. akslar ~ nom.pl.def. akslarnir (instead of older akslarnar).
Further, the fact that nom.sg. akslar alternates with obviously feminine singulars, cf.
øksl and vørr, confirms that the reanalysis stems from direct access to schemas for
plural forms, making an appeal to derivation from a lexical form – supposedly
corresponding to the nom.sg. – implausible. On this basis, the spread of the default pattern will be shown to proceed along the same lines as non-default patterns.
Website: www.islandsofcognition.com