The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories.... more The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories. Of particular concern in this literature has been the resilience of Eurocentrism despite conscious efforts to move towards a post-Eurocentric understanding of world politics. This study argues that while existing works have highlighted many of the reasons why Eurocentrism persists today, it has not been sufficiently identified and conceptualised. In particular, why some policy actors, who have a vested interest in moving beyond Eurocentrism, inadvertently reproduce Eurocentrism? This article proposes to distinguish between different types of inadvertent reproductions. In particular it highlights rhetorical critique, deconstruction, decentring and dehierarchising, as different ways to critique, inadvertently reproduce and partially modify Eurocentrism. To illustrate this situation, this article looks at Turkey's migration policies and documents how Turkish governing elites have openl...
Les Etudes du CERI-n° 225-Bayram Balci et Juliette Tolay-décembre 2016 2 Alors que la question de... more Les Etudes du CERI-n° 225-Bayram Balci et Juliette Tolay-décembre 2016 2 Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des restrictions à leur entrée sur leur sol, près de la moitié des réfugiés syriens se trouvent dans un seul pays : la Turquie. Or celle-ci, loin de fermer sa frontière, se singularise par sa politique de porte ouverte et son engagement humanitaire de grande ampleur. L'élan de générosité ne peut seul expliquer cette politique d'asile mise en place spécialement pour les Syriens. Un certain nombre de considérations politiques indiquent une instrumentalisation de la question. L'attitude bienveillante de la Turquie peut s'expliquer par son opposition à Assad dans la crise syrienne et son souhait de jouer un rôle dans la construction d'une future Syrie, ainsi que par sa volonté de tirer des bénéfices matériels et symboliques auprès de l'Union européenne. Mais la crise de réfugiés a aussi une dimension de...
The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories.... more The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories. Of particular concern in this literature has been the resilience of Eurocentrism despite conscious efforts to move towards a post-Eurocentric understanding of world politics. This study argues that while existing works have highlighted many of the reasons why Eurocentrism persists today, it has not been sufficiently identified and conceptualised. In particular, why some policy actors, who have a vested interest in moving beyond Eurocentrism, inadvertently reproduce Eurocentrism? This article proposes to distinguish between different types of inadvertent reproductions. In particular it highlights rhetorical critique, deconstruction, decentring and dehierarchising, as different ways to critique, inadvertently reproduce and partially modify Eurocentrism. To illustrate this situation, this article looks at Turkey's migration policies and documents how Turkish governing elites have openly claimed the need to upend the Eurocentric order, yet have reproduced it in practice.
This article discusses whether it is possible to frame anti-refugee discourse on social media as ... more This article discusses whether it is possible to frame anti-refugee discourse on social media as a form of populism by analysing the case study of the hashtag #u¨lkem-desuriyeliistemiyorum (#IdontwantSyriansinmycountry), which emerged on Twitter in Turkey in 2016. Both network analysis and discourse analysis are used in order to delineate the characteristics of the tropes associated with the hashtag, to identify the existence of populist elements, as well as to scrutinize the linkage of the hashtag with the broader political context. The study shows that some elements of a populist discourse clearly exist (simple and popular discourse, anti-foreigner), while some others are missing (the existence of a leader). Most importantly, the discussion of the other elements (dichotomous views, othering and anti-elite) highlight the need to better conceptualize and contextualize these features to understand the connection between anti-elite (populism) and anti-foreigner discourses (nativism), the impact of tagged tropes such as a hashtag that can poke holes in echo chambers and the distinction between the concepts of anti-elitism and anti-establishment (especially in specific political contexts such as Turkey).
La Turquie accueille 3,6 millions de réfugiés syriens et Recep Tayyip Erdoğan menace régulièreme... more La Turquie accueille 3,6 millions de réfugiés syriens et Recep Tayyip Erdoğan menace régulièrement l'UE d'ouvrir ses frontières. Loin de sa politique de porte ouverte des débuts, le président turc souhaite désormais créer-avec le soutien de Bruxelles-une zone tampon dans le nord de la Syrie, pour commencer à rapatrier ces réfugiés. Juliette Tolay, professeure de sciences politiques, revient pour le Courrier des Balkans sur l'instrumentalisation de la politique migratoire turque, ses contradictions et les impacts sur la situation des réfugiés syriens en Turquie.
International Journal of Public Administration , 2019
This article investigates the role of performance – more specifically performance measurement and... more This article investigates the role of performance – more specifically performance measurement and performance management – in migration governance. Using the case-study of the 2016 EU- Turkey statement, this article investigates what dimensions of performance and what performance indicators different actors involved in its implementation use. Furthermore, this article seeks to understand the extent to which political leaders in charge of the deal use these measures of performance. Using content and discourse analysis, the article finds that performance matters only marginally: performance is measured only partially, and these measures are used instrumentally by political leaders. The analysis goes further and suggests that four factors have had an impact on the partial and marginal role played by performance: the fact that the statement is implemented by a complex network, that it occurred in a situation of crisis, that it was done in a politicized context, and that the stakeholders held contradictory goals.
This article explores the roles played by the memory of past migrations in the construction of n... more This article explores the roles played by the memory of past migrations in the construction of national identity. National narratives tend to include and exclude certain migration experiences. Looking at historical evidence and alternative narratives of past migrations can help redefining a more inclusive national identity. Using the case of Turkey, the article identifies the migrations absent from the official narrative: migrations to Anatolia before 1071 CE (the arrival of Turkic tribes) and forced migrations during the Ottoman and Republican periods. Rehabilitating these migratory experiences leads to the recognition of both a glorious and violent past, and can help bringing together Turkey’s diverse identities.
This article investigates the symbolic role that mass migration can have on the power status of t... more This article investigates the symbolic role that mass migration can have on the power status of the hosting country. It posits that receiving large number of refugees can either enhance the perceived power of the host by creating the image of a strong state that attracts these populations for all it has to offer; or weaken perceived power by generating the image of a weak state unable to control its borders. By using the case of Turkey's reception of millions of Syrian refugees since 2011, this article argues that the Turkish government is careful to use the refugees as a means to craft an image of responsible power, however such an effort can be undermined by other material and strategic advantages sought by the Turkish government, which challenges the credibility of Turkey's generosity and responsibility as a rising power.
Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des res... more Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des restrictions à leur entrée sur leur sol, près de la moitié des réfugiés syriens se trouvent dans un seul pays : la Turquie. Or celle-ci, loin de fermer sa frontière, se singularise par sa politique de porte ouverte et son engagement humanitaire de grande ampleur. L’élan de générosité ne peut seul expliquer cette politique d’asile mise en place spécialement pour les Syriens. Un certain nombre de considérations politiques indiquent une instrumentalisation de la question. L’attitude bienveillante de la Turquie peut s’expliquer par son opposition à Assad dans la crise syrienne et son souhait de jouer un rôle dans la construction d’une future Syrie, ainsi que par sa volonté de tirer des bénéfices matériels et symboliques auprès de l’Union européenne. Mais la crise de réfugiés a aussi une dimension de politique intérieure. Les différents partis (au pouvoir ou dans l’opposition) semblent utiliser la question des réfugiés de façon opportuniste, aux dépens d’un climat propice à une bonne intégration des Syriens en Turquie.
While the issue of Syrian refugees has led an increasing number of countries to work on curbing arrivals, one country, Turkey, hosts almost half of these refugees. Yet, far from imposing restrictions, Turkey has distinguished itself for its open border policy and large-scale humanitarian contribution. Turkey’s generosity alone is not sufficient to understand this asylum policy put in place specifically for Syrians. There are indeed a number of political factors that indicate a certain level of instrumentalisation of this issue. In particular, Turkey’s benevolent attitude can be explained by Turkey’s early opposition to Assad in the Syrian conflict and its wish to play a role in the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria, as well as by its willingness to extract material and symbolic benefits from the European Union. But the refugee crisis also matters at the level of domestic politics, where different political parties (in power or in the opposition) seem to have used the refugee issue opportunistically, at the expense of a climate favorable to Syrians’ healthy integration in Turkey.
A majority (54%) of Pennsylvanians support accepting more Syrian refugees, but the issue is polar... more A majority (54%) of Pennsylvanians support accepting more Syrian refugees, but the issue is polarizing; while many Republicans strongly oppose this policy due to security concerns, Democrats strongly support it based on U.S. core values. Both sides cite concerns over screening.
... Subjects: J Political Science > JZ International relations. ID Code: 14902. Deposited ... more ... Subjects: J Political Science > JZ International relations. ID Code: 14902. Deposited By: Ahmet Evin. Deposited On: 26 Oct 2010 10:31. Last Modified: 26 Oct 2010 10:31. Repository Staff Only: item control page. Sabanci University Research Database is powered by EPrints 3.
The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories.... more The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories. Of particular concern in this literature has been the resilience of Eurocentrism despite conscious efforts to move towards a post-Eurocentric understanding of world politics. This study argues that while existing works have highlighted many of the reasons why Eurocentrism persists today, it has not been sufficiently identified and conceptualised. In particular, why some policy actors, who have a vested interest in moving beyond Eurocentrism, inadvertently reproduce Eurocentrism? This article proposes to distinguish between different types of inadvertent reproductions. In particular it highlights rhetorical critique, deconstruction, decentring and dehierarchising, as different ways to critique, inadvertently reproduce and partially modify Eurocentrism. To illustrate this situation, this article looks at Turkey's migration policies and documents how Turkish governing elites have openl...
Les Etudes du CERI-n° 225-Bayram Balci et Juliette Tolay-décembre 2016 2 Alors que la question de... more Les Etudes du CERI-n° 225-Bayram Balci et Juliette Tolay-décembre 2016 2 Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des restrictions à leur entrée sur leur sol, près de la moitié des réfugiés syriens se trouvent dans un seul pays : la Turquie. Or celle-ci, loin de fermer sa frontière, se singularise par sa politique de porte ouverte et son engagement humanitaire de grande ampleur. L'élan de générosité ne peut seul expliquer cette politique d'asile mise en place spécialement pour les Syriens. Un certain nombre de considérations politiques indiquent une instrumentalisation de la question. L'attitude bienveillante de la Turquie peut s'expliquer par son opposition à Assad dans la crise syrienne et son souhait de jouer un rôle dans la construction d'une future Syrie, ainsi que par sa volonté de tirer des bénéfices matériels et symboliques auprès de l'Union européenne. Mais la crise de réfugiés a aussi une dimension de...
The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories.... more The study of Eurocentrism has become a hallmark of postcolonial International Relations theories. Of particular concern in this literature has been the resilience of Eurocentrism despite conscious efforts to move towards a post-Eurocentric understanding of world politics. This study argues that while existing works have highlighted many of the reasons why Eurocentrism persists today, it has not been sufficiently identified and conceptualised. In particular, why some policy actors, who have a vested interest in moving beyond Eurocentrism, inadvertently reproduce Eurocentrism? This article proposes to distinguish between different types of inadvertent reproductions. In particular it highlights rhetorical critique, deconstruction, decentring and dehierarchising, as different ways to critique, inadvertently reproduce and partially modify Eurocentrism. To illustrate this situation, this article looks at Turkey's migration policies and documents how Turkish governing elites have openly claimed the need to upend the Eurocentric order, yet have reproduced it in practice.
This article discusses whether it is possible to frame anti-refugee discourse on social media as ... more This article discusses whether it is possible to frame anti-refugee discourse on social media as a form of populism by analysing the case study of the hashtag #u¨lkem-desuriyeliistemiyorum (#IdontwantSyriansinmycountry), which emerged on Twitter in Turkey in 2016. Both network analysis and discourse analysis are used in order to delineate the characteristics of the tropes associated with the hashtag, to identify the existence of populist elements, as well as to scrutinize the linkage of the hashtag with the broader political context. The study shows that some elements of a populist discourse clearly exist (simple and popular discourse, anti-foreigner), while some others are missing (the existence of a leader). Most importantly, the discussion of the other elements (dichotomous views, othering and anti-elite) highlight the need to better conceptualize and contextualize these features to understand the connection between anti-elite (populism) and anti-foreigner discourses (nativism), the impact of tagged tropes such as a hashtag that can poke holes in echo chambers and the distinction between the concepts of anti-elitism and anti-establishment (especially in specific political contexts such as Turkey).
La Turquie accueille 3,6 millions de réfugiés syriens et Recep Tayyip Erdoğan menace régulièreme... more La Turquie accueille 3,6 millions de réfugiés syriens et Recep Tayyip Erdoğan menace régulièrement l'UE d'ouvrir ses frontières. Loin de sa politique de porte ouverte des débuts, le président turc souhaite désormais créer-avec le soutien de Bruxelles-une zone tampon dans le nord de la Syrie, pour commencer à rapatrier ces réfugiés. Juliette Tolay, professeure de sciences politiques, revient pour le Courrier des Balkans sur l'instrumentalisation de la politique migratoire turque, ses contradictions et les impacts sur la situation des réfugiés syriens en Turquie.
International Journal of Public Administration , 2019
This article investigates the role of performance – more specifically performance measurement and... more This article investigates the role of performance – more specifically performance measurement and performance management – in migration governance. Using the case-study of the 2016 EU- Turkey statement, this article investigates what dimensions of performance and what performance indicators different actors involved in its implementation use. Furthermore, this article seeks to understand the extent to which political leaders in charge of the deal use these measures of performance. Using content and discourse analysis, the article finds that performance matters only marginally: performance is measured only partially, and these measures are used instrumentally by political leaders. The analysis goes further and suggests that four factors have had an impact on the partial and marginal role played by performance: the fact that the statement is implemented by a complex network, that it occurred in a situation of crisis, that it was done in a politicized context, and that the stakeholders held contradictory goals.
This article explores the roles played by the memory of past migrations in the construction of n... more This article explores the roles played by the memory of past migrations in the construction of national identity. National narratives tend to include and exclude certain migration experiences. Looking at historical evidence and alternative narratives of past migrations can help redefining a more inclusive national identity. Using the case of Turkey, the article identifies the migrations absent from the official narrative: migrations to Anatolia before 1071 CE (the arrival of Turkic tribes) and forced migrations during the Ottoman and Republican periods. Rehabilitating these migratory experiences leads to the recognition of both a glorious and violent past, and can help bringing together Turkey’s diverse identities.
This article investigates the symbolic role that mass migration can have on the power status of t... more This article investigates the symbolic role that mass migration can have on the power status of the hosting country. It posits that receiving large number of refugees can either enhance the perceived power of the host by creating the image of a strong state that attracts these populations for all it has to offer; or weaken perceived power by generating the image of a weak state unable to control its borders. By using the case of Turkey's reception of millions of Syrian refugees since 2011, this article argues that the Turkish government is careful to use the refugees as a means to craft an image of responsible power, however such an effort can be undermined by other material and strategic advantages sought by the Turkish government, which challenges the credibility of Turkey's generosity and responsibility as a rising power.
Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des res... more Alors que la question des réfugiés syriens a poussé un nombre croissant de pays à imposer des restrictions à leur entrée sur leur sol, près de la moitié des réfugiés syriens se trouvent dans un seul pays : la Turquie. Or celle-ci, loin de fermer sa frontière, se singularise par sa politique de porte ouverte et son engagement humanitaire de grande ampleur. L’élan de générosité ne peut seul expliquer cette politique d’asile mise en place spécialement pour les Syriens. Un certain nombre de considérations politiques indiquent une instrumentalisation de la question. L’attitude bienveillante de la Turquie peut s’expliquer par son opposition à Assad dans la crise syrienne et son souhait de jouer un rôle dans la construction d’une future Syrie, ainsi que par sa volonté de tirer des bénéfices matériels et symboliques auprès de l’Union européenne. Mais la crise de réfugiés a aussi une dimension de politique intérieure. Les différents partis (au pouvoir ou dans l’opposition) semblent utiliser la question des réfugiés de façon opportuniste, aux dépens d’un climat propice à une bonne intégration des Syriens en Turquie.
While the issue of Syrian refugees has led an increasing number of countries to work on curbing arrivals, one country, Turkey, hosts almost half of these refugees. Yet, far from imposing restrictions, Turkey has distinguished itself for its open border policy and large-scale humanitarian contribution. Turkey’s generosity alone is not sufficient to understand this asylum policy put in place specifically for Syrians. There are indeed a number of political factors that indicate a certain level of instrumentalisation of this issue. In particular, Turkey’s benevolent attitude can be explained by Turkey’s early opposition to Assad in the Syrian conflict and its wish to play a role in the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria, as well as by its willingness to extract material and symbolic benefits from the European Union. But the refugee crisis also matters at the level of domestic politics, where different political parties (in power or in the opposition) seem to have used the refugee issue opportunistically, at the expense of a climate favorable to Syrians’ healthy integration in Turkey.
A majority (54%) of Pennsylvanians support accepting more Syrian refugees, but the issue is polar... more A majority (54%) of Pennsylvanians support accepting more Syrian refugees, but the issue is polarizing; while many Republicans strongly oppose this policy due to security concerns, Democrats strongly support it based on U.S. core values. Both sides cite concerns over screening.
... Subjects: J Political Science > JZ International relations. ID Code: 14902. Deposited ... more ... Subjects: J Political Science > JZ International relations. ID Code: 14902. Deposited By: Ahmet Evin. Deposited On: 26 Oct 2010 10:31. Last Modified: 26 Oct 2010 10:31. Repository Staff Only: item control page. Sabanci University Research Database is powered by EPrints 3.
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Papers by Juliette Tolay
While the issue of Syrian refugees has led an increasing number of countries to work on curbing arrivals, one country, Turkey, hosts almost half of these refugees. Yet, far from imposing restrictions, Turkey has distinguished itself for its open border policy and large-scale humanitarian contribution. Turkey’s generosity alone is not sufficient to understand this asylum policy put in place specifically for Syrians. There are indeed a number of political factors that indicate a certain level of instrumentalisation of this issue. In particular, Turkey’s benevolent attitude can be explained by Turkey’s early opposition to Assad in the Syrian conflict and its wish to play a role in the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria, as well as by its willingness to extract material and symbolic benefits from the European Union. But the refugee crisis also matters at the level of domestic politics, where different political parties (in power or in the opposition) seem to have used the refugee issue opportunistically, at the expense of a climate favorable to Syrians’ healthy integration in Turkey.
While the issue of Syrian refugees has led an increasing number of countries to work on curbing arrivals, one country, Turkey, hosts almost half of these refugees. Yet, far from imposing restrictions, Turkey has distinguished itself for its open border policy and large-scale humanitarian contribution. Turkey’s generosity alone is not sufficient to understand this asylum policy put in place specifically for Syrians. There are indeed a number of political factors that indicate a certain level of instrumentalisation of this issue. In particular, Turkey’s benevolent attitude can be explained by Turkey’s early opposition to Assad in the Syrian conflict and its wish to play a role in the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria, as well as by its willingness to extract material and symbolic benefits from the European Union. But the refugee crisis also matters at the level of domestic politics, where different political parties (in power or in the opposition) seem to have used the refugee issue opportunistically, at the expense of a climate favorable to Syrians’ healthy integration in Turkey.