Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in... more Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in the two countries whose geopolitical significance underpins the southern and eastern elements of its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy: Ukraine and Egypt. Her contribution comes at a critical time in the EU's relations with both countries, as its strategy and tactics in the field of democracy and human rights promotion have come under the microscope of late more than ever. Whilst these countries at first may appear to be strange bedfellows, for the purposes of a comparative work, Balfour's approach is a successful one; employing, as she does, the same approach to the analysis of both countries which highlights that the continuing gap between EU rhetoric and action is an issue which goes beyond an 'eastern' or a 'southern' dimension. The book begins with a thorough consideration of the theoretical foreground to this work. This is then followed with a consideration of the position of human rights and democracy through the development of the EU's foreign policy competence. These introductory sections are then followed by an introduction to the piece's protagonists, with a detailed assessment of the EU's interactions with both states, from the early 1990s. This study centres around an examination of the EU's interactions with both Ukraine and Egypt using two key examples of democracy and human rights concerns in each. In Ukraine this focuses, firstly, upon the pre-2004 issue of press freedom, and, secondly, the Orange Revolution. In Egypt, Balfour's assessment focuses, firstly, upon the issue of torture, and then, on the issue of Egyptian elections. Therefore, in both case studies the reader is provided with an assessment of the EU's position on four critical issues of human rights and democracy. Methodologically, Balfour utilises a traditional approach, which is well suited to the topic at hand, starting with an extensive analysis of EU documentary output in connection with both Egypt and Ukraine. These findings are then buttressed by a detailed policy analysis and cross-examination by a series of anonymised qualitative interviewing with Council and Commission officials in Brussels and with Member State embassy staff in Cairo and Kiev and among Egyptian and Ukrainian representations to the EU. As a junior scholar with a broad in interest in Europeanization, human rights and democracy, this book was an ideal starting point for further investigation, and is recommended for those with interests in EU foreign policy in general, or for those, such as the writer himself, with an areaspecific interest, either in EU-Mediterranean or EU-Eastern Partnership relations, or perhaps a more specific interest in the EU as an actor in democracy and human rights 'export'.
The EEAS was established to give EU foreign policy new impetus, greater coherence and efficacy. I... more The EEAS was established to give EU foreign policy new impetus, greater coherence and efficacy. It remains to be seen whether the current organizational concept will give rise to more strategic approaches to foreign policy issues and more holistic foreign policy tools. The most immediate potential of the EEAS lies in its role in merging the broad toolbox of EU external action. The EEAS also has potential to improve vertical coordination and outreach. In the long-term, incremental changes could contribute to forming a new mindset, both when it comes to the relationship between the EU and its citizens, and to reviewing traditional models of diplomacy. The EEAS still needs recognition as a real diplomatic service both from within the Union and by other actors. Its performance, with tangible deliverables, will be key to its legitimacy and future prospects, as will be communicating the strategies and the outcomes to the wider European public.
Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in... more Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in the two countries whose geopolitical significance underpins the southern and eastern elements of its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy: Ukraine and Egypt. Her contribution comes at a critical time in the EU's relations with both countries, as its strategy and tactics in the field of democracy and human rights promotion have come under the microscope of late more than ever. Whilst these countries at first may appear to be strange bedfellows, for the purposes of a comparative work, Balfour's approach is a successful one; employing, as she does, the same approach to the analysis of both countries which highlights that the continuing gap between EU rhetoric and action is an issue which goes beyond an 'eastern' or a 'southern' dimension. The book begins with a thorough consideration of the theoretical foreground to this work. This is then followed with a consideration of the position of human rights and democracy through the development of the EU's foreign policy competence. These introductory sections are then followed by an introduction to the piece's protagonists, with a detailed assessment of the EU's interactions with both states, from the early 1990s. This study centres around an examination of the EU's interactions with both Ukraine and Egypt using two key examples of democracy and human rights concerns in each. In Ukraine this focuses, firstly, upon the pre-2004 issue of press freedom, and, secondly, the Orange Revolution. In Egypt, Balfour's assessment focuses, firstly, upon the issue of torture, and then, on the issue of Egyptian elections. Therefore, in both case studies the reader is provided with an assessment of the EU's position on four critical issues of human rights and democracy. Methodologically, Balfour utilises a traditional approach, which is well suited to the topic at hand, starting with an extensive analysis of EU documentary output in connection with both Egypt and Ukraine. These findings are then buttressed by a detailed policy analysis and cross-examination by a series of anonymised qualitative interviewing with Council and Commission officials in Brussels and with Member State embassy staff in Cairo and Kiev and among Egyptian and Ukrainian representations to the EU. As a junior scholar with a broad in interest in Europeanization, human rights and democracy, this book was an ideal starting point for further investigation, and is recommended for those with interests in EU foreign policy in general, or for those, such as the writer himself, with an areaspecific interest, either in EU-Mediterranean or EU-Eastern Partnership relations, or perhaps a more specific interest in the EU as an actor in democracy and human rights 'export'.
Balfour , Perspectives from the European Union 29 I n only two years of existence, the Eastern Pa... more Balfour , Perspectives from the European Union 29 I n only two years of existence, the Eastern Partnership (EaP) has already attracted considerable attention in the world of analysts and think tanks. Much of this focuses on the weaknesses of the new initiative, questioning its added value, and on the resonance of the incentives on offer in the six countries of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus. While the EaP shares the deficits of the European Neighbourhood Policy (enp), it has been overlooked how perceptions and attitudes towards Eastern Europe have evolved within the eu. Supported by interviews with (anonymous) eu and civil society representatives, this article aims to uncover some of the views behind the conceptualization of the EaP, which in turn will help us understand some of the policy choices this entails, as well as highlighting possible areas of tension. The divergent views of member states on key themes such as relations with Russia and the debate on future eu enlargement remain a firm boundary to the scope of any policy towards Eastern Europe. However, analysis based on a longer term perspective also shows a growing convergence on raising the profile of Eastern Europe and on stepping up eu responsibility there, through incremental engagement rather than the elaboration of a strategic vision.
The European Union and the United States have shifted their democracy assistance in Eastern Europ... more The European Union and the United States have shifted their democracy assistance in Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans from a focus on top-down political change and the transformation of state institutions to supporting the empowerment of civil society, including in the context of the increasingly “closed” space. Despite this, they are confronted with old and new challenges that reflect how complex this work has become.
Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more reso... more Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more resources to supporting democracy movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The EU has better equipped itself institutionally, financially and conceptually, by strengthening its bottom up grassroots approach to democracy support; resources earmarked for supporting civil society have been increased, the budget for the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) has been beefed up, and the strengthened EU Delegations have be come more empowered to reach out to groups at the local grass roots level behind democracy activities; The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) was created with the mandate to support individuals and organizations in neighbouring countries that work for democracy. Whether this translates into a more effective strategy for democracy support, however, remains to be seen. In this report, Rosa Balfour, Francesca Fabbri and Richard Youngs pre...
Arab views on democratic citizenship – and on EU support Much has been said about the EU’s genera... more Arab views on democratic citizenship – and on EU support Much has been said about the EU’s general response to the Arab spring. And much has been written about regimes’ resistance to the far-reaching reform demanded by protestors across the Arab world. We have been engaged in a project (www.euspring.com) exploring one very specific dimension of these political trends and social debates: the question of how citizens in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) understand the concept of democratic citizenship. Within our project, our local affiliated research organizations ran throughout 2014 a series of focus groups in Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia with a range of civic stakeholders. The aim of these meetings was to explore how citizens in the three countries understand democratic citizenship and how they view EU efforts to support political reform.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 2013
IntroductionSince its creation with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and its ope... more IntroductionSince its creation with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and its operationalisation in 2011, the European External Action Service (EEAS) has attracted much attention in media and in the community of EU foreign policy scholars and observers. This is already leading to the production of much literature on the nature of EU foreign policy, its institutions, and on the transformation of international diplomacy.1 This attention, however, is surprising when considering that empirical research is limited by the young age of the EEAS and that the first months of the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty reforms were not an exemplary model of bureaucratic and institutional transition. The EEAS is also a small organisation, made up of fewer than 3,400 people, representing an elite of officials compared to the composition of all the other institutions, has a tiny budget, is not an autonomous institution, and its leadership has been questioned by many.However small and...
The Arab Spring and its truncated aftermath raise many important questions about political reform... more The Arab Spring and its truncated aftermath raise many important questions about political reform. Citizenship and rights, in particular, form an important area of concern in light of the obstacles to wholesale democratization and to the reform of formal institutional structures in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As most regimes have pushed back strongly against societal pressure for political opening, many reformers hope that active citizenship can compensate for the lack of progress in other areas. One of the few enduring legacies of the flowering of democratic activism in 2011 is citizens’ search for more active involvement in decisions that affect their day-to-day lives — even as the prospect of democratization has receded in most states. This has engendered much debate over how citizens across the region understand rights — and whether they seek a concept of citizenship that is distinct to the region.
Executive Summary. An “arc of instability” stretching from the European Union’s (EU) eastern bord... more Executive Summary. An “arc of instability” stretching from the European Union’s (EU) eastern borders down to the Mediterranean basin has undermined its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This policy was designed to deliver prosperity, stability and democracy to countries surrounding the EU. It has manifestly failed and needs to be radically rethought. Starting with a tabula rasa, the EU should abandon the very concept of a heterogeneous “neighbourhood” in the face of glaring differences among the 16 countries affected, not least because some are uninterested in reform; others may even be failed states. EU member states are themselves pursuing divergent interests and goals. A fundamental review of the ENP should lead to more differentiated, targeted measures to promote “transformational change” within neighbouring states ready to accept it. The EU should offer revised incentives such as participation within the proposed “energy union” or freer trade designed to aid local e...
Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in... more Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in the two countries whose geopolitical significance underpins the southern and eastern elements of its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy: Ukraine and Egypt. Her contribution comes at a critical time in the EU's relations with both countries, as its strategy and tactics in the field of democracy and human rights promotion have come under the microscope of late more than ever. Whilst these countries at first may appear to be strange bedfellows, for the purposes of a comparative work, Balfour's approach is a successful one; employing, as she does, the same approach to the analysis of both countries which highlights that the continuing gap between EU rhetoric and action is an issue which goes beyond an 'eastern' or a 'southern' dimension. The book begins with a thorough consideration of the theoretical foreground to this work. This is then followed with a consideration of the position of human rights and democracy through the development of the EU's foreign policy competence. These introductory sections are then followed by an introduction to the piece's protagonists, with a detailed assessment of the EU's interactions with both states, from the early 1990s. This study centres around an examination of the EU's interactions with both Ukraine and Egypt using two key examples of democracy and human rights concerns in each. In Ukraine this focuses, firstly, upon the pre-2004 issue of press freedom, and, secondly, the Orange Revolution. In Egypt, Balfour's assessment focuses, firstly, upon the issue of torture, and then, on the issue of Egyptian elections. Therefore, in both case studies the reader is provided with an assessment of the EU's position on four critical issues of human rights and democracy. Methodologically, Balfour utilises a traditional approach, which is well suited to the topic at hand, starting with an extensive analysis of EU documentary output in connection with both Egypt and Ukraine. These findings are then buttressed by a detailed policy analysis and cross-examination by a series of anonymised qualitative interviewing with Council and Commission officials in Brussels and with Member State embassy staff in Cairo and Kiev and among Egyptian and Ukrainian representations to the EU. As a junior scholar with a broad in interest in Europeanization, human rights and democracy, this book was an ideal starting point for further investigation, and is recommended for those with interests in EU foreign policy in general, or for those, such as the writer himself, with an areaspecific interest, either in EU-Mediterranean or EU-Eastern Partnership relations, or perhaps a more specific interest in the EU as an actor in democracy and human rights 'export'.
The EEAS was established to give EU foreign policy new impetus, greater coherence and efficacy. I... more The EEAS was established to give EU foreign policy new impetus, greater coherence and efficacy. It remains to be seen whether the current organizational concept will give rise to more strategic approaches to foreign policy issues and more holistic foreign policy tools. The most immediate potential of the EEAS lies in its role in merging the broad toolbox of EU external action. The EEAS also has potential to improve vertical coordination and outreach. In the long-term, incremental changes could contribute to forming a new mindset, both when it comes to the relationship between the EU and its citizens, and to reviewing traditional models of diplomacy. The EEAS still needs recognition as a real diplomatic service both from within the Union and by other actors. Its performance, with tangible deliverables, will be key to its legitimacy and future prospects, as will be communicating the strategies and the outcomes to the wider European public.
Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in... more Rosa Balfour's timely book explores the role of the EU in promoting democracy and human rights in the two countries whose geopolitical significance underpins the southern and eastern elements of its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy: Ukraine and Egypt. Her contribution comes at a critical time in the EU's relations with both countries, as its strategy and tactics in the field of democracy and human rights promotion have come under the microscope of late more than ever. Whilst these countries at first may appear to be strange bedfellows, for the purposes of a comparative work, Balfour's approach is a successful one; employing, as she does, the same approach to the analysis of both countries which highlights that the continuing gap between EU rhetoric and action is an issue which goes beyond an 'eastern' or a 'southern' dimension. The book begins with a thorough consideration of the theoretical foreground to this work. This is then followed with a consideration of the position of human rights and democracy through the development of the EU's foreign policy competence. These introductory sections are then followed by an introduction to the piece's protagonists, with a detailed assessment of the EU's interactions with both states, from the early 1990s. This study centres around an examination of the EU's interactions with both Ukraine and Egypt using two key examples of democracy and human rights concerns in each. In Ukraine this focuses, firstly, upon the pre-2004 issue of press freedom, and, secondly, the Orange Revolution. In Egypt, Balfour's assessment focuses, firstly, upon the issue of torture, and then, on the issue of Egyptian elections. Therefore, in both case studies the reader is provided with an assessment of the EU's position on four critical issues of human rights and democracy. Methodologically, Balfour utilises a traditional approach, which is well suited to the topic at hand, starting with an extensive analysis of EU documentary output in connection with both Egypt and Ukraine. These findings are then buttressed by a detailed policy analysis and cross-examination by a series of anonymised qualitative interviewing with Council and Commission officials in Brussels and with Member State embassy staff in Cairo and Kiev and among Egyptian and Ukrainian representations to the EU. As a junior scholar with a broad in interest in Europeanization, human rights and democracy, this book was an ideal starting point for further investigation, and is recommended for those with interests in EU foreign policy in general, or for those, such as the writer himself, with an areaspecific interest, either in EU-Mediterranean or EU-Eastern Partnership relations, or perhaps a more specific interest in the EU as an actor in democracy and human rights 'export'.
Balfour , Perspectives from the European Union 29 I n only two years of existence, the Eastern Pa... more Balfour , Perspectives from the European Union 29 I n only two years of existence, the Eastern Partnership (EaP) has already attracted considerable attention in the world of analysts and think tanks. Much of this focuses on the weaknesses of the new initiative, questioning its added value, and on the resonance of the incentives on offer in the six countries of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus. While the EaP shares the deficits of the European Neighbourhood Policy (enp), it has been overlooked how perceptions and attitudes towards Eastern Europe have evolved within the eu. Supported by interviews with (anonymous) eu and civil society representatives, this article aims to uncover some of the views behind the conceptualization of the EaP, which in turn will help us understand some of the policy choices this entails, as well as highlighting possible areas of tension. The divergent views of member states on key themes such as relations with Russia and the debate on future eu enlargement remain a firm boundary to the scope of any policy towards Eastern Europe. However, analysis based on a longer term perspective also shows a growing convergence on raising the profile of Eastern Europe and on stepping up eu responsibility there, through incremental engagement rather than the elaboration of a strategic vision.
The European Union and the United States have shifted their democracy assistance in Eastern Europ... more The European Union and the United States have shifted their democracy assistance in Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans from a focus on top-down political change and the transformation of state institutions to supporting the empowerment of civil society, including in the context of the increasingly “closed” space. Despite this, they are confronted with old and new challenges that reflect how complex this work has become.
Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more reso... more Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, European Union (EU) assistance has nominally targeted more resources to supporting democracy movements in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The EU has better equipped itself institutionally, financially and conceptually, by strengthening its bottom up grassroots approach to democracy support; resources earmarked for supporting civil society have been increased, the budget for the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) has been beefed up, and the strengthened EU Delegations have be come more empowered to reach out to groups at the local grass roots level behind democracy activities; The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) was created with the mandate to support individuals and organizations in neighbouring countries that work for democracy. Whether this translates into a more effective strategy for democracy support, however, remains to be seen. In this report, Rosa Balfour, Francesca Fabbri and Richard Youngs pre...
Arab views on democratic citizenship – and on EU support Much has been said about the EU’s genera... more Arab views on democratic citizenship – and on EU support Much has been said about the EU’s general response to the Arab spring. And much has been written about regimes’ resistance to the far-reaching reform demanded by protestors across the Arab world. We have been engaged in a project (www.euspring.com) exploring one very specific dimension of these political trends and social debates: the question of how citizens in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) understand the concept of democratic citizenship. Within our project, our local affiliated research organizations ran throughout 2014 a series of focus groups in Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia with a range of civic stakeholders. The aim of these meetings was to explore how citizens in the three countries understand democratic citizenship and how they view EU efforts to support political reform.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs, 2013
IntroductionSince its creation with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and its ope... more IntroductionSince its creation with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 and its operationalisation in 2011, the European External Action Service (EEAS) has attracted much attention in media and in the community of EU foreign policy scholars and observers. This is already leading to the production of much literature on the nature of EU foreign policy, its institutions, and on the transformation of international diplomacy.1 This attention, however, is surprising when considering that empirical research is limited by the young age of the EEAS and that the first months of the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty reforms were not an exemplary model of bureaucratic and institutional transition. The EEAS is also a small organisation, made up of fewer than 3,400 people, representing an elite of officials compared to the composition of all the other institutions, has a tiny budget, is not an autonomous institution, and its leadership has been questioned by many.However small and...
The Arab Spring and its truncated aftermath raise many important questions about political reform... more The Arab Spring and its truncated aftermath raise many important questions about political reform. Citizenship and rights, in particular, form an important area of concern in light of the obstacles to wholesale democratization and to the reform of formal institutional structures in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). As most regimes have pushed back strongly against societal pressure for political opening, many reformers hope that active citizenship can compensate for the lack of progress in other areas. One of the few enduring legacies of the flowering of democratic activism in 2011 is citizens’ search for more active involvement in decisions that affect their day-to-day lives — even as the prospect of democratization has receded in most states. This has engendered much debate over how citizens across the region understand rights — and whether they seek a concept of citizenship that is distinct to the region.
Executive Summary. An “arc of instability” stretching from the European Union’s (EU) eastern bord... more Executive Summary. An “arc of instability” stretching from the European Union’s (EU) eastern borders down to the Mediterranean basin has undermined its flagship European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). This policy was designed to deliver prosperity, stability and democracy to countries surrounding the EU. It has manifestly failed and needs to be radically rethought. Starting with a tabula rasa, the EU should abandon the very concept of a heterogeneous “neighbourhood” in the face of glaring differences among the 16 countries affected, not least because some are uninterested in reform; others may even be failed states. EU member states are themselves pursuing divergent interests and goals. A fundamental review of the ENP should lead to more differentiated, targeted measures to promote “transformational change” within neighbouring states ready to accept it. The EU should offer revised incentives such as participation within the proposed “energy union” or freer trade designed to aid local e...
Europe’s Futures programme, Institute for Human Sciences (IWM)/ERSTE Foundation , 2022
On 23 June 2022, EU leaders decide on the candidacy of Ukraine and Moldova. This means little if ... more On 23 June 2022, EU leaders decide on the candidacy of Ukraine and Moldova. This means little if the credibility of the EU enlargement process to the Western Balkans is not restored. This papers makes the case that the time to act is now. It explains why and outlines six guiding principles turn a process that is bust into a process that can work to the benefit of both the EU and the Western Balkan countries.
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Papers by Rosa Balfour