This article examines Protestant Euroscepticism in its purest form by focusing on the apocalyptic... more This article examines Protestant Euroscepticism in its purest form by focusing on the apocalyptic narratives of conservative Protestant dispensationalists in the UK, Scandinavia and the Netherlands. It estimates the numbers of end-times Eurosceptics, summarizes their apocalyptic narrative, traces its lineage to the Reformation, and explores its use in debates on European integration. The article argues that analyzing Protestant apocalyptic narratives contributes to understanding some important roots of presentday Euroscepticism in sixteenth-century anti-Catholicism and Protestant distrust of the 'Catholic' continent.
ABSTRACT One core element of American exceptionalism has always been public support for a “specia... more ABSTRACT One core element of American exceptionalism has always been public support for a “special” American role in the world. This view has religious underpinnings, but scholars have variously stressed the influence of religious affiliation, of certain beliefs or behavior, or of generalized “civil religion”; empirical research has been lacking to clarify the specific ways that religion shapes foreign policy exceptionalism. An original empirical analysis drawing on the 2008 University of Akron National Survey of Religion and Politics shows numerous effects of religion. For instance, exceptionalist views are most common among Mormons and evangelicals, and are also related to factors such as theological traditionalism and strong religious commitment. America exceptionalism provides greater latitude for what Eugene Wittkopf labeled “militant internationalism.”
This paper delineates the position of American religious groups in modern party politics. We firs... more This paper delineates the position of American religious groups in modern party politics. We first outline two different models of religious politics, the ethnoreligious and the religious restructuring model. We then use a number of data sets to reconstruct the contribution that religious groups have made to party coalitions from the New Deal era to the present, considering both theoretical perspectives. We test the influence of religious factors against other influences on party identification, including region, social class and gender during the 1960s, the 1980s and the contemporary era. Finally, we explore the role that religious influences play in the contemporary ideological polarization between the Republican and Democratic parties.
Catholics have long been an important force in American electoral politics, but the direction of ... more Catholics have long been an important force in American electoral politics, but the direction of that influence has changed in recent decades. Once a mainstay of the New Deal coalition, the community's political loyalties have shifted away from the Democrats to a virtual partisan equilibrium, with white Catholics drifting to the Republican camp and the growing number of Latino and other "new ethnics" providing Democratic votes. Here we examine the demographic structure of Catholic partisanship, testing four perspectives used by Shafer and Spady to identify the social underpinnings of partisan orientations, perspectives which also characterize the literature on Catholic alignments. These alternative views stress (1) social class and education; (2) racial and ethnic influences; 3) "domestic roles," such as gender, sexuality, family structure, and residence; and, finally (4) religious cleavages. We find that ethnic divisions contribute massively to contemporary Catholic partisanship, but that socioeconomic influences have faded dramatically. Religious factors, especially theological views, have become much more salient. We also discover that socioeconomic status is more influential for Latinos, while religion matters more for white Catholics. Finally, we show that conclusions drawn about the structure of Catholic partisanship depend in part on the survey used and the specific measures available.
The Reformation still shapes European society—and its most important post-war creation, the Europ... more The Reformation still shapes European society—and its most important post-war creation, the European Union. This chapter explores how Protestantism fractured Western Christendom, sacralized national identity, and invented the nation-state as an alternative Christian society. In the process, Protestants fostered a profound antipathy to the Catholic ‘other’ and a powerful affinity for national borders making it difficult to imagine joining a federal Europe. They were reluctant to enter the EU and awkward on arrival. Protestants never caught the vision of a united Europe, nor did the continentals grasp how Protestant national identities would resist any sacrifice of sovereignty. This clash of irreconcilable visions—one Catholic, one Protestant—became an obstacle to post-war efforts to unite Europe and has led to enduring differences in the behaviour of states, elites, churches, political parties, interest groups, and public opinion towards integration and European identity.
In recent years, scholars have discovered that the American public responds to foreign policy iss... more In recent years, scholars have discovered that the American public responds to foreign policy issues on the basis of fairly stable broad orientations toward international affairs, influenced by a number of demographic, ideological, and partisan factors. Although there has been much recent speculation about the role that religion plays in shaping such orientations, there are very few empirical analyses of that influence. In this article, I use the 2012 Chicago Council on Global Affairs survey to classify American religious groups on Wittkopf 's (1990) classic dimensions of foreign policy attitudes: militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism. I find rather different religious constituencies for each perspective, with Evangelical Protestants and religious traditionalists from other faiths most supportive of militant internationalism, while ethnoreligious minorities and religious modernists are most likely to back cooperative internationalism.
I CONSUMER INTERESTS AND FEDERAL DAIRY POLICY I. Introduction Milk has always been one of the mos... more I CONSUMER INTERESTS AND FEDERAL DAIRY POLICY I. Introduction Milk has always been one of the most "political" commodities produced by American farmers. The dairy industry's size, contribution to the American diet, and unique marketing problems have led to an "exquisitely complicated" system of regulation.l Since the 1930s, federal dairy policy has usually been set within a classic "subgovemment", including producer groups such as the National Milk Producers Federation (NMPF), the House and Senate Agriculture committees, and the USDA marketing authorities. Ripley and Franklin have identified this system as one which illustrates "the long-term entrenchment of subgovernments in the agricultural policy area. 11 2 This paper traces the evolution of the dairy subgovernment since 1933, with specific emphasis on (1) pattems of interaction among industry .groups, regulatory officials, and the• Congress, and (2) the mechanisms through which the more diffuse interests of consumers have been represented in policy decisions. Underlying this analysis, of course, must be some assumptions about the nature of "consumer interests." Even recent consumer advocates have failed to agree upon a substantive definition, except perhaps "the lowest possible retail milk prices over the long run," a goal lending itself equally well to myriad short-term policy prescriptions. Assuming, however, that consumers will usually favor "low-price" policy altematives, we suggest that such interests are represented in pricing decisions when forceful cases are made to key policy makers on behalf of lower or stable milk prices, besides the "typical" industry argument for higher retums. Implicit within this definition is the possibility that "consumer interests" may on occasion be advanced by organizations other than those representing the ultimate consumer. Such consumer advocacy within the dairy subgovernment will r~ceive attention, in addition to that provided by elected public officials and by self-designated consumer spokesmen.3 II. The Emerging Dairy Subgovernment: 1933-1950 Despite brief U.S. government involvement with milk prices during World War I, the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 instituted the first sustained federal dairy regulation. By 1940 two interrelated programs influenced milk marketing, each sponsored by a major industry sector to deal with its characteristic problems: federal marketing orders, designed to stabilize fluid milk markets, and price supports for manufacturing milk products. This "double program" was largely the handiwork of the National Milk Producers Federation, the dominant producer coalition.4 The most elaborate regulation evolved in the fluid milk sector, where for fifteen years prior to 1933 the larger cooperatives had sought bargaining power through classified pricing, base-surplus plans, and elaborate pooling arrangements. Despite considerable success during the 1920s, few cooperatives achieved market control, as independent producers
... If only Lorentzen had stuck to an analysis of the main themes surrounding the activities and ... more ... If only Lorentzen had stuck to an analysis of the main themes surrounding the activities and interactions of the lay women, women ... toward conventional politics and describes their efforts to develop a "politics of hope" built on human capacities for empathy, cooperation, and love. ...
This article examines Protestant Euroscepticism in its purest form by focusing on the apocalyptic... more This article examines Protestant Euroscepticism in its purest form by focusing on the apocalyptic narratives of conservative Protestant dispensationalists in the UK, Scandinavia and the Netherlands. It estimates the numbers of end-times Eurosceptics, summarizes their apocalyptic narrative, traces its lineage to the Reformation, and explores its use in debates on European integration. The article argues that analyzing Protestant apocalyptic narratives contributes to understanding some important roots of presentday Euroscepticism in sixteenth-century anti-Catholicism and Protestant distrust of the 'Catholic' continent.
ABSTRACT One core element of American exceptionalism has always been public support for a “specia... more ABSTRACT One core element of American exceptionalism has always been public support for a “special” American role in the world. This view has religious underpinnings, but scholars have variously stressed the influence of religious affiliation, of certain beliefs or behavior, or of generalized “civil religion”; empirical research has been lacking to clarify the specific ways that religion shapes foreign policy exceptionalism. An original empirical analysis drawing on the 2008 University of Akron National Survey of Religion and Politics shows numerous effects of religion. For instance, exceptionalist views are most common among Mormons and evangelicals, and are also related to factors such as theological traditionalism and strong religious commitment. America exceptionalism provides greater latitude for what Eugene Wittkopf labeled “militant internationalism.”
This paper delineates the position of American religious groups in modern party politics. We firs... more This paper delineates the position of American religious groups in modern party politics. We first outline two different models of religious politics, the ethnoreligious and the religious restructuring model. We then use a number of data sets to reconstruct the contribution that religious groups have made to party coalitions from the New Deal era to the present, considering both theoretical perspectives. We test the influence of religious factors against other influences on party identification, including region, social class and gender during the 1960s, the 1980s and the contemporary era. Finally, we explore the role that religious influences play in the contemporary ideological polarization between the Republican and Democratic parties.
Catholics have long been an important force in American electoral politics, but the direction of ... more Catholics have long been an important force in American electoral politics, but the direction of that influence has changed in recent decades. Once a mainstay of the New Deal coalition, the community's political loyalties have shifted away from the Democrats to a virtual partisan equilibrium, with white Catholics drifting to the Republican camp and the growing number of Latino and other "new ethnics" providing Democratic votes. Here we examine the demographic structure of Catholic partisanship, testing four perspectives used by Shafer and Spady to identify the social underpinnings of partisan orientations, perspectives which also characterize the literature on Catholic alignments. These alternative views stress (1) social class and education; (2) racial and ethnic influences; 3) "domestic roles," such as gender, sexuality, family structure, and residence; and, finally (4) religious cleavages. We find that ethnic divisions contribute massively to contemporary Catholic partisanship, but that socioeconomic influences have faded dramatically. Religious factors, especially theological views, have become much more salient. We also discover that socioeconomic status is more influential for Latinos, while religion matters more for white Catholics. Finally, we show that conclusions drawn about the structure of Catholic partisanship depend in part on the survey used and the specific measures available.
The Reformation still shapes European society—and its most important post-war creation, the Europ... more The Reformation still shapes European society—and its most important post-war creation, the European Union. This chapter explores how Protestantism fractured Western Christendom, sacralized national identity, and invented the nation-state as an alternative Christian society. In the process, Protestants fostered a profound antipathy to the Catholic ‘other’ and a powerful affinity for national borders making it difficult to imagine joining a federal Europe. They were reluctant to enter the EU and awkward on arrival. Protestants never caught the vision of a united Europe, nor did the continentals grasp how Protestant national identities would resist any sacrifice of sovereignty. This clash of irreconcilable visions—one Catholic, one Protestant—became an obstacle to post-war efforts to unite Europe and has led to enduring differences in the behaviour of states, elites, churches, political parties, interest groups, and public opinion towards integration and European identity.
In recent years, scholars have discovered that the American public responds to foreign policy iss... more In recent years, scholars have discovered that the American public responds to foreign policy issues on the basis of fairly stable broad orientations toward international affairs, influenced by a number of demographic, ideological, and partisan factors. Although there has been much recent speculation about the role that religion plays in shaping such orientations, there are very few empirical analyses of that influence. In this article, I use the 2012 Chicago Council on Global Affairs survey to classify American religious groups on Wittkopf 's (1990) classic dimensions of foreign policy attitudes: militant internationalism and cooperative internationalism. I find rather different religious constituencies for each perspective, with Evangelical Protestants and religious traditionalists from other faiths most supportive of militant internationalism, while ethnoreligious minorities and religious modernists are most likely to back cooperative internationalism.
I CONSUMER INTERESTS AND FEDERAL DAIRY POLICY I. Introduction Milk has always been one of the mos... more I CONSUMER INTERESTS AND FEDERAL DAIRY POLICY I. Introduction Milk has always been one of the most "political" commodities produced by American farmers. The dairy industry's size, contribution to the American diet, and unique marketing problems have led to an "exquisitely complicated" system of regulation.l Since the 1930s, federal dairy policy has usually been set within a classic "subgovemment", including producer groups such as the National Milk Producers Federation (NMPF), the House and Senate Agriculture committees, and the USDA marketing authorities. Ripley and Franklin have identified this system as one which illustrates "the long-term entrenchment of subgovernments in the agricultural policy area. 11 2 This paper traces the evolution of the dairy subgovernment since 1933, with specific emphasis on (1) pattems of interaction among industry .groups, regulatory officials, and the• Congress, and (2) the mechanisms through which the more diffuse interests of consumers have been represented in policy decisions. Underlying this analysis, of course, must be some assumptions about the nature of "consumer interests." Even recent consumer advocates have failed to agree upon a substantive definition, except perhaps "the lowest possible retail milk prices over the long run," a goal lending itself equally well to myriad short-term policy prescriptions. Assuming, however, that consumers will usually favor "low-price" policy altematives, we suggest that such interests are represented in pricing decisions when forceful cases are made to key policy makers on behalf of lower or stable milk prices, besides the "typical" industry argument for higher retums. Implicit within this definition is the possibility that "consumer interests" may on occasion be advanced by organizations other than those representing the ultimate consumer. Such consumer advocacy within the dairy subgovernment will r~ceive attention, in addition to that provided by elected public officials and by self-designated consumer spokesmen.3 II. The Emerging Dairy Subgovernment: 1933-1950 Despite brief U.S. government involvement with milk prices during World War I, the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933 instituted the first sustained federal dairy regulation. By 1940 two interrelated programs influenced milk marketing, each sponsored by a major industry sector to deal with its characteristic problems: federal marketing orders, designed to stabilize fluid milk markets, and price supports for manufacturing milk products. This "double program" was largely the handiwork of the National Milk Producers Federation, the dominant producer coalition.4 The most elaborate regulation evolved in the fluid milk sector, where for fifteen years prior to 1933 the larger cooperatives had sought bargaining power through classified pricing, base-surplus plans, and elaborate pooling arrangements. Despite considerable success during the 1920s, few cooperatives achieved market control, as independent producers
... If only Lorentzen had stuck to an analysis of the main themes surrounding the activities and ... more ... If only Lorentzen had stuck to an analysis of the main themes surrounding the activities and interactions of the lay women, women ... toward conventional politics and describes their efforts to develop a "politics of hope" built on human capacities for empathy, cooperation, and love. ...
Religion and American Politics. Domestic and International Contexts, 2024
The book presents a broad international and interdisciplinary perspective on the role of religion... more The book presents a broad international and interdisciplinary perspective on the role of religion in American politics (both domestic and international). It is a result of cooperation between Jagiellonian University scholars and an international group of academics, including renowned American specialists, who study the intersection between religion and American politics. Coming not only from the USA, but also from Israel, Spain, Hungary, Poland and the Palestinian territories, the authors provide a unique international perspective on how the USA deals with issues on the intersection of religion and politics and how it is perceived around the world. The contributors are: Elad Ben David, Emily R. Gill, James L. Guth, Jajuan S. Johnson, Lyman A. Kellstedt, Sebastian Kubas, Michael McLaughlin, Husam Mohamad, Paulina Napierała, Brent F. Nelsen, Karoly Pinter, Cristobal Serran-Pagan y Fuentes, and Jerold Waltman.
God at the Grass Roots: The Christian Right in the 1994 Elections, 1995
In the only book-length examination of the Christian Right's impact on the historic 1994 election... more In the only book-length examination of the Christian Right's impact on the historic 1994 elections, leading scholars of religion and politics, and national and state elections catalog the movement's strengths and weaknesses in a variety of situations, as well as its prospects for 1996 and beyond.
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Papers by James L . Guth