The Arctic has been the object of heated political discussion in recent years as the region has e... more The Arctic has been the object of heated political discussion in recent years as the region has evolved from a potential conflict zone during the Cold War to an arena for international cooperation immediately afterwards. Since the mid-2000s attention has once again focused on the conflict potential of the Arctic, this time related to its resources. This article looks at how the research literature balances its prospects. The literature on international relations (IR) in the Arctic has been mainly empirical in orientation, although framed in the major IR traditions of realism (traditional geopolitics), institutionalism and (to a lesser extent) constructivism. The English-language literature on Arctic politics, which naturally dominates the field globally, is by and large framed in institutional terms. The discussion is not whether institutions matter in Arctic politics, but how they best can be crafted in order to maintain peace and stability in the region. Speculations about a 'scramble for the Arctic' have more or less unanimously been refuted in the literature. The French literature, on the other hand, is largely framed in a geopolitical context. French geopolitics is less concerned with the global power game than with the rivalry between states for strategic resources. The institutions of cooperation are, however, downplayed.
This chapter discusses how ordinary Northwest Russians speak about themselves as northerners, as ... more This chapter discusses how ordinary Northwest Russians speak about themselves as northerners, as opposed to Russian southerners, and as Russians, as opposed to Scandinavians. Russian northerners describe themselves as efficient, cultured, calm and considerate, unlike southerners, who they portray as noisy, uncultured and cruel. Scandinavians come across as well-organized, orderly and shrewd on the one hand, and dull, spoiled and decadent on the other. The author argues that people draw on the common pool of narrative resources to construct an identity that either chimes with or challenges the Westernness of Scandinavians.
Around 2010, the enthusiasm surrounding Norwegian High North politics had tapered off, just like ... more Around 2010, the enthusiasm surrounding Norwegian High North politics had tapered off, just like inertia hit the Barents cooperation a decade earlier. Once again the emperor had new clothes to put on: “the High North” was out, but an “Arctic wave” was on the rise. As states were making claims to areas of the continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean, global media revelled in the idea of a “scramble for the Arctic”. Norway threw itself forcefully onto the international Arctic scene, branding itself as the Arctic nation per se. Norwegian High North politics moved from the near abroad to the Circumpolar North. The scene has shifted, but the basic rhythm is the same: the Arctic is a stage particularly suitable for political song and dance.
In the first years of the twenty-first century, Norwegian politics towards Russia were in a limbo... more In the first years of the twenty-first century, Norwegian politics towards Russia were in a limbo, with many initiatives ending in failure. By 2005, the prospects of Norwegian participation in offshore drilling for oil and gas on the Russian shelf in the Barents Sea had taken over as the hallmark of the new times in the North. Fresh Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Store formulated his High North initiative and declared the northern regions the number one priority of Norwegian foreign policy. This chapter focuses on the public debate about the High North in Norway during the first decade of the twenty-first century. It shows how the discourse was distinctly centred on presenting the High North as “the land of the future”.
Arctic Euphoria and International High North Politics, 2017
The High North is the number one priority in Norwegian foreign politics. The country’s High North... more The High North is the number one priority in Norwegian foreign politics. The country’s High North strategies have traditionally centred on its relationship with other states in the Barents Sea area, Russia in particular. During the Cold War, security interests dominated, while after the dissolution of the Soviet Union institutionalized cooperation with Russia became the hallmark of Norwegian High North politics. From the mid-2000s, the division between foreign and domestic policies gradually dissolved, while more recently the circumpolar dimension has grown in importance. Balancing the domestic, regional, and circumpolar levels is a challenge in Norwegian High North politics, but this also gives an opportunity to cultivate different dimensions of these policies depending on the international political situation.
As we saw in Chapter 2, the north-western parts of Russia have been drawn into extensive politica... more As we saw in Chapter 2, the north-western parts of Russia have been drawn into extensive political partnerships with the Scandinavian countries since the end of the Cold War. While this international cooperation is particularly widespread in the areas of nuclear safety and environmental protection, it extends to the joint management of the Barents Sea fish stocks and people-to-people projects under the auspices of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR). Judging from the evidence of my own fieldwork in the area over many years, Western assistance was largely welcome during the 1990s, although hand-outs to relieve poverty were viewed with disdain by some. Russian perceptions of the international cooperation began to shift around the turn of the millennium, however, and projects aimed at transforming Russia into a Western-style liberal democracy were greeted with increasing scepticism. Above all, there was a pervasive suspicion of what the Russians presumed to be the West’s hidden motiv...
Russia’s flag planting at the North Pole in 2007 unleashed a surge of media attention and politic... more Russia’s flag planting at the North Pole in 2007 unleashed a surge of media attention and political interest in the Arctic. A scramble for the Arctic was underway, with Russia as the wild card. This chapter draws attention to the internal Russian criticism of the delimitation agreement that Russia entered into with Norway in the Barents Sea in 2010. The agreement was a compromise which split the formerly disputed area into two equal parts. Critics call for President Putin to establish an international expert commission to assess the validity of the agreement. The author argues that international agreements cannot be annulled by commissions or experts, so the question is not so much how, but why Putin should claim the Barents Sea back.
ÖZ Amaç: Radius distal uç kırığına bağlı volar plaklama yapılan hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri i... more ÖZ Amaç: Radius distal uç kırığına bağlı volar plaklama yapılan hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri ile eklem hareket açıklıkları, kavrama kuvveti ve fonksiyonel sonuçları arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmaktı. Gereç ve Yöntem: Çalışmaya radius distal uç kırığı sonrası volar plaklama yapılan ve 12 haftalık süpervize fizyoterapi programını tamamlayan 31 hasta (18 kadın, 13 erkek) alındı. Hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri postoperatif 1. haftada içinde çekilen direkt grafileri üzerinde yapıldı. Volar tilt, radiyal uzunluk, radiyal inklinasyon ve ulnar varyans değerleri kaydedildi. Postoperatif 12 haftada hastaların el bileği ve önkol eklem hareket açıklıkları, kavrama kuvveti ve fonksiyonel düzeyleri (Hasta Bazlı El Bileği Değerlendirme Anketi "PRWE" ve Kol, Omuz ve El Yaralanması Anketi "DASH") ölçüldü. Radyolojik sonuçlar ile fonksiyonel sonuçlar arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek için Spearman Korelasyon Analizi yapıldı. Bulgular: Radyolojik ölçümlerden "ulnar varyans değeri" ile PRWE ağrı skoru ve PRWE toplam skoru arasında pozitif yönde anlamlı ilişki belirlendi (sırasıyla p=0.030, r=0.443; p=0.039, r=0.424). Diğer radyolojik ölçümler ile hiçbir parametre arasında istatististiksel olarak anlamlı korelasyon yoktu (p>0.05). El bileği fleksiyon ve ekstansiyon dereceleri de kavrama kuvveti ile (sırasıyla, r=0,660, r=0.619) ve PWRE fonksiyon skorları ile (sırasıyla, r=-0.497, r=-0.520) anlamlı korelasyon gösterdi (p<0.05). Sonuç: Bu çalışma radius distal uç kırığı sonrası volar plaklama yapılan ve fizyoterapi programına alınan hastalarda, radyolojik ölçümlerden yalnızca ulnar varyans değerinin fonksiyonel sonuçları etkilediğini göstermiştir. Daha kesin sonuçlar için farklı redüksiyon tiplerinde ve farklı hasta sayılarında çalışmalara ihtiyaç bulunmaktadır.
General development trends in law, politics and economy: relations between Moscow and the regions... more General development trends in law, politics and economy: relations between Moscow and the regions of northwestern Russia - the legal aspect the Russian regionalization process - decentralization by design or disintegration by default? Russian regions in transition - centralization through decentralization? Sectoral studies - resource management and military presence: offshore developments - the compatability of federal decisions and regional concerns centre-periphery tensions in the management of northwest Russian fisheries the military sector - federal responsibility, regional concern.
This chapter provides an overview of the Barents Sea jurisdiction and fisheries management. Norwa... more This chapter provides an overview of the Barents Sea jurisdiction and fisheries management. Norway and Russia have successfully managed the main fish stocks in the area together since 1976, to which the consistently relaxed and positive relations between management authorities in both countries, and between Norwegian enforcement bodies and Russian fishers, bear testimony. In the late 1990s, the tone of these relations dipped. Russians complained about discrimination, and suspected Norway of harbouring a master plan to eject the Russians from the Barents Sea and the Svalbard archipelago. In the 2000s, the constructive atmosphere returned, as Norway and Russia found new compromises in a number of areas, two of which concerned the establishment of fish quotas and steps to combat overfishing in the area.
Arctic Politics, the Law of the Sea and Russian Identity, 2014
Russian critics of the delimitation agreement in the Barents Sea see Norway as the embodiment of ... more Russian critics of the delimitation agreement in the Barents Sea see Norway as the embodiment of deceitfulness and cunning, a nation ready to do anything to undermine Russia as an Arctic rival. But they also admire Norway for behaving as a state in pursuit of economic gain and security would act. They criticize their own authorities, who are either unable or unwilling to defend Russian interests with the same vigour and determination. The author argues that critics avail themselves of the narrative resources available to them in order to defend their own position, reviving in their discourse the age-old picture of the West as a collection of nations intent on harming Russia.
This section of the book Law and Politics in Ocean Governance: The UN Fish Stocks Agreement and R... more This section of the book Law and Politics in Ocean Governance: The UN Fish Stocks Agreement and Regional Fisheries Management Regimes contains a list of reference books and material. Regional fisheries management regimes are international institutions established by states, identifying common gains in working together to overcome collective-action problems related to the management of regional fisheries. Regional fisheries management regimes may be established as formal organizations with personnel, infrastructure, budgets and legal personality by a constituting agreement between the parties.Keywords: International Law; regional fisheries management regime; UN Fish Stocks Agreement
This chapter outlines and discusses the road to an operational South East Atlantic Fisheries Orga... more This chapter outlines and discusses the road to an operational South East Atlantic Fisheries Organization (SEAFO) and the manner in which the Fish Stocks Agreement has been reflected in the SEAFO Convention. It begins by presenting the fisheries and fishing activity in the southeast Atlantic, and turns to the negotiation process and the substantive provisions of the SEAFO Convention. Finally, the chapter outlines the political process of moving the SEAFO Convention from paper to management practice through cooperation among the parties.Keywords: Fish Stocks Agreement; South East Atlantic Fisheries Organization (SEAFO) convention
The Arctic has been the object of heated political discussion in recent years as the region has e... more The Arctic has been the object of heated political discussion in recent years as the region has evolved from a potential conflict zone during the Cold War to an arena for international cooperation immediately afterwards. Since the mid-2000s attention has once again focused on the conflict potential of the Arctic, this time related to its resources. This article looks at how the research literature balances its prospects. The literature on international relations (IR) in the Arctic has been mainly empirical in orientation, although framed in the major IR traditions of realism (traditional geopolitics), institutionalism and (to a lesser extent) constructivism. The English-language literature on Arctic politics, which naturally dominates the field globally, is by and large framed in institutional terms. The discussion is not whether institutions matter in Arctic politics, but how they best can be crafted in order to maintain peace and stability in the region. Speculations about a 'scramble for the Arctic' have more or less unanimously been refuted in the literature. The French literature, on the other hand, is largely framed in a geopolitical context. French geopolitics is less concerned with the global power game than with the rivalry between states for strategic resources. The institutions of cooperation are, however, downplayed.
This chapter discusses how ordinary Northwest Russians speak about themselves as northerners, as ... more This chapter discusses how ordinary Northwest Russians speak about themselves as northerners, as opposed to Russian southerners, and as Russians, as opposed to Scandinavians. Russian northerners describe themselves as efficient, cultured, calm and considerate, unlike southerners, who they portray as noisy, uncultured and cruel. Scandinavians come across as well-organized, orderly and shrewd on the one hand, and dull, spoiled and decadent on the other. The author argues that people draw on the common pool of narrative resources to construct an identity that either chimes with or challenges the Westernness of Scandinavians.
Around 2010, the enthusiasm surrounding Norwegian High North politics had tapered off, just like ... more Around 2010, the enthusiasm surrounding Norwegian High North politics had tapered off, just like inertia hit the Barents cooperation a decade earlier. Once again the emperor had new clothes to put on: “the High North” was out, but an “Arctic wave” was on the rise. As states were making claims to areas of the continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean, global media revelled in the idea of a “scramble for the Arctic”. Norway threw itself forcefully onto the international Arctic scene, branding itself as the Arctic nation per se. Norwegian High North politics moved from the near abroad to the Circumpolar North. The scene has shifted, but the basic rhythm is the same: the Arctic is a stage particularly suitable for political song and dance.
In the first years of the twenty-first century, Norwegian politics towards Russia were in a limbo... more In the first years of the twenty-first century, Norwegian politics towards Russia were in a limbo, with many initiatives ending in failure. By 2005, the prospects of Norwegian participation in offshore drilling for oil and gas on the Russian shelf in the Barents Sea had taken over as the hallmark of the new times in the North. Fresh Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Store formulated his High North initiative and declared the northern regions the number one priority of Norwegian foreign policy. This chapter focuses on the public debate about the High North in Norway during the first decade of the twenty-first century. It shows how the discourse was distinctly centred on presenting the High North as “the land of the future”.
Arctic Euphoria and International High North Politics, 2017
The High North is the number one priority in Norwegian foreign politics. The country’s High North... more The High North is the number one priority in Norwegian foreign politics. The country’s High North strategies have traditionally centred on its relationship with other states in the Barents Sea area, Russia in particular. During the Cold War, security interests dominated, while after the dissolution of the Soviet Union institutionalized cooperation with Russia became the hallmark of Norwegian High North politics. From the mid-2000s, the division between foreign and domestic policies gradually dissolved, while more recently the circumpolar dimension has grown in importance. Balancing the domestic, regional, and circumpolar levels is a challenge in Norwegian High North politics, but this also gives an opportunity to cultivate different dimensions of these policies depending on the international political situation.
As we saw in Chapter 2, the north-western parts of Russia have been drawn into extensive politica... more As we saw in Chapter 2, the north-western parts of Russia have been drawn into extensive political partnerships with the Scandinavian countries since the end of the Cold War. While this international cooperation is particularly widespread in the areas of nuclear safety and environmental protection, it extends to the joint management of the Barents Sea fish stocks and people-to-people projects under the auspices of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (BEAR). Judging from the evidence of my own fieldwork in the area over many years, Western assistance was largely welcome during the 1990s, although hand-outs to relieve poverty were viewed with disdain by some. Russian perceptions of the international cooperation began to shift around the turn of the millennium, however, and projects aimed at transforming Russia into a Western-style liberal democracy were greeted with increasing scepticism. Above all, there was a pervasive suspicion of what the Russians presumed to be the West’s hidden motiv...
Russia’s flag planting at the North Pole in 2007 unleashed a surge of media attention and politic... more Russia’s flag planting at the North Pole in 2007 unleashed a surge of media attention and political interest in the Arctic. A scramble for the Arctic was underway, with Russia as the wild card. This chapter draws attention to the internal Russian criticism of the delimitation agreement that Russia entered into with Norway in the Barents Sea in 2010. The agreement was a compromise which split the formerly disputed area into two equal parts. Critics call for President Putin to establish an international expert commission to assess the validity of the agreement. The author argues that international agreements cannot be annulled by commissions or experts, so the question is not so much how, but why Putin should claim the Barents Sea back.
ÖZ Amaç: Radius distal uç kırığına bağlı volar plaklama yapılan hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri i... more ÖZ Amaç: Radius distal uç kırığına bağlı volar plaklama yapılan hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri ile eklem hareket açıklıkları, kavrama kuvveti ve fonksiyonel sonuçları arasındaki ilişkiyi araştırmaktı. Gereç ve Yöntem: Çalışmaya radius distal uç kırığı sonrası volar plaklama yapılan ve 12 haftalık süpervize fizyoterapi programını tamamlayan 31 hasta (18 kadın, 13 erkek) alındı. Hastaların radyolojik ölçümleri postoperatif 1. haftada içinde çekilen direkt grafileri üzerinde yapıldı. Volar tilt, radiyal uzunluk, radiyal inklinasyon ve ulnar varyans değerleri kaydedildi. Postoperatif 12 haftada hastaların el bileği ve önkol eklem hareket açıklıkları, kavrama kuvveti ve fonksiyonel düzeyleri (Hasta Bazlı El Bileği Değerlendirme Anketi "PRWE" ve Kol, Omuz ve El Yaralanması Anketi "DASH") ölçüldü. Radyolojik sonuçlar ile fonksiyonel sonuçlar arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek için Spearman Korelasyon Analizi yapıldı. Bulgular: Radyolojik ölçümlerden "ulnar varyans değeri" ile PRWE ağrı skoru ve PRWE toplam skoru arasında pozitif yönde anlamlı ilişki belirlendi (sırasıyla p=0.030, r=0.443; p=0.039, r=0.424). Diğer radyolojik ölçümler ile hiçbir parametre arasında istatististiksel olarak anlamlı korelasyon yoktu (p>0.05). El bileği fleksiyon ve ekstansiyon dereceleri de kavrama kuvveti ile (sırasıyla, r=0,660, r=0.619) ve PWRE fonksiyon skorları ile (sırasıyla, r=-0.497, r=-0.520) anlamlı korelasyon gösterdi (p<0.05). Sonuç: Bu çalışma radius distal uç kırığı sonrası volar plaklama yapılan ve fizyoterapi programına alınan hastalarda, radyolojik ölçümlerden yalnızca ulnar varyans değerinin fonksiyonel sonuçları etkilediğini göstermiştir. Daha kesin sonuçlar için farklı redüksiyon tiplerinde ve farklı hasta sayılarında çalışmalara ihtiyaç bulunmaktadır.
General development trends in law, politics and economy: relations between Moscow and the regions... more General development trends in law, politics and economy: relations between Moscow and the regions of northwestern Russia - the legal aspect the Russian regionalization process - decentralization by design or disintegration by default? Russian regions in transition - centralization through decentralization? Sectoral studies - resource management and military presence: offshore developments - the compatability of federal decisions and regional concerns centre-periphery tensions in the management of northwest Russian fisheries the military sector - federal responsibility, regional concern.
This chapter provides an overview of the Barents Sea jurisdiction and fisheries management. Norwa... more This chapter provides an overview of the Barents Sea jurisdiction and fisheries management. Norway and Russia have successfully managed the main fish stocks in the area together since 1976, to which the consistently relaxed and positive relations between management authorities in both countries, and between Norwegian enforcement bodies and Russian fishers, bear testimony. In the late 1990s, the tone of these relations dipped. Russians complained about discrimination, and suspected Norway of harbouring a master plan to eject the Russians from the Barents Sea and the Svalbard archipelago. In the 2000s, the constructive atmosphere returned, as Norway and Russia found new compromises in a number of areas, two of which concerned the establishment of fish quotas and steps to combat overfishing in the area.
Arctic Politics, the Law of the Sea and Russian Identity, 2014
Russian critics of the delimitation agreement in the Barents Sea see Norway as the embodiment of ... more Russian critics of the delimitation agreement in the Barents Sea see Norway as the embodiment of deceitfulness and cunning, a nation ready to do anything to undermine Russia as an Arctic rival. But they also admire Norway for behaving as a state in pursuit of economic gain and security would act. They criticize their own authorities, who are either unable or unwilling to defend Russian interests with the same vigour and determination. The author argues that critics avail themselves of the narrative resources available to them in order to defend their own position, reviving in their discourse the age-old picture of the West as a collection of nations intent on harming Russia.
This section of the book Law and Politics in Ocean Governance: The UN Fish Stocks Agreement and R... more This section of the book Law and Politics in Ocean Governance: The UN Fish Stocks Agreement and Regional Fisheries Management Regimes contains a list of reference books and material. Regional fisheries management regimes are international institutions established by states, identifying common gains in working together to overcome collective-action problems related to the management of regional fisheries. Regional fisheries management regimes may be established as formal organizations with personnel, infrastructure, budgets and legal personality by a constituting agreement between the parties.Keywords: International Law; regional fisheries management regime; UN Fish Stocks Agreement
This chapter outlines and discusses the road to an operational South East Atlantic Fisheries Orga... more This chapter outlines and discusses the road to an operational South East Atlantic Fisheries Organization (SEAFO) and the manner in which the Fish Stocks Agreement has been reflected in the SEAFO Convention. It begins by presenting the fisheries and fishing activity in the southeast Atlantic, and turns to the negotiation process and the substantive provisions of the SEAFO Convention. Finally, the chapter outlines the political process of moving the SEAFO Convention from paper to management practice through cooperation among the parties.Keywords: Fish Stocks Agreement; South East Atlantic Fisheries Organization (SEAFO) convention
In Cod We Trust: Trends in Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Cooperation This article outlines the deve... more In Cod We Trust: Trends in Norwegian-Russian Fisheries Cooperation This article outlines the development of the bilateral Norwegian-Russian fisheries management regime since its establishment in the mid-1970s and discusses how fisheries cooperation in the post-Soviet period has been influenced by three factors external to the regime: the political climate between Russia and the West, Norwegian-Russian cooperation in the commercial sphere and the internal political and economic development in Russia. While cooperation in the early 1990s was characterized by good relations and a high level of regulative activity, the climate between the parties cooled off towards the turn of the millennium, and it became difficult to reach agreement on some issues. Since the early 2000s, development has been mainly positive, with both parties taking a pragmatic approach to cooperation.
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