The twentieth century saw the emergence of many nation-states previously non-existent. Lithuania,... more The twentieth century saw the emergence of many nation-states previously non-existent. Lithuania, Estonia, and Slovenia are just examples of what previously would have been regarded as basically loose linguistic groups or provinces ruled over by metropolitan states, such as Russia or Austro-Hungary, which are now nation-states. Meanwhile, Italy and Germany were geographic and cultural expressions covering a number of independent states with no political unity, which illustrates the problem of Ireland‘s identity and poses questions about nationalism.
This is a commendable book for anyone interested in Northern Ireland and/or Ireland. In addition,... more This is a commendable book for anyone interested in Northern Ireland and/or Ireland. In addition, it is also commendable to anyone interested in conflict resolution and ‘consociationalism’, or enfo...
... of Terrorism John Horgan Research on Terrorism Trends, achievements and failures Edited byAnd... more ... of Terrorism John Horgan Research on Terrorism Trends, achievements and failures Edited byAndrew Silke A ... Anne Aldis and Graeme P. Herd The IRA and Armed Struggle Rogelio Alonso Homeland ... of Leicester and is currently a PhD candidate at the University of St Andrews. ...
Religion is usually regarded by most people, in addition to be being claimed by adherents, as pac... more Religion is usually regarded by most people, in addition to be being claimed by adherents, as pacific and a force for peace and good will, love and amity. However, in the history of human civilisation it has actually continually been a major force behind or stimulating violence. Meanwhile, whilst religion is rarely thought of as identity it is invariably a major source of identity in most societies, not least in nationalism. Thus it is the aim here to review the relationship between religion and identity and just why they pose such a security threat in contemporary international relations and then to consider some possible ways forward. XULASƏ Din adətən əksər insanlar tərəfindən sevgi, xos niyyət sulh sevərlik kimi basa duslur. Buna baxmayaraq insan
This article aims to review the relationships between religion and national identity as revealed ... more This article aims to review the relationships between religion and national identity as revealed through some 23 articles in National Identities published over the last 10 years. In addition I will also try to lay out a broad perspective on religion and nation from which to develop this review. Specifically the message is that religion has not gone away and in many ways is just as prevalent today in influencing national identity as in the past, despite the popularity of the secularization thesis, although religion's overt presence, role and form may have changed. In addition I will also argue that whilst the published articles represent a confirmation of the continued importance of religion they also display a greater need for an understanding of religion and its importance in human affairs.
This special issue raised some points of interpretation that need developing. Everyone writes wit... more This special issue raised some points of interpretation that need developing. Everyone writes with a (more or less overt) set of assumptions, which is particularly true where the subject matter is as politically contentious as nationalism and that nationalism is still contested, as with Ireland. This was particularly true of this issue. This response aims to tease out some hidden assumptions and interpretations in those papers to further our understanding of the role of religion not just within the general framework of nationalism but also within our own assumptions of religious and ideological norms and values when studying nationalism.
The purpose of this article is to review the above incident: what happened, how it happened and w... more The purpose of this article is to review the above incident: what happened, how it happened and who did it and why. Also, to place it in the context of the current "peace process," Irish history and the history of Irish Republican violence. In looking at who carried out the bombing there is also an attempt to explain the split between the Provisional and Real IRA, their motives and ideas, the complex relationship between the two and what they hope to achieve. This is then followed by an analysis of the actual bombing, the tactics involved in carrying it out and what went wrong. And finally to look at the after effects of the bombing. In many ways the bombing was not as unusual as portrayed by the media, just a continuation of what had been happening for the last 30 years; thus, it is instructive in itself as an "ideal" terrorist operation.
Classical social theory tends largely to be studied out of historical interest these days and is ... more Classical social theory tends largely to be studied out of historical interest these days and is frequently not regarded as relevant to modern world problems. However, it is the contention here that it is the most relevant perspective from which to understand contemporary religious fundamentalism and conflicts, especially Islamic. Modern concerns over religion directly mirror the core concerns behind the rise of classical social theory as modern industrial society and scientific culture challenged and then displaced the then dominant Christian religious understanding and interpretation of the world in the nineteenth century. The West’s clash with Islam, whilst exaggerated, does reflect the same kind of confrontation that the classical social theorists witnessed in their heyday; hence, they can be studied to great benefit as windows into the modern world. Lessons can be learnt of direct benefit to all, not just in sociology and anthropology, who seek to cope with contemporary problem...
On 15 Saturday August 1998, the "Real" IRA set off a bomb in the centre of Omagh, a small, mixed ... more On 15 Saturday August 1998, the "Real" IRA set off a bomb in the centre of Omagh, a small, mixed Catholic and Protestant market town in Northern Ireland. Twenty-nine people were killed and over 200 injured, many critically and many of them children. Considered significant, for a Catholic Republican movement like the IRA in all its guises, was that the majority of deaths and casualties appeared to be Catholics and some were even republicans. This was the worst single incident in 30 years of the Northern Ireland "Troubles," and came at a time when the vast majority of the population of Ireland, both North and South, had voted for a political settlement to the conflict: the "Good Friday Agreement" of 1998.[1] The Real IRA (RIRA) are a Catholic and Nationalist extremist group opposed to the political settlement.[2] All of Ireland, North and South, Nationalist and Unionist, Republican and Loyalist, was shocked. The bombing was unequivocally condemned by all political groupings, including those associated with other republican paramilitary groups who had engaged in bombings prior to the political settlement. Political spokesmen for the Continuity IRA, another splinter group, condemned it. A spokesman for the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), another faction which has killed many people over the past 20 years, called on its members to accept that popular support for the Good Friday Agreement left no justification for violence-the usual prelude to a ceasefire announcement.[3] However, the condemnation of other groups, such as INLA and the Provisional IRA, may be viewed with some reservation as they have carried out similar acts themselves for nearly 30 years. Plausibly their condemnations may be seen as tactical ploys in their then current situation vis-ˆ-vis the "peace process." All the towns previously bombed by the Real IRA, such as Banbridge (1/8/98), were mainly Protestant. But Omagh has a small Catholic majority and a Sinn Fein council chairman. The countryside has pockets of strong Sinn Fein (the political wing of the Provisional IRA) support, from which several of the dead came. People there already supported Sinn Fein's "peace" policy (perhaps this was significant). This time Republicans killed Republicans. Even if this was by mistake, it is assumed that the families and friends of the victims would be even more likely to reject anti-settlement splinter groups.[4] The RIRA, according to the press, seemed totally disoriented by the adverse reaction. First, they issued a statement confirming that they had planted the bomb, but insisted that they had not given a misleading warning, as the media and police claimed. The bomb was meant for the local courthouse, not civilians, they said, and apologized for the deaths. Then after everyone scorned this, and it was disproved by the news organization and the charity which had received the warnings, the RIRA announced a suspension of paramilitary operations, i.e., a ceasefire, during "consultations over our future direction." This too was met by contempt and disbelief.[5] The impression given by much of the media was that this was an unique case, an exceptional event whose affects could be cathartic in the "Troubles" of Northern Ireland. By implication, and sometimes by overt assertion, it was also assumed that these bombers were different, they were not "normal" terrorists. The RIRA was different. This assumption was influenced heavily by the proclamations of condemnation by Sinn Fein and other Republican groups who could normally be expected to "understand the reasons" for such bombings.[6] Aim of the Article However, this article argues that such a view is false, that there is little difference between the Real IRA and the Provisional IRA, or any other nationalist-separatist terrorist group and their acts. Consequently differences in motives, personnel and other characteristics are grossly exaggerated. The only difference was in the number of people killed and injured among the wrong target population. Otherwise these are simply terrorists who were nearly all previously in the Provisional IRA and carrying out exactly the same acts for exactly the same reasons. "Why did they do it?" is a question that is virtually impossible to answer exactly. However, the purpose of this article is to attempt an explanation for the bombing of Omagh, and of why terrorists, in particular ethnic separatists such as the IRA or ETA, the Basque insurgent movement, would carry out such apparently purposeless acts of violence, and why they continue to do so.
The twentieth century saw the emergence of many nation-states previously non-existent. Lithuania,... more The twentieth century saw the emergence of many nation-states previously non-existent. Lithuania, Estonia, and Slovenia are just examples of what previously would have been regarded as basically loose linguistic groups or provinces ruled over by metropolitan states, such as Russia or Austro-Hungary, which are now nation-states. Meanwhile, Italy and Germany were geographic and cultural expressions covering a number of independent states with no political unity, which illustrates the problem of Ireland‘s identity and poses questions about nationalism.
This is a commendable book for anyone interested in Northern Ireland and/or Ireland. In addition,... more This is a commendable book for anyone interested in Northern Ireland and/or Ireland. In addition, it is also commendable to anyone interested in conflict resolution and ‘consociationalism’, or enfo...
... of Terrorism John Horgan Research on Terrorism Trends, achievements and failures Edited byAnd... more ... of Terrorism John Horgan Research on Terrorism Trends, achievements and failures Edited byAndrew Silke A ... Anne Aldis and Graeme P. Herd The IRA and Armed Struggle Rogelio Alonso Homeland ... of Leicester and is currently a PhD candidate at the University of St Andrews. ...
Religion is usually regarded by most people, in addition to be being claimed by adherents, as pac... more Religion is usually regarded by most people, in addition to be being claimed by adherents, as pacific and a force for peace and good will, love and amity. However, in the history of human civilisation it has actually continually been a major force behind or stimulating violence. Meanwhile, whilst religion is rarely thought of as identity it is invariably a major source of identity in most societies, not least in nationalism. Thus it is the aim here to review the relationship between religion and identity and just why they pose such a security threat in contemporary international relations and then to consider some possible ways forward. XULASƏ Din adətən əksər insanlar tərəfindən sevgi, xos niyyət sulh sevərlik kimi basa duslur. Buna baxmayaraq insan
This article aims to review the relationships between religion and national identity as revealed ... more This article aims to review the relationships between religion and national identity as revealed through some 23 articles in National Identities published over the last 10 years. In addition I will also try to lay out a broad perspective on religion and nation from which to develop this review. Specifically the message is that religion has not gone away and in many ways is just as prevalent today in influencing national identity as in the past, despite the popularity of the secularization thesis, although religion's overt presence, role and form may have changed. In addition I will also argue that whilst the published articles represent a confirmation of the continued importance of religion they also display a greater need for an understanding of religion and its importance in human affairs.
This special issue raised some points of interpretation that need developing. Everyone writes wit... more This special issue raised some points of interpretation that need developing. Everyone writes with a (more or less overt) set of assumptions, which is particularly true where the subject matter is as politically contentious as nationalism and that nationalism is still contested, as with Ireland. This was particularly true of this issue. This response aims to tease out some hidden assumptions and interpretations in those papers to further our understanding of the role of religion not just within the general framework of nationalism but also within our own assumptions of religious and ideological norms and values when studying nationalism.
The purpose of this article is to review the above incident: what happened, how it happened and w... more The purpose of this article is to review the above incident: what happened, how it happened and who did it and why. Also, to place it in the context of the current "peace process," Irish history and the history of Irish Republican violence. In looking at who carried out the bombing there is also an attempt to explain the split between the Provisional and Real IRA, their motives and ideas, the complex relationship between the two and what they hope to achieve. This is then followed by an analysis of the actual bombing, the tactics involved in carrying it out and what went wrong. And finally to look at the after effects of the bombing. In many ways the bombing was not as unusual as portrayed by the media, just a continuation of what had been happening for the last 30 years; thus, it is instructive in itself as an "ideal" terrorist operation.
Classical social theory tends largely to be studied out of historical interest these days and is ... more Classical social theory tends largely to be studied out of historical interest these days and is frequently not regarded as relevant to modern world problems. However, it is the contention here that it is the most relevant perspective from which to understand contemporary religious fundamentalism and conflicts, especially Islamic. Modern concerns over religion directly mirror the core concerns behind the rise of classical social theory as modern industrial society and scientific culture challenged and then displaced the then dominant Christian religious understanding and interpretation of the world in the nineteenth century. The West’s clash with Islam, whilst exaggerated, does reflect the same kind of confrontation that the classical social theorists witnessed in their heyday; hence, they can be studied to great benefit as windows into the modern world. Lessons can be learnt of direct benefit to all, not just in sociology and anthropology, who seek to cope with contemporary problem...
On 15 Saturday August 1998, the "Real" IRA set off a bomb in the centre of Omagh, a small, mixed ... more On 15 Saturday August 1998, the "Real" IRA set off a bomb in the centre of Omagh, a small, mixed Catholic and Protestant market town in Northern Ireland. Twenty-nine people were killed and over 200 injured, many critically and many of them children. Considered significant, for a Catholic Republican movement like the IRA in all its guises, was that the majority of deaths and casualties appeared to be Catholics and some were even republicans. This was the worst single incident in 30 years of the Northern Ireland "Troubles," and came at a time when the vast majority of the population of Ireland, both North and South, had voted for a political settlement to the conflict: the "Good Friday Agreement" of 1998.[1] The Real IRA (RIRA) are a Catholic and Nationalist extremist group opposed to the political settlement.[2] All of Ireland, North and South, Nationalist and Unionist, Republican and Loyalist, was shocked. The bombing was unequivocally condemned by all political groupings, including those associated with other republican paramilitary groups who had engaged in bombings prior to the political settlement. Political spokesmen for the Continuity IRA, another splinter group, condemned it. A spokesman for the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), another faction which has killed many people over the past 20 years, called on its members to accept that popular support for the Good Friday Agreement left no justification for violence-the usual prelude to a ceasefire announcement.[3] However, the condemnation of other groups, such as INLA and the Provisional IRA, may be viewed with some reservation as they have carried out similar acts themselves for nearly 30 years. Plausibly their condemnations may be seen as tactical ploys in their then current situation vis-ˆ-vis the "peace process." All the towns previously bombed by the Real IRA, such as Banbridge (1/8/98), were mainly Protestant. But Omagh has a small Catholic majority and a Sinn Fein council chairman. The countryside has pockets of strong Sinn Fein (the political wing of the Provisional IRA) support, from which several of the dead came. People there already supported Sinn Fein's "peace" policy (perhaps this was significant). This time Republicans killed Republicans. Even if this was by mistake, it is assumed that the families and friends of the victims would be even more likely to reject anti-settlement splinter groups.[4] The RIRA, according to the press, seemed totally disoriented by the adverse reaction. First, they issued a statement confirming that they had planted the bomb, but insisted that they had not given a misleading warning, as the media and police claimed. The bomb was meant for the local courthouse, not civilians, they said, and apologized for the deaths. Then after everyone scorned this, and it was disproved by the news organization and the charity which had received the warnings, the RIRA announced a suspension of paramilitary operations, i.e., a ceasefire, during "consultations over our future direction." This too was met by contempt and disbelief.[5] The impression given by much of the media was that this was an unique case, an exceptional event whose affects could be cathartic in the "Troubles" of Northern Ireland. By implication, and sometimes by overt assertion, it was also assumed that these bombers were different, they were not "normal" terrorists. The RIRA was different. This assumption was influenced heavily by the proclamations of condemnation by Sinn Fein and other Republican groups who could normally be expected to "understand the reasons" for such bombings.[6] Aim of the Article However, this article argues that such a view is false, that there is little difference between the Real IRA and the Provisional IRA, or any other nationalist-separatist terrorist group and their acts. Consequently differences in motives, personnel and other characteristics are grossly exaggerated. The only difference was in the number of people killed and injured among the wrong target population. Otherwise these are simply terrorists who were nearly all previously in the Provisional IRA and carrying out exactly the same acts for exactly the same reasons. "Why did they do it?" is a question that is virtually impossible to answer exactly. However, the purpose of this article is to attempt an explanation for the bombing of Omagh, and of why terrorists, in particular ethnic separatists such as the IRA or ETA, the Basque insurgent movement, would carry out such apparently purposeless acts of violence, and why they continue to do so.
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