Papers by Raja M A Saleem
In this concluding chapter, the four requirements (co-variation of two variables, Granger causali... more In this concluding chapter, the four requirements (co-variation of two variables, Granger causality condition, non-spuriousness, and causal mechanism) proving a causal link between Islam’s role in state nationalism and the Islamization of government are the focus. First, the correlation between Islam’s role in state nationalism and the Islamization of government and the Granger causality condition is highlighted in four eras of Turkish history and three eras of Pakistani history. Then, the absence of spuriousness is demonstrated and three causal mechanisms (authenticity, mobilization, and legitimacy) linking Islam’s role in state nationalism to the Islamization of government are underscored. The chapter ends with a brief discussion on how future research can study the same causal link in Malaysia, Israel, and Sri Lanka.
Springer eBooks, 2017
A generation ago, many social scientists regarded religion as an anachronism, whose social, econo... more A generation ago, many social scientists regarded religion as an anachronism, whose social, economic, and political importance would inevitably wane and disappear in the face of the inexorable forces of modernity. Of course, nothing of the sort has occurred; indeed, the public role of religion is resurgent in US domestic politics, in other nations, and in the international arena. Today, religion is widely acknowledged to be a key variable in candidate nominations, platforms, and elections; it is recognized as a major influence on domestic and foreign policies. National religious movements as diverse as the Christian Right in the United States and the Taliban in Afghanistan are important factors in the internal politics of particular nations. Moreover, such transnational religious actors as Al-Qaida, Falun Gong, and the Vatican have had important effects on the politics and policies of nations around the world. Palgrave Studies in Religion, Politics, and Policy serves a growing niche in the discipline of political science. This subfield has proliferated rapidly during the past two decades, and has generated an enormous amount of scholarly studies and journalistic coverage. Five years ago, the journal Politics and Religion was created; in addition, works relating to religion and politics have been the subject of many articles in more general academic journals. The number of books and monographs on religion and politics has increased tremendously. In the past, many social scientists dismissed religion as a key variable in politics and government. This series casts a broad net over the subfield, providing opportunities for scholars at all levels to publish their works with Palgrave. The series publishes monographs in all subfields of political science, including American Politics, Public Policy, Public Law, Comparative Politics, International Relations, and Political Theory. The principal focus of the series is the public role of religion. "Religion" is construed broadly to include public opinion, religious institutions, and the legal frameworks under which religious politics are practiced. The "dependent variable" in which we are interested is politics, defined broadly to include analyses of the public sources and consequences of religious belief and behavior. These would include matters of public policy, as well as variations in the practice of political life. We welcome a diverse range of methodological perspectives, provided that the approaches taken are intellectually rigorous. The series does not deal with works of theology, in that arguments about the validity or utility of religious beliefs are not a part of the series focus. Similarly, the authors of works about the private or personal consequences of religious belief and behavior, such as personal happiness, mental health, or family dysfunction, should seek other outlets for their writings. Although historical perspectives can often illuminate our understanding of modern political phenomena, our focus in the Religion, Politics, and Policy series is on the relationship between the sacred and the political in contemporary societies.
Springer eBooks, 2017
This chapter analyzes the second indicator of Islam’s role in state nationalism, Islamic themes i... more This chapter analyzes the second indicator of Islam’s role in state nationalism, Islamic themes in the national symbols, anthems, and monuments of Turkey and Pakistan. In the case of Turkey, the national flag and anthem, the presidential flag, Ankara monuments and the emblem and names of the Bosphorus bridges are analyzed. In Pakistan’s case, the national anthem and flag, the presidential flag, the Pakistan Army motto, new holidays, and monuments are examined. The symbols have been selected based on how they have evolved over time and demonstrate an increase or decrease in Islamic themes.
Springer eBooks, 2017
In this chapter, the focus moves to the Islamization of government in Turkey and Pakistan with th... more In this chapter, the focus moves to the Islamization of government in Turkey and Pakistan with the analysis of the Islamic basis of family law. Turkey’s family law was initially based on Islamic tradition but, in 1926, the Swiss Civil Code was adopted as the Turkish Civil Code. Since then, Islamic influence has been negligible. Due to an increase in Erdogan’s power, this might change in near future. Pakistan’s Muslim family law ordinance, 1961, was based on Islamic tradition but influenced by modernity. However, in the 1980s and 1990s, several laws, including the Hudood Ordinances, were promulgated that evinced an overwhelming Islamic trend. In the current era, the tide has turned and Islamic content has gradually been decreasing; for example, the Women’s Protection Law.
Springer eBooks, 2017
This introductory chapter reviews the typical reasons given for Islamization in the Muslim world,... more This introductory chapter reviews the typical reasons given for Islamization in the Muslim world, the need for legitimacy of authoritarian regimes and the popularity of Islamist parties, finding them inadequate. The focus then shifts to nationalism, state nationalism, and religion. The central argument of the book is that Islam’s role in state nationalism and the Islamization of government are causally linked. The chapter introduces the indicators used to measure Islam’s role in state nationalism (the presence of Islamic provisions in the constitution, Islamic themes in national symbols, and Islamic images on the national currency) and the Islamization of government (the Islamic foundation of family law, the Department of Religious Affairs, and governmental support for religious education). The dominant narratives regarding Islam’s role in Turkish and Pakistani nationalism are also explored.
The second indicator of Islamization of government is the presence and functions of government in... more The second indicator of Islamization of government is the presence and functions of government institutions in the management of religious affairs. Both Turkey and Pakistan have such government institutions. The Turkish Diyanet was initially a way to placate the population. However, in the last seven decades, it has expanded manifold, in terms of employees, budget, and operations abroad. In the case of Pakistan, the reasons why the Islamic Republic did not have a Ministry of Religious Affairs during the first 25 years of its existence are discussed. The Ministry, however, became very influential in the 1980s and 1990s due to the work of the Council of Islamic Ideology. More recently, due to government’s lack of interest, its influence has declined.
Pakistan’s democracy has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, ... more Pakistan’s democracy has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasingly controlling digital mediums as well as weaponizing cyberspace. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Islamist civilizational populist Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article provides a four levels of assessment of internet governance in Pakistan: 1. whole network level, 2. sub-network level, 3. proxy level, and 4. user level. In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist civilizational populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around the ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. Thus, Pakistan’s digital space is oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understoo... more The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications...
Since its founding, both civil and military Pakistani governments have used religious populism to... more Since its founding, both civil and military Pakistani governments have used religious populism to consolidate support and legitimize their actions. This has paved the way for religious populism to become a part of the nation’s cultural imagination and identity. During the country’s “infant” or “fragile” democratic phase, religious populism was repeatedly used to consolidate support. Religious parties and groups hold great political sway in the county. Through the use of religious populism, these factions have been allowed to nurture their own “people” who are partisan towards “others.” The weak level of governance, political turmoil, and distrust in institutional capabilities has pushed the public into the arms of religious populists.
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited r... more Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in...
State, Nationalism, and Islamization, 2017
This chapter analyzes Islamic provisions in the constitutions, the first indicator of Islam’s rol... more This chapter analyzes Islamic provisions in the constitutions, the first indicator of Islam’s role in state nationalism. The study of the four Turkish Constitutions (1921, 1924, 1961, and 1982) shows that, initially, Islam had significant influence but, since 1937, secularism has become a defining principle. Inspection of articles related to secularism, religious freedom, religious education and the Diyanet demonstrate that Islam’s role in Turkish constitutions has marginally increased since the 1950s. Analysis of the Islamic provisions in Pakistan’s three Constitutions (1956, 1962, and 1973) and their amendments reveal how Islam’s role has evolved. In the first two constitutions, Islam was important but the 1973 constitution and its amendments made Islam predominant. In the twenty-first century, Islam’s role in the constitution has decreased.
The final indicator of Islamization of government is the government’s support for religious educa... more The final indicator of Islamization of government is the government’s support for religious education. Three types of government support are analyzed: religious education in public schools, (public) religious schools, and assistance to private religious education. In the first part, the initial rejection and subsequent wholehearted acceptance of religious education in public schools and Imam-atip schools by the Turkish elite is examined. In the case of Pakistan, the growth of religious education from a few hours at elementary level to being mandatory up to graduation level is analyzed. The chapter also discusses the growth of madrassas in the 1980s and 1990s, and the decade-long, largely unsuccessful attempts of the governments to control them.
Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much acade... more Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the a...
(Canada). He has previously worked as a civil servant in Pakistan and as a consultant to internat... more (Canada). He has previously worked as a civil servant in Pakistan and as a consultant to international organizations like Asian Development Bank and the United Nations Development Program. His main research interests are democratization, political Islam and the military's role in politics.
This chapter analyzes the third indicator of Islam’s role in state nationalism; all 66 Turkish an... more This chapter analyzes the third indicator of Islam’s role in state nationalism; all 66 Turkish and 31 Pakistani banknotes issued since independence are examined for Islamic symbolism. Mosques, portraits and mausoleums of Islamic personalities, and the crescent and star are deemed Islamic symbols. In the case of Turkey, the Ottoman symbols are also viewed as Islamic symbols as, due to their intertwining during the long Ottoman era, Ottoman symbols do evoke Islamic emotions and sentiments. Similarly, for Pakistan, besides the Islamic symbols mentioned above, the Moghul buildings are also counted as Islamic symbols. The analysis demonstrates that the rise and fall in Islam’s role in state nationalism in Turkey and Pakistan based on banknote images follows the pattern seen in Chapters 2 and 3.
Party Politics, Jun 17, 2016
through the links between the theory of power and the literature on political parties, something ... more through the links between the theory of power and the literature on political parties, something that few if any have done before. Henceforward, this exercise in joinedup thinking should make it hard for scholars to ignore the more nuanced understanding of power in parties that Rye has elaborated. Furthermore, apart from the analytical boost that this book will provide to party research, it should also be of value to teachers of both political science and theory. For the former, the book provides clear and useful reviews of debates about both power and structure and agency; for the latter, it offers an excellent real-world example of the practice of power with which students will be able to engage.
Religions, Mar 3, 2023
This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative... more This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY
Modest Increase in Islam's role in nationalism often precedes the increase in the Islamization of... more Modest Increase in Islam's role in nationalism often precedes the increase in the Islamization of Government…………………………………..…………...……574 82. Timeline: Increase in Islam's role in nationalism often precedes the increase in the Islamization of Government………………………………………………….…..…576 83. Timeline: Increase in Islam's role in nationalism precedes the increase in the Islamization of Government…………………………………………………...……579 84. Timeline: Increase in Islam's role in nationalism precedes the increase in the Islamization of Government………………………………………………...………584 85. Timeline: Increase in Islam's role in nationalism precedes the increase in the Islamization of Government………………………………………………….…..…586 86. Timeline: Decrease in Islam's role in nationalism precedes the decrease in the Islamization of Government……………………………...………..……………..…589 87. Causal Mechanisms……………………………………………...………….………595 88. Causal Mechanisms/Intervening Variables…………...…………………….………598 89. State Nationalism effect on Public Policies stronger than the reverse effect………..607 90. Islam's Role in Nationalism effect on the Islamization of Government stronger than the reverse effect………………………………………………...…………………….. 609
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Papers by Raja M A Saleem
another attempt to ‘unpack the inclusion-moderation thesis’. As the editors argue, there is a dearth of comparative representation of Islamist parties from the Middle East and the South/South-East Asian regions. Many authors focus on one region and come up with conclusions that become questionable if one studies Islamist parties in the other regions.
This volume, therefore, makes a notable and critical contribution by focusing on two regions that are home to the vast majority of world’s Muslim population. Eight Islamist parties from six different countries have been analysed in detail by scholars who have distinguished
records of undertaking exceptional research. This volume has several features that make it recommended reading for those interested in Islamist parties. The introductory chapter gives an effective exposition of the inclusion-moderation thesis with respect to Islamist parties
and sets the tone for the six country chapters. Despite the volume’s small size, the country chapters are detailed and give a comprehensive overview of the selected Islamist parties’ interaction with other political parties and with the political regimes in power. Most chapters give a substantive historical analysis which serves as background for the later scrutiny of the contemporary issues faced by these parties within their national contexts.