History

Published by the Feminist Press at the City University of New York The Graduate Center, 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016 www. feministpress. org First Feminist Press edition, 2004 09 08 07 06 05 04 5 4 3 2 1 Compilation copyright© 2004 by Tao Jie, Zheng Bijun, and ...

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Social network analysis as a distinct field of study had its genesis in the anthropological revolt against structural-functionalism in the late 1960s and early 1970s. It was born through an awareness among a new generation of scholars that structuralfunctional models failed to make adequate space for human agency. Attention to personal networkswho knew whom, and how closely they were connectedseemed better suited to understanding individual decision-making than the previous generation"s focus on groups and roles. It quickly became evident that any serious attempt to map social networks of meaningful sizethe population of an entire village, for instancewould all but require a rigorous quantitative approach. Here, the mathematics of graph theory, growing in prominence since the 1950s, provided a natural fit. With the advent of computer technology, graph theory provides network analysts with relatively simple tools for answering complex questions: e.g. how many degrees of separation on average separate all members of a network? which member of the network is connected to the most other members of the network? how densely or loosely connected is the network as a whole? Such questions hold a natural interest for prosopographers, who can then begin to look for certain characteristicsclass, office, occupation, genderand identify patterns of connectivity that they might have otherwise missed when confronted with a mass of data too large for normal synthetic approaches. And yet, network analysis has been slow to take root among ancient historians. Network analytical research on the Greco-Roman world has focused on questions of religious history and topography (Clark 1992; Mueller 2002, 2003a, 2003b). Nonetheless, the epigraphic and papyrological evidence beg a network analytical

This paper examines the use of Orientalism in the history, plot, and reception one of the most successful French novels of all time: Alexandre Dumas' The Count of Monte Cristo (1845). Dubbed 'a 19th-century version of " The Arabian Nights " ', this fictional tale is also a historical text linking East and West within the moral universe of post-Napoleonic Europe. Wrongfully accused of state treason, a Marseilles sailor, Dantès, transforms into the mysterious and foreign Count of Monte Cristo through an Orientalising metamorphosis that begins in an island prison and unfolds through a revenge plan after a miraculous escape. Details of the vengeance plots carried out by means of multiple disguises, customized for each of the characters reveal the metageography of an imperial Mediterranean. The traffic in goods, people, technologies, and ideas; the web of symbolic interaction measured in imperial conquest; relations of trade and finance with the Orient, hitherto treated as background, are central to the moral universe of righteous retribution in the tale. The story's immediate and stunning popularity indicates how audiences understood their world at a precise post-Napoleonic moment when France was constructing itself by projecting its power into the Ottoman Empire's North African domains. Embedded within the frame of the story, the racial politics of the Other extend beyond the Orient into the French Atlantic touching Dumas, the author, directly: his half-Haitian father fought as a free officer in Napoleon's Egyptian campaign. Within this autobiographical 19th century milieu, the paper further explores an imperial cosmopolitanism impacting the collective memory struggles and the racial politics of contemporary France.

This paper examines the use of Orientalism in the history, plot, and reception one of the most successful French novels of all time: Alexandre Dumas' The Count of Monte Cristo (1845). Dubbed 'a 19th-century version of "The Arabian Nights"', this fictional tale is also a historical text linking East and West within the moral universe of post-Napoleonic Europe. Wrongfully accused of state treason, a Marseilles sailor, Dantès, transforms into the mysterious and foreign Count of Monte Cristo through an Orientalising metamorphosis that begins in an island prison and unfolds through a revenge plan after a miraculous escape. Details of the vengeance plots carried out by means of multiple disguises, customized for each of the characters reveal the metageography of an imperial Mediterranean. The traffic in goods, people, technologies, and ideas; the web of symbolic interaction measured in imperial conquest; relations of trade and finance with the Orient, hitherto treated as background, are central to the moral universe of righteous retribution in the tale. The story's immediate and stunning popularity indicates how audiences understood their world at a precise post-Napoleonic moment when France was constructing itself by projecting its power into the Ottoman Empire's North African domains. Embedded within the frame of the story, the racial politics of the Other extend beyond the Orient into the French Atlantic touching Dumas, the author, directly: his half-Haitian father fought as a free officer in Napoleon's Egyptian campaign. Within this autobiographical 19th century milieu, the paper further explores an imperial cosmopolitanism impacting the collective memory struggles and the racial politics of contemporary France.

L a correspondencia en sí misma ya es una forma de la utopía. Escribir una carta es enviar un mensaje al futuro; hablar desde el presente con un destinario que no está ahí, del que no se sabe cómo ha de estar (en quéánimo, con quién) mientras le escribimos y sobre todo, despues: al leernos. La correspondencia es la forma utópica de la conversación porque anula el presente y hace del futuro eĺ unico lugar posible del diálogo.

On May 1, 1989, María, a high school teacher from Buenos Aires, wrote a letter to President Raúl Alfonsín as he began his final months in office. The country was in the midst of a hyperinflation crisis and elections were set for just two weeks away. Earlier in the day, María had heard the president's last address to the congress, and she felt compelled to write him. “My friend,” she began, as she recounted how she and her husband, an adjunct university instructor, had worked hard over two decades of marriage, weathering continuous financial difficulties and the sensation of “always having to start over.” María emphasized that she had no political affiliations that would cloud her judgment, lest the president think she was writing to ask for political favors.

This chapter examines the Pedagogical Congress, a national initiative to remake education for a newly democratic Argentina. Launched in 1986 during the presidency of Raúl Alfonsín, government officials touted the Congress as a multi-year exercise in grassroots civic participation to reverse the effects of authoritarian rule. Its ultimate goal was to seek citizen input for the design of an Education Reform Law. In his speech marking the start of the Congress, Alfonsín described the event as a "unifying enterprise" to overcome the "egotistical, individual, and sectarian impulses" of the past. "Democracy," he said, "has already been established institutionally, but in order to reach its full potential it must be developed in the soul of all Argentines." 1 Education represented one pillar of Alfonsín's vision for post-dictatorship Argentina. When he came to office, he famously proclaimed that democracy, in addition to helping to feed and heal Argentina, would also educate its citizenry. Reimagining education was therefore vital to building a democratic Argentina, and the Pedagogical Congress an important vehicle for doing so. Members of the Alfonsín government linked education reform to the promise of Argentina's democratic transition. They saw the Pedagogical Congress as a landmark undertaking, part of the scaffolding of an emerging democratic republic. Its call for active citizen contributions was meant to mark a break between authoritarianism and a new era of civil society. Congress organizers encouraged participation across all "levels of learning." "Students, parents, school cooperatives, union members, teachers, anyone interested in educational issues, and all of the pueblo via political parties and other social organizations" were invited to take part. Every citizen "fifteen years and older" was eligible to contribute to asambleas de base (base committees) in the districts where they lived. 2 Whereas a decade before the participation of students and young people in public life conjured threatening images of revolution and counterculture, the Pedagogical Congress carved out an official space for youth in a major national enterprise. One government official described the Congress as "the most significant educational and cultural event to conclude the twentieth century, and to propel [Argentina] into the year 2000." 3