Schmitt’s conception of sovereignty is at the roots of his totalitarian state doctrine. Instead o... more Schmitt’s conception of sovereignty is at the roots of his totalitarian state doctrine. Instead of rooting sovereignty in the autonomy of the citizen as subject of politics, he makes a secondary, or procedural, aspect its defining criterion. Linking it to the power to decide on the “state of exception,” Schmitt reverses the sequence of origin and exercise of sovereignty and, thus, confounds the categories of legislative and executive power. As regards relations between states, Schmitt’s doctrine of the state of exception can be seen as a blueprint for a Machiavellian exercise of power. The UN Charter is a case in point. The decision-making rules of the United Nations Security Council allow that body’s permanent members – as a group as well as individually – to operate under a kind of permanent state of exception. Because of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, the Council’s authority is virtually absolute. The Council’s decisions are binding upon all member states, and without the possibility of judicial review. According to Article 39 of the Charter, the Council alone decides when those powers are to be invoked: it determines the international “state of exception” – namely, in the Charter’s language, “the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.” The scope of the powers is effectively unlimited, and solely at the discretion of the Council. Thus, the Security Council’s permanent members are the “Schmittian ruler” par excellence.
Keynote Speech, International Conference "Berlin Wall 33 – ‘In the Wake of the Russia-Ukraine Con... more Keynote Speech, International Conference "Berlin Wall 33 – ‘In the Wake of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict’ " -- Academy for Cultural Diplomacy -- Deutscher Bundestag / German Parliament, Berlin, 10 November 2022
Like "dialogue of civilizations" a quarter century ago, "multipolarity" has now become a popular,... more Like "dialogue of civilizations" a quarter century ago, "multipolarity" has now become a popular, almost fashionable, term used by those who hope for a fair, just, and peaceful world order, an order that is different from what was proclaimed as "New World Order" shortly after the end of the Cold War. It remains to be seen whether, unlike as in the case
"SOUVERÄNE GLEICHHEIT" IM SYSTEM DER VEREINTEN NATIONEN, 2024
(I) Gleichheit als Ungleichheit
(II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht
(III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Vol... more (I) Gleichheit als Ungleichheit (II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht (III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Volkssouveränität (IV) Das Dilemma von Recht und Macht (V) Bilanz: Conditio humana und kollektives Handeln
ANHANG: "Gespräche in Graubünden" -- Chronologie und Bibliographie
I.P.O. Vortragsreihe (International Progress Organization), 2024
INHALT
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik
(II) Das Entlastungsparadox
(II... more INHALT
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik (II) Das Entlastungsparadox (III) Realitätsverlust (IV) Folgen für die res publica: Die Trivialisierung des Öffentlichen (V) Conclusio: Die Irreduzibilität des Bewusstseins
Divan: Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, Dec 1, 2013
Internetin gelisi, icerisinde insan turunun potansiyellerinin daha fazla ortaya cikarilabilecegi ... more Internetin gelisi, icerisinde insan turunun potansiyellerinin daha fazla ortaya cikarilabilecegi nedeyse sinirsiz bir iletisim caginin baslangici olarak sitayisle karsilanmaktadir. Oysa “dunya capinda” siyasi bolunmeler goz onune alindiginda ve ozellikle yeni interaktif araclarin sosyal gerceklik algisi uzerindeki etkileri soz konusu oldugunda, bir gerceklik testi yapmak yerinde olacaktir. Web 2.0’in aracsal dogasi ile kullanimindaki ikirciklik, genellikle gozden kaciriliyor gibi gorunmektedir. Gercekte, kitle davranisinin tipik ozellikleri olan telkine aciklik, dusunmeden hareket etme, cabuk ofkelenme gibi nitelikler, “dijital kitle” yapisi icerisinde daha da siddetlenmektedir. Bir yuzyil once Gustave Le Bon’un teshis ettigi bu fenomenler, otomatiklesmis iletisimin ve yeni yayinin niyetlenmemis sonuclari olabilirler. Yeni teknolojilerin ozellikleri, duygusal bir “bize karsi otekiler” zihniyetine dayanan genel ilke etrafinda sekillenmis tarafgirlik ile propagandayi ve daha az dengeli ya da tarafsiz davranislari desteklemeye meyyaldir. Şayet yeni medyanin, iletisimin ozu olan diyalog icin potansiyellerini degerlendirmeyi arzu ediyorsak, bu araclarin beklenen ve beklenmeyen sonuclarini kitle psikolojisi acisindan degerlendirmeliyiz. Internet kullanimi, yeni bir iletisim etigi ve internetin sosyal etkilerine dair bir duyarlilik ile ikmal edilmelidir
The elucidation of the subject object relation may be considered the fundamental quest of critica... more The elucidation of the subject object relation may be considered the fundamental quest of critical philosophy defined by Kant as “transcendental” philosophy. Concepts like “world,” “ego,” “the self,” “man,” or “being” are conducive of a relation to subject object interdependence as constitutes the formal expression of the concrete relatedness of self and world. Within this realm is located transcendental-philosophical reflection. The reflection thus described emanates from the fact of man’s being in the world, seeing therein the subject object relation in its concrete form. In the “prereflective” relation of man and world we find predetermined the fundamental problems of a critical philosophy. The aim of reflection is to elucidate and analyze the nature of this subject object relation. In the course of analyzing reflection the transcendental preconditions of “man’s realization of the world” (Weltvollzug) will be articulated. Thereby man — while performing this act of reflection — arrives at a critical approach toward self-comprehension.
Schmitt’s conception of sovereignty is at the roots of his totalitarian state doctrine. Instead o... more Schmitt’s conception of sovereignty is at the roots of his totalitarian state doctrine. Instead of rooting sovereignty in the autonomy of the citizen as subject of politics, he makes a secondary, or procedural, aspect its defining criterion. Linking it to the power to decide on the “state of exception,” Schmitt reverses the sequence of origin and exercise of sovereignty and, thus, confounds the categories of legislative and executive power. As regards relations between states, Schmitt’s doctrine of the state of exception can be seen as a blueprint for a Machiavellian exercise of power. The UN Charter is a case in point. The decision-making rules of the United Nations Security Council allow that body’s permanent members – as a group as well as individually – to operate under a kind of permanent state of exception. Because of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, the Council’s authority is virtually absolute. The Council’s decisions are binding upon all member states, and without the possibility of judicial review. According to Article 39 of the Charter, the Council alone decides when those powers are to be invoked: it determines the international “state of exception” – namely, in the Charter’s language, “the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.” The scope of the powers is effectively unlimited, and solely at the discretion of the Council. Thus, the Security Council’s permanent members are the “Schmittian ruler” par excellence.
Keynote Speech, International Conference "Berlin Wall 33 – ‘In the Wake of the Russia-Ukraine Con... more Keynote Speech, International Conference "Berlin Wall 33 – ‘In the Wake of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict’ " -- Academy for Cultural Diplomacy -- Deutscher Bundestag / German Parliament, Berlin, 10 November 2022
Like "dialogue of civilizations" a quarter century ago, "multipolarity" has now become a popular,... more Like "dialogue of civilizations" a quarter century ago, "multipolarity" has now become a popular, almost fashionable, term used by those who hope for a fair, just, and peaceful world order, an order that is different from what was proclaimed as "New World Order" shortly after the end of the Cold War. It remains to be seen whether, unlike as in the case
"SOUVERÄNE GLEICHHEIT" IM SYSTEM DER VEREINTEN NATIONEN, 2024
(I) Gleichheit als Ungleichheit
(II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht
(III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Vol... more (I) Gleichheit als Ungleichheit (II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht (III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Volkssouveränität (IV) Das Dilemma von Recht und Macht (V) Bilanz: Conditio humana und kollektives Handeln
ANHANG: "Gespräche in Graubünden" -- Chronologie und Bibliographie
I.P.O. Vortragsreihe (International Progress Organization), 2024
INHALT
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik
(II) Das Entlastungsparadox
(II... more INHALT
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik (II) Das Entlastungsparadox (III) Realitätsverlust (IV) Folgen für die res publica: Die Trivialisierung des Öffentlichen (V) Conclusio: Die Irreduzibilität des Bewusstseins
Divan: Disiplinlerarası Çalışmalar Dergisi, Dec 1, 2013
Internetin gelisi, icerisinde insan turunun potansiyellerinin daha fazla ortaya cikarilabilecegi ... more Internetin gelisi, icerisinde insan turunun potansiyellerinin daha fazla ortaya cikarilabilecegi nedeyse sinirsiz bir iletisim caginin baslangici olarak sitayisle karsilanmaktadir. Oysa “dunya capinda” siyasi bolunmeler goz onune alindiginda ve ozellikle yeni interaktif araclarin sosyal gerceklik algisi uzerindeki etkileri soz konusu oldugunda, bir gerceklik testi yapmak yerinde olacaktir. Web 2.0’in aracsal dogasi ile kullanimindaki ikirciklik, genellikle gozden kaciriliyor gibi gorunmektedir. Gercekte, kitle davranisinin tipik ozellikleri olan telkine aciklik, dusunmeden hareket etme, cabuk ofkelenme gibi nitelikler, “dijital kitle” yapisi icerisinde daha da siddetlenmektedir. Bir yuzyil once Gustave Le Bon’un teshis ettigi bu fenomenler, otomatiklesmis iletisimin ve yeni yayinin niyetlenmemis sonuclari olabilirler. Yeni teknolojilerin ozellikleri, duygusal bir “bize karsi otekiler” zihniyetine dayanan genel ilke etrafinda sekillenmis tarafgirlik ile propagandayi ve daha az dengeli ya da tarafsiz davranislari desteklemeye meyyaldir. Şayet yeni medyanin, iletisimin ozu olan diyalog icin potansiyellerini degerlendirmeyi arzu ediyorsak, bu araclarin beklenen ve beklenmeyen sonuclarini kitle psikolojisi acisindan degerlendirmeliyiz. Internet kullanimi, yeni bir iletisim etigi ve internetin sosyal etkilerine dair bir duyarlilik ile ikmal edilmelidir
The elucidation of the subject object relation may be considered the fundamental quest of critica... more The elucidation of the subject object relation may be considered the fundamental quest of critical philosophy defined by Kant as “transcendental” philosophy. Concepts like “world,” “ego,” “the self,” “man,” or “being” are conducive of a relation to subject object interdependence as constitutes the formal expression of the concrete relatedness of self and world. Within this realm is located transcendental-philosophical reflection. The reflection thus described emanates from the fact of man’s being in the world, seeing therein the subject object relation in its concrete form. In the “prereflective” relation of man and world we find predetermined the fundamental problems of a critical philosophy. The aim of reflection is to elucidate and analyze the nature of this subject object relation. In the course of analyzing reflection the transcendental preconditions of “man’s realization of the world” (Weltvollzug) will be articulated. Thereby man — while performing this act of reflection — arrives at a critical approach toward self-comprehension.
The Global Community – Yearbook of International Law and Jurisprudence 2019, 2020
The article explores the dialectic of power and law as exemplified in the ambiguous status of sov... more The article explores the dialectic of power and law as exemplified in the ambiguous status of sovereignty, in particular in the Charter and practice of the United Nations Organization. One of the main challenges for the rule of law, whether domestic or international, is how to enforce legal norms without privileging the enforcers. This is where sovereignty has revealed its dual face in relations between states. Unlike domestic constitutional systems, the framework of norms of the United Nations lacks basic elements of a separation of powers, granting special status to states that were the most powerful upon the organization’s foundation. The Charter’s principle of sovereign equality stands in direct contradiction to the norms regulating the use of coercive powers by the Security Council. Analyzing multilateral as well as unilateral sanctions regimes, the article explains how the antagonism between equality and “coercive privilege” has enabled major global players to evade scrutiny of their conduct, and proposes an amendment of the wording of Article 27(3) of the Charter.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Editorial Note
Preliminary Remarks
I: Power in International Relations... more TABLE OF CONTENTS
Editorial Note
Preliminary Remarks
I: Power in International Relations
* Power and World Order – Speech at the Turn of the Year * Idea and Politics of World Order * The Struggle for World Order * Human Rights and Global Power Politics
II: Culture and Peace
* Philosophy of Co-existence and Dialogue among Civilizations * The Role of Culture in Establishing Dialogue and Cooperation in Post-con flict Situations
III: The Nuclear Dilemma
* Nuclear Arms and International Law * Politics of Peace in the Nuclear Age
IV: MMXXII – War in Europe
* War and the Deceptive Arrogance of Great Powers * Grave Escalation in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict * Russia-Ukraine: What Peaceful Coexistence? * Blueprint for Peace in Ukraine
Annex
* Statement on the Occasion of the 50th Founding Anniversary of the International Progress Organization
The present text, published as no. 36 of the series “Studies in International Relations," is an e... more The present text, published as no. 36 of the series “Studies in International Relations," is an expanded version of a lecture delivered by the President of the International Progress Organization at the conference, “The Rise of Asia in Global History and Perspective: 60 Years after Belgrade – What Non-alignment in a Multipolar World?" at the University of Le Havre, France, on 11 February 2021.
The publication briefly documents and analyzes Austria's relationship, in the mid-1950s, with countries that later became founders of the Non-aligned Movement. In the decade after World War II, Austrian diplomacy was focused on the conclusion of a “State Treaty" with the Allied occupying powers, to bring about the withdrawal of all foreign troops. Köchler's analysis uncovers a largely hidden aspect of the history of modern Austria, namely the role of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in the reemergence – amidst the superpower rivalry of the Cold War – of Austria as a sovereign state.
In Chapter I – “Neutrality as non-alignment" – the author describes the intensive and constructive cooperation of the founding fathers of Austria's second Republic with leading figures of the Bandung Conference (1955), in particular President Sukarno of Indonesia and Prime Minister Nehru of India. He explains the structural connection, well appreciated by Austrian politicians at the time, between the principles of non-alignment and a strict definition of neutrality in the sense of non-participation in any military alliance. Reference is also made to the importance given to “neutrality" in the 19th century concert of European Powers, after the Napoleonic wars, when the Vienna Congress (1815) declared that it was "in the general interest" that Switzerland should enjoy the “benefit of perpetual neutrality." The analysis of the historical part is based on contemporary reports and comments as well as archival documents, including confidential diplomatic memoranda from Austria and the United States. Köchler underlines the special importance of the “Moscow Memorandum" of 1955, signed by Austria and the Soviet Union, for the conclusion of the Austrian State Treaty with the Allied Powers after World War II. The Memorandum set down Austria's commitment to adopt, once the withdrawal of all foreign troops had been achieved, a status of permanent neutrality according to the model of Switzerland.
Chapter II – “Redefining neutrality" – juxtaposes the country's early commitment to a strictly non-aligned foreign policy with today's ever closer integration into the North Atlantic security architecture, a development that has undermined Austria's status of permanent neutrality. The author refers to the close cooperation of Austrian Chancellor (Prime Minister) Bruno Kreisky (during the 1970s and early 1980s) with Asian, African and Latin American countries in support of a North-South Dialogue, and a New International Economic Order in particular. He further describes the paradigmatic change of Austrian foreign policy in the post-Kreisky era when Austria decided to join the European Union as full member, which led to a redefinition of the concept of neutrality, a process that brought about the country's regular participation in military activities within the framework of the European Union and NATO.
The publication is complemented by a detailed bibliography, including historical documents, and the reproduction of several rare historical photographs. The Annex contains a reprint of the text of a message of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to the delegates of the International Progress Organization's conference on "The Principles of Non-alignment," which the author of the present book convened in 1982 in Baghdad.
The controversy around Kastellorizo, the most remote Greek
island – situated more than 500 km fro... more The controversy around Kastellorizo, the most remote Greek island – situated more than 500 km from mainland Greece, but less than 3 km from the Turkish coast, in the Eastern Mediterranean, has highlighted major systemic problems of the law of the sea in its present state. The position paper of the International Progress Organization examines the development of international law since President Truman’s “Proclamation on the Continental Shelf” shortly after World War II, analyzes the problems that result from the rapid expansion of national jurisdictions over vast areas of the ocean, and describes the conflictual constellation in the Eastern Mediterranean. The dispute over maritime jurisdiction around Kastellorizo goes well beyond the bilateral or regional dimension. It has laid bare the difficulties, legal as well as political, that follow from the application of the principle that “the land dominates the sea.”
1. The Voting Procedure in the UN Security Council and Traditional Power Politics
2. The (Indirec... more 1. The Voting Procedure in the UN Security Council and Traditional Power Politics 2. The (Indirect) Embodiment of the Veto in the UN Charter 3. The Veto Privilege as Major Impediment to the Achievement of Collective Security 4. The Origin of the Controversy over the Voting Privilege in the United Nations 5. The Specific Abuse of the Veto for Reasons of Power Politics a. The Double Veto b. Circumventing the Abstention Clause 6. The Veto and the Sovereign Equality of States (Analysis of a Normative Contradiction) 7. The Abolition of the Veto as the Only Alternative to Traditional Power Politics
von Amerika, bei seiner als "Friedensrede" bekanntgewordenen Ansprache anlässlich der Graduierung... more von Amerika, bei seiner als "Friedensrede" bekanntgewordenen Ansprache anlässlich der Graduierungsfeier an der American University in Washington D.C. am 10. Juni 1963.
Uploads
Papers by Hans Koechler
(II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht
(III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Volkssouveränität
(IV) Das Dilemma von Recht und Macht
(V) Bilanz: Conditio humana und kollektives Handeln
ANHANG:
"Gespräche in Graubünden" -- Chronologie und Bibliographie
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik
(II) Das Entlastungsparadox
(III) Realitätsverlust
(IV) Folgen für die res publica: Die Trivialisierung des Öffentlichen
(V) Conclusio: Die Irreduzibilität des Bewusstseins
* Anhang: Ausgewählte Texte zum Digitalzeitalter
(II) Die Hermeneutik der Macht
(III)nSouveräne Gleichheit und Volkssouveränität
(IV) Das Dilemma von Recht und Macht
(V) Bilanz: Conditio humana und kollektives Handeln
ANHANG:
"Gespräche in Graubünden" -- Chronologie und Bibliographie
* Persönliche Vorbemerkung
(I) Anthropologie der Technik
(II) Das Entlastungsparadox
(III) Realitätsverlust
(IV) Folgen für die res publica: Die Trivialisierung des Öffentlichen
(V) Conclusio: Die Irreduzibilität des Bewusstseins
* Anhang: Ausgewählte Texte zum Digitalzeitalter
Editorial Note
Preliminary Remarks
I: Power in International Relations
* Power and World Order – Speech at the Turn of the Year
* Idea and Politics of World Order
* The Struggle for World Order
* Human Rights and Global Power Politics
II: Culture and Peace
* Philosophy of Co-existence and Dialogue among Civilizations
* The Role of Culture in Establishing Dialogue and Cooperation in Post-con
flict Situations
III: The Nuclear Dilemma
* Nuclear Arms and International Law
* Politics of Peace in the Nuclear Age
IV: MMXXII – War in Europe
* War and the Deceptive Arrogance of Great Powers
* Grave Escalation in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict
* Russia-Ukraine: What Peaceful Coexistence?
* Blueprint for Peace in Ukraine
Annex
* Statement on the Occasion of the 50th Founding Anniversary of the
International Progress Organization
Bibliographical References
List of Abbreviations
Index of Names
The publication briefly documents and analyzes Austria's relationship, in the mid-1950s, with countries that later became founders of the Non-aligned Movement. In the decade after World War II, Austrian diplomacy was focused on the conclusion of a “State Treaty" with the Allied occupying powers, to bring about the withdrawal of all foreign troops. Köchler's analysis uncovers a largely hidden aspect of the history of modern Austria, namely the role of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in the reemergence – amidst the superpower rivalry of the Cold War – of Austria as a sovereign state.
In Chapter I – “Neutrality as non-alignment" – the author describes the intensive and constructive cooperation of the founding fathers of Austria's second Republic with leading figures of the Bandung Conference (1955), in particular President Sukarno of Indonesia and Prime Minister Nehru of India. He explains the structural connection, well appreciated by Austrian politicians at the time, between the principles of non-alignment and a strict definition of neutrality in the sense of non-participation in any military alliance. Reference is also made to the importance given to “neutrality" in the 19th century concert of European Powers, after the Napoleonic wars, when the Vienna Congress (1815) declared that it was "in the general interest" that Switzerland should enjoy the “benefit of perpetual neutrality." The analysis of the historical part is based on contemporary reports and comments as well as archival documents, including confidential diplomatic memoranda from Austria and the United States. Köchler underlines the special importance of the “Moscow Memorandum" of 1955, signed by Austria and the Soviet Union, for the conclusion of the Austrian State Treaty with the Allied Powers after World War II. The Memorandum set down Austria's commitment to adopt, once the withdrawal of all foreign troops had been achieved, a status of permanent neutrality according to the model of Switzerland.
Chapter II – “Redefining neutrality" – juxtaposes the country's early commitment to a strictly non-aligned foreign policy with today's ever closer integration into the North Atlantic security architecture, a development that has undermined Austria's status of permanent neutrality. The author refers to the close cooperation of Austrian Chancellor (Prime Minister) Bruno Kreisky (during the 1970s and early 1980s) with Asian, African and Latin American countries in support of a North-South Dialogue, and a New International Economic Order in particular. He further describes the paradigmatic change of Austrian foreign policy in the post-Kreisky era when Austria decided to join the European Union as full member, which led to a redefinition of the concept of neutrality, a process that brought about the country's regular participation in military activities within the framework of the European Union and NATO.
The publication is complemented by a detailed bibliography, including historical documents, and the reproduction of several rare historical photographs. The Annex contains a reprint of the text of a message of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to the delegates of the International Progress Organization's conference on "The Principles of Non-alignment," which the author of the present book convened in 1982 in Baghdad.
island – situated more than 500 km from mainland Greece, but
less than 3 km from the Turkish coast, in the Eastern
Mediterranean, has highlighted major systemic problems of the
law of the sea in its present state. The position paper of the
International Progress Organization examines the development
of international law since President Truman’s “Proclamation on
the Continental Shelf” shortly after World War II, analyzes the
problems that result from the rapid expansion of national
jurisdictions over vast areas of the ocean, and describes the
conflictual constellation in the Eastern Mediterranean. The
dispute over maritime jurisdiction around Kastellorizo goes well
beyond the bilateral or regional dimension. It has laid bare the
difficulties, legal as well as political, that follow from the
application of the principle that “the land dominates the sea.”
2. The (Indirect) Embodiment of the Veto in the UN Charter
3. The Veto Privilege as Major Impediment to the Achievement of Collective Security
4. The Origin of the Controversy over the Voting Privilege in the United Nations
5. The Specific Abuse of the Veto for Reasons of Power Politics
a. The Double Veto
b. Circumventing the Abstention Clause
6. The Veto and the Sovereign Equality of States (Analysis of a Normative Contradiction)
7. The Abolition of the Veto as the Only Alternative to Traditional Power Politics
===========
Roundtable Consultation hosted by the International Progress Organization --
Istanbul, 12 September 2024